GIFT   OF        4    t 
MICHAEL  REE&E 


PREFACE 


THESE  KECOLLECTIONS  grew  out  of  a  long  deferred  pur 
pose  to  publish  a  selection  of  my  speeches  on  public 
questions,  but  in  collecting  them  it  became  manifest 
that  they  should  be  accompanied  or  preceded  by  a  statement  of 
the  circumstances  that  attended  their  delivery.  The  attempt 
to  furnish  such  a  statement  led  to  a  review  of  the  chief  events 
of  my  public  life,  which  covers  the  period  extending  from 
1854  to  the  present  time.  The  sectional  trouble  that  preceded 
the  Civil  War,  the  war  itself  with  all  its  attendant  horrors  and 
sacrifices,  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the  reconstruction  meas 
ures,  and  the  vast  and  unexampled  progress  of  the  republic 
in  growth  and  development  since  the  war,  presented  a  topic 
worthy  of  a  better  historian  than  I  am.  Still,  as  my  life  was 
interwoven  with  these  events,  I  concluded  that  it  was  better 
that  I  state  my  recollection  of  what  I  saw  or  heard  or  did 
in  those  stirring  times  rather  than  what  I  said.  Whether 
this  conclusion  was  a  wise  one  the  reader  must  judge.  Ego 
tism  is  a  natural  trait  of  mankind.  If  it  is  exhibited  in  a 
moderate  degree  we  pardon  it  with  a  smile;  if  it  is  excessive 
we  condemn  it  as  a  weakness.  The  life  of  one  man  is  but  an 
atom,  but  if  it  is  connected  with  great  events  it  shares  in 
their  dignity  and  importance.  Influenced  by  this  reasoning 
I  concluded  to  postpone  the  publication  of  my  speeches  except 
so  far  as  they  are  quoted  or  described  in  these  memoirs. 

When  I  entered  upon  their  preparation  the  question  arose 
whether  the  book  to  be  written  was  to  be  of  my  life,  includ 
ing  ancestry  and  boyhood,  or  to  be  confined  to  the  financial 
history  of  the  United  States  with  which  I  was  mainly  iden 
tified.  This  was  settled  by  the  publishers,  who  were  more 
interested  in  the  number  of  •  copies  they  could  sell  than  in 
the  finances  of  the  United  States. 

iii 


104426 


iv  PREFACE. 

Every  man  has  a  theory  of  finance  of  his  own,  and  is 
indifferent  to  any  other.  At  best  the  subject  is  a  dry  one. 
Still,  the  problem  of  providing  money  to  carry  on  the  expen 
sive  operations  of  a  great  war,  and  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  the  vast  debt  created  during  the  war,  was  next  in  impor 
tance  to  the  conduct  of  armies,  and  those  who  were  engaged 
in  solving-  this  problem  were  as  much  soldiers  as  the  men 
who  were  carrying  muskets  or  commanding  armies.  As  one 
of  these  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  present  the  measures  adopted 
and  to  claim  for  them  such  merit  as  they  deserve. 

These  volumes  do  contain  the  true  history  of  the  chief 
financial  measures  of  the  United  States  government  during 
the  past  forty  years.  My  hope  is  that  those  who  read  them 
will  be  able  to  correct  the  wild  delusions  of  many  honest 
citizens  who  became  infected  with  the  "greenback  craze,"  or 
the  "free  coinage  of  silver." 

My  chief  regret  is  that  the  limit  of  these  volumes  did  not 
permit  me  to  extend  my  narrative  to  the  memorable  battles 
and  marches  of  the  Civil  War,  nor  to  a  more  general  notice 
of  my  associates  who  distinguished  themselves  in  civil  life. 
The  omission  of  military  narrative  is  admirably  compensated 
by  the  memoirs  of  the  great  commanders  on  either  side,  and 
better  yet  by  the  vast  collection  and  publication,  by  the 
United  States,  of  the  "  Records  of  the  Rebellion."  The  attempt 
to  include  in  these  volumes  my  estimate  of  distinguished 
men  still  living  who  participated  in  the  events  narrated 
would  greatly  extend  them  and  might  lead  to  injustice. 

One  of  the  fortunate  results  of  the  Civil  War  has  been  to 
diminish  the  sectional  prejudice  that  previously  existed  both 
in  the  north  and  in  the  south.  I  would  not  check  this  tend 
ency,  but  will  gladly  contribute  in  every  way  possible  to  a 
hearty  union  of  the  people  of  all  sections  of  our  country, 
not  only  in  matters  of  government,  but  also  in  ties  of  good 
will,  mutual  respect  and  fraternity.  The  existence  of  slavery 
in  some  of  the  states  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  its  abo 
lition  was  the  most  important  result  of  the  war.  So  great  a 
change  naturally  led  to  disorder  and  violence  where  slavery 
had  existed,  but  this  condition,  it  is  believed,  is  passing  away. 


PREFACE.  v 

Therefore  I  have  not  entered  in  detail  into  the  measures 
adopted  as  the  result  of  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

This  preface  is  hardly  necessary,  but  I  comply  with  the 
general  custom  of  adding  at  the  beginning,  instead  of  the  end, 
an  apology  for  writing  a  book.  This  seems  to  me  to  be  the 
chief  object  of  a  preface,  and  I  add  to  it  an  appeal  for  the 
kindly  consideration  of  the  readers  of  these  volumes. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  August  30,  1895. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

VOLUN1K    I. 


PAGE 


JOHN  SHERMAN Frontispiece 

DEDHAM  STREET,  DEDHAM,  ESSEX  COUNTY,  ENGLAND 4 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  JOHN   SHERMAN  AT  LANCASTER,  OHIO     ....  28 

JOHN   SHERMAN  AT  THE   AGE  OF  NINETEEN 40 

MR.  SHERMAN  AT  THE  AGE  OF  TWENTY-THREE 64 

CHARLES  T.  SHERMAN 78 

FIRST  COURT  HOUSE  AT  MANSFIELD,   OHIO 86 

MR.  SHERMAN'S  FIRST  HOME  IN  MANSFIELD,  OHIO 92 

KANSAS  INVESTIGATING  COMMITTEE 116 

MR.  SHERMAN  AT  THE  AGE  OF  THIRTY-FIVE 128 

MR.  SHERMAN'S  FIRST  RESIDENCE  IN  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.     .     .     .  168 

SENATOR  JUSTIN  S.  MORRILL 182 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 232 

GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN 314 

THREE  OHIO  GOVERNORS — DENNISON,  TOD,  BROUGH 324 

COLFAX,  DOUGLAS,  FESSENDEN,  EWING  (Group.) 338 

EDWIN   M.  STANTON 356 

U.  S.  GRANT 448 

UNITED  STATES  SENATORS — 43RD  CONGRESS 489-490 

MR.  SHERMAN'S  PRESENT  RESIDENCE  AT  MANSFIELD,  OHIO     .     .     .  554 

OFFICE  OF  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.  566 

LIBRARY  OF  MR.  SHERMAN'S  MANSFIELD   RESIDENCE 584 


(vii) 


AUTOGRAPH   LETTERS 


VOLUME;    I. 


CERTIFICATE  OF  ADMISSION  TO  PRACTICE  IN  SUPREME  COURT,  Jan 
uary  21,  1852 54 

T.  EWING,  December  31,  1848 90 

WM.  H.  SEWARD,  September  20,  1852 96 

CERTIFICATE  OF  ELECTION   AS    UNITED    STATES    REPRESENTATIVE, 

December  9,  1854 105 

JUSTIN  S.  MORRILL,  April  1, 1861 233 

W.  B.  ALLISON,  March  23,  1861 234 

JOHN  A.  Dix,  February  6,  1861 252 

J.  A.  GARFIELD,  May  17,  1862 • 266 

SIMON  CAMERON,  November  14,  1861 267 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  December  7,  1862 321 

HORACE  GREELEY,  February  7,  1865 359 

THURLOW  WEED,  February  28,  1866 368 

SCHUYLER  COLFAX,  February  17,  1868 420 

VOTE  ON  THE  IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  May  16,  and  26, 

1868 * 428 

U.  S.  GRANT,  June  14,  1871 445 

M.  H.  CARPENTER,  July  20,  1871 478 

ROSCOE  CONKLING,  October  13,  1871 479 

J.  A.  GARFIELD,  September  25, 1874 505 

R.  B.  HAYES,  June  19,  1876 551 

R.  B.  HAYES,  February  19,  1877 562  and  563 

CYRUS  W.  FIELD,  March  6,  1877 564 

WM.  M.  EVARTS,  August  30,  1877 593 


(ix) 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

VOLAJMK  I. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ANCESTRY    OF    THE    SHERMAN    FAMILY. 

PAGES 

Family  Name  Is  of  Saxon  Origin  —  "Conquer  Death  by  Virtue"  —  Arrival 
of  Rev.  John  Sherman  at  Boston  in  1634  —  General  Sherman's  Reply 
to  an  English  Sexton  —  Career  of  Daniel  Sherman  —  My  First  Visit 
to  Woodbury  —  "  Sherman's  Tannery  " —  Anecdote  of  "  Uncle  Dan  " — 
Sketch  of  My  Father  and  Mother —  Address  to  Enlisting  Soldiers  — 
General  Reese's  Account  of  My  Father's  Career — Religion  of  the 
Sherman  Family  — My  Belief. 1-27 

CHAPTER  II. 

MY    BOYHOOD    DAYS    AND    EARLY    LIFE. 

Born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10,  1823  — Death  of  My  Father  and  Its  Effect 
on  Our  Family  —  Early  Days  at  School  —  A  Dead  Sheep  in  the  School 
room —  Lesson  in  Sunday  Sport  —  Some  of  My  Characteristics  —  My 
Attack  on  the  Schoolmaster  —  Robbing  an  Orchard — A  Rodman  at 
Fourteen  and  My  Experiences  While  Surveying — Debates  at  Beverly  — 
Early  Use  of  Liquor  —  First  Visit  to  Mansfield  in  1839  —  The  Famous 
Campaign  of  1840  —  I  Begin  the  Study  of  Law 28-55 

CHAPTER  III. 

OHIO  ;    ITS    HISTORY    AND    RESOURCES. 

Occupation  by  the  Indians  —  "Washington's  Expedition  to  the  Head  of  the 
Ohio  River  —  Commencement  of  the  History  of  the  State  —  Topogra 
phy,  Characteristics,  etc.,  in  1787  —  Arrival  of  the  First  Pioneers  — 
The  Treaty  of  Greenville  —  Census  of  1802  Showed  a  Population  of 
45,028  Persons  —  Occupation  of  the  "Connecticut  Reserve"  —  Era  of 
Internal  Improvement  —  Value  of  Manufactures  in  1890  —  Vast  Re 
sources  of  the  Buckeye  State— Love  of  the  "Ohio  Man"  for  His  Na 
tive  State 56-77 

CHAPTER  IV. 

ADMISSION    TO    THE    BAR    AND    EARLY    POLITICAL    LIFE. 

Law  Partnership  with  My  Brother  Charles  —  Changes  in  Methods  of  Court 
Practice  —  Obtaining  the  Right  of  Way  for  a  Railroad  —  Excitement 
of  the  Mexican  War  and  Its  Effect  on  the  Country  —  My  First  Visit  to 
Washington  —  At  a  Banquet  with  Daniel  Webster  —  New  York  Fifty 
Years  Ago  —  Marriage  with  Margaret  Cecilia  Stewart  —  Beginning  of 
My  Political  Life  —  Belief  in  the  Doctrine  of  Protection  —  Democratic 
and  WThig  Conventions  of  1852  —  The  Slavery  Question  —  Mv  Election 

to  Congress  in  1854 78-109 

(xi) 


xii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    V. 

EAKLY    DAYS    IN   CONGRESS. 

PAGES 

My  First  Speech  in  the  House  —  Struggle  for  the  Possession  of  Kansas  —  Ap 
pointed  as  a  Member  of  the  Kansas  Investigating  Committee  —  The 
Invasion  of  March  30,  1855 — Exciting  Scenes  in  the  Second  District 
of  Kansas  —  Similar  Violence  in  Other  Territorial  Districts  —  Return 
and  Report  of  the  Committee —  No  Relief  Afforded  the  People  of  Kan 
sas  —  Men  of  Distinction  in  the  34th  Congress — Long  Intimacy  with 
Schuyler  Colfax 110-135 


CHAPTER    VI. 

BIRTH  OP  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  Name  Formally  Adopted  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  in  1854  —Nomination  of 
John  C.  Fremont  at  Philadelphia — Democratic  Convention  Nominates 
James  Buchanan  —  Effect  of  the  Latter's  Election  on  the  North  —  My 
Views  Concerning  President  Pierce  and  His  Administration  —  French 
Spoliation  Claims  —  First  Year  of  Buchanan's  Administration — Dred 
Scott  Case  Decision  by  the  Supreme  Court  —  The  Slavery  Question 
Once  More  an  Issue  in  Congress — Douglas'  Opposition  to  the  Lecomp- 
ton  Scheme — Turning  Point  of  the  Slavery  Controversy 136-152 


CHAPTER    Vll. 

RECOLLECTIONS    OF   THE    FINANCIAL    PANIC    OF    1857. 

Its  Effect  on  the  State  Banks — My  Maiden  Speech  in  Congress  on  National 
Finances  —  Appointed  a  Member  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  — 
Investigation  of  the  Navy  Department  and  Its  Results  —  Trip  to 
Europe  with  Mrs.  Sherman  —  We  Visit  Braeklinn's  Bridge,  Made  Fa 
mous  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  —  Ireland  and  the  Irish  —  I  Pay  a  Visit  to 
Parliament  and  Obtain  Ready  Admission  —  Notable  Places  in  Paris 
Viewed  with  Senator  Sumner  —  The  Battlefield  of  Magenta  —  Return 
Home.  .  ,  ,  .  ,  .....  153-166 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

EXCITING    SCENES    IN    CONGRESS. 

I  am  Elected  for  the  Third  Term  — Invasion  of  Virginia  by  John  Brown  —  His 
Trial  and  Execution  —  Spirited  Contest  for  the  Speakership —  Discus 
sion  Over  Helper's  "Impending  Crisis" — Angry  Controversies  and 
Threats  of  Violence  in  the  House—  Within  Three  Votes  of  Election  as 
Speaker  —  My  Reply  to  Clark's  Attack  —  Withdrawal  of  rny  Name  and 
Election  of  Mr.  Pennington  —  Made  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  —  President  Buchanan  Objects  to  Being  "Investi 
gated  "  —  Adoption  of  the  Morrill  Tariff  Act — Views  Upon  the  Tariff 
Question  —  My  Colleagues 167-196 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER    IX. 

LAST    DAYS    OF    THE    BUCHANAN    ADMINISTRATION. 

PAGES 

My  First  Appearance  Before  a  New  York  Audience —  Lincoln's  Nomination  at 
the  Chicago  Convention  —  I  Engage  Actively  in  the  Presidential  Can 
vass  —  Making  Speeches  for  Lincoln  —  My  Letter  to  Philadelphia  Citi 
zens  —  Acts  of  Secession  by  Southern  States  —  How  the  South  was 
Equipped  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  —  Buchanan's  Strange  Doc 
trine  Regarding  State  Control  by  the  General  Government  —  Schemes 
"To  Save  the  Country"  —  My  Reply  to  Mr.  Pendleton  on  the  Condi 
tion  of  the  Impending  Revolution  —  The  Ohio  Delegation  in  the  36th 
Congress  —  Retrospection 197-230 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE    BEGINNING    OF    LINCOLN'S    FIRST    ADMINISTRATION. 

Arrival  of  the  President  Elect  at  Washington — Impressiveness  of  His  Inaugu 
ral  Address  —  I  am  Elected  Senator  from  Ohio  to  Succeed  Salmon  P. 
Chase  —  Letters  Written  to  and  Received  from  My  Brother  William  Te- 
cumseh —  His  Arrival  at  Washington  —  A  Dark  Period  in  the  History 
of  the  Country  —  Letter  to  General  Sherman  on  the  Attack  Upon  Fort 
Sumter  —  Departure  for  Mansfield  to  Encourage  Enlistments — Ohio 
Regiments  Reviewed  by  the  President  —  General  McLaughlin  Compli 
mented  —  My  Visit  to  Ex-President  Buchanan  —  Meeting  Between  my 
Brother  and  Colonel  George  H.  Thomas 231-250 


CHAPTER    XT. 

SPECIAL  SESSION    OF    CONGRESS    TO    PROVIDE    FOR   THE    WAR. 

Condition  of  the  Treasury  Immediately  Preceding  the  War  —  Not  Enough 
Money  on  Hand  to  Pay  Members  of  Congress  —  Value  of  Fractional 
Silver  of  Earlier  Coinage  —  Largely  Increased  Revenues  an  Urgent  Ne 
cessity —  Lincoln's  Message  and  Appeal  to  the  People-  Issue  of  New 
Treasury  Notes  and  Bonds  —  Union  Troops  on  the  Potomac  —  Battle 
of  Bull  Run  —  Organization  of  the  "  Sherman  Brigade"  —  The  Presi 
dent's  Timely  Aid— Personnel  of  the  Brigade 251-267 


CHAPTER   XII. 

PASSAGE  OF  THE  LEGAL  TENDER  ACT  IN  1862. 

My  Interview  with  Lincoln  About  Ohio  Appointments  —  Governmental  Ex 
penses  Now  Aggregating  Nearly  $2,000,000  Daily  —  Secretary  Chase's 
Annual  Report  to  Congress  in  December,  1861  —  Treasury  Notes  a. 
Legal  Tender  in  Payment  of  Public  and  Private  Debts — Beneficial  Re 
sults  from  the  Passage  of  the  Bill  —  The  War  Not  a  Question  of  Men, 
but  of  Money — Proposed  Organization  of  National  Banks  —  Bank 
Bills  Not  Taxed — Local  Banks  and  Their  Absorption  by  the  Govern 
ment—The  1862  Issue  of  $150,000,000  in  "  Greenbacks  "  —  Legal 
Tender  Act  a  Turning  Point  in  Our  Financial  History  —  Compensation 
of  Officers  of  the  Government.  .  268-283 


XIT  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

ABOLISHMENT    OF    THE    STATE    BANKS. 

PAGES 

Measures  Introduced  to  Tax  Them  out  of  Existence  —  Arguments  That  Induced 
Congress  to  Deprive  Them  of  the  Power  to  Issue  Their  Bills  as  Money  — 
Bill  to  Provide  a  National  Currency  —  Why  Congress  Authorized  an  Is 
sue  of  $400,000,000  of  United  States  Notes  — Issue  of  5-20  and  10-40 
Bonds  to  Help  to  Carry  on  the  War  —  High  Rates  of  Interest  Paid  — 
Secretary  Chase's  Able  Management  of  the  Public  Debt —  Our  Internal 
Revenue  System  —  Repeal  of  the  Income  Tax  Law  —  My  Views  on  the 
Taxability  of  Incomes 284-309 


CHAPTER   XIV. 
LINCOLN'S  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION. 

Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  Abolished  —  Law  Goes  Into  Effect  on  April 
10, 1 862 — Beginning  of  the  End  of  Slavery—  Military  Measures  in  Con 
gress  to  Carry  on  the  War  —  Response  to  the  President's  Call  —  Benefi 
cial  Effects  of  the  Confiscation  Act  — Visits  to  Soldiers'  Camps—  Rob 
ert  S.  Granger  as  a  Cook  —  How  I  Came  to  Purchase  a  Washington 
Residence — Increase  of  Compensation  to  Senators  and  Members  and 
Its  Effect  —  Excitement  in  Ohio  over  Vallandigham's  Arrest  —  News  of 
the  Fall  of  Vicksburg  and  Defeat  of  Lee  at  Gettysburg  —  John  Brough 
Elected  Governor  of  Ohio  —  Its  Effect  on  the  State.  310-328 


CHAPTER  XV. 

A    MEMORABLE    SESSION    OF    CONGRESS. 

Dark  Period  of  the  War —  Effect  of  the  President's  Proclamation  —  Revenue 
Bill  Enacted  Increasing  Internal  Taxes  and  Adding  Many  New  Ob 
jects  of  Taxation —  Additional  Bonds  Issued  —  General  Prosperity  in 
the  North  Following  the  Passage  of  New  Financial  Measures  > —  Aid  for 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company — Land  Grants  to  the  Northern 
Pacific  —  13th  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  —  Resignation  of  Sec 
retary  Chase —  Anecdote  of  Governor  Tod  of  Ohio  —  Nomination  of 
William  P.  Fessenden  to  Succeed  Chase — The  Latter  Made  Chief  Jus 
tice —  Lincoln's  Second  Nomination  —  Effect  of  Vallandigham's  Res 
olution  —  General  Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea  —  Second  Session  of 
the  38th  Congress 329-350 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

ASSASSINATION    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

Johnson's  Maudlin  Stump  Speech  in  the  Senate — Inauguration  of  Lincoln  for 
the  Second  Term  —  My  Trip  to  the  South  —  Paying  Off  a  Church  Debt 
— Meetings  to  Celebrate  the  Success  of  the  Union  Army —  News  of  the 
Death  of  Lincoln  -I  Attend  the  Funeral  Services — General  Johnson's 
Surrender  to  General  Sherman  —  Controversy  with  Secretary  Stanton 
Over  the  Event  -Review  of  65,000  Troops  in  Washington  —  Care  of 
the  Old  Soldiers  — Annual  Pension  List  of  |150,000,000— I  am  Re- 
elected  to  the  Senate — The  Wade-Davis  Bill— Johnson's  Treatment 
of  Public  Men  —  His  Veto  of  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  —  Reorganization  of 
the  Rebel  States  and  Their  Final  Restoration  to  the  Union 351-376 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS.  xt 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

INDEBTEDNESS    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    IN    1865. 

PAGES 

Organization  of  the  Greenback  Party — Total  Debt  on  October  31st  amounts 
to  $2,808, 549,437.55—  Secretary  McCulloch's  Desire  to  Convert  All 
United  States  Notes  into  Interest  Bearing  Bonds — My  Discussion  with 
Senator  Fessenden  Over  the  Finance  Committee's  Bill — Too  Great 
Powers  Conferred  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  His  Desire  to  Re 
tire  $10,000,000  of  United  States  Notes  Each  Month  — Growth  of  the 
Greenback  Party  —  The  Secretary's  Powers  to  Reduce  the  Currency  by 
Retiring  or  Canceling  United  States  Notes  Is  Suspended— Bill  to  Re 
duce  Taxes  and  Provide  Internal  Revenue — My  Trip  to  Laramie  and 
Other  Western  Forts  with  General  Sherman — Beginning  of  the  De 
partment  of  Agriculture 377-394 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THREE    MONTHS    IN    EUROPE. 

Short  Session  of  Congress  Convened  March  4,  1867 — I  Become  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Finance,  Succeeding  Senator  Fessenden — Departure 
for  Europe — Winning  a  Wager  from  a  Sea  Captain — Congressman  •> 
Kasson's  Pistol—  Untfer  Surveillance  by  English  Officers — Impressions 
of  John  Bright,  Disraeli  and  Other  Prominent  Englishmen —  Visit 
to  France,  Belgium,  Holland  and  Germany — An  Audience  with  Bis 
marck —  His  Sympathy  with  the  Union  Cause  —  Wonders  of  the  Paris 
Exposition — Life  in  Paris— Presented  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III 
and  the  Empress  Eugenie  — A  Dinner  at  the  Tuileries — My  Return 
Home — International  Money  Commission  in  Session  at  Paris — Cor 
respondence  with  Commissioner  Ruggles  —  His  Report — Failure  to 
Unify  the  Coinage  of  Nations— Relative  Value  of  Gold  and  Silver.  .  395-412 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

IMPEACHMENT    OF    ANDREW    JOHNSON. 

Judiciary  Committee's  Resolution  Fails  of  Adoption  by  a  Vote  of  57  Yeas  to 
108  Nays  —Johnson's  Attempt  to  Remove  Secretary  Stan  ton  and  Cre 
ate  a  New  Office  for  General  Sherman  — Correspondence  on  the  Subject 
—  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Impeachment,  and  Other  Matters  Per 
taining  to  the  Appointment  of  Lorenzo  Thomas  —  Impeachment 
Resolution  Passed  by  the  House  by  a  Vote  of  126  Yeas  to  47  Nays — 
Johnson's  Trial  by  the  Senate — Acquittal  of  the  President  by  a  Vote 
of  35  Guilty  to  19  Not  Guilty  — Why  I  Favored  Conviction  — General 
Schofield  Becomes  Secretary  of  War— "Tenure  of  Office  Act."  .  .  413-432 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE    FORTIETH    SESSION. 

Legislation  During  the  Two  Years — Further  Reduction  of  the  Currency  by  the 
Secretary  Prohibited  — Report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference  —  Bill 
for  Refunding  the  National  Debt— Amounted  to  $2,639,382,572.68  on 
December  1,  1867—  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  Recommended — 
Refunding  Bill  in  the  Senate  —  Change  in  My  Views — Debate  Partici 
pated  in  by  Nearly  Every  Senator— Why  the  Bill  Failed  to  Become  a 
Law  — Breach  Between  Congress  and  the  President  Paralyzes  Legisla 
tion —  Nomination  and  Election  of  Grant  for  President — His  Corre 
spondence  with  General  Sherman 433-445 


xvi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

BEGINNING    OF   GRANTS    ADMINISTRATION. 

PAGES 

Tlis  Arrival  at  Washington  in  1864  to  Take  Command  of  the  Armies  of  the 
United  States  —  Inaugural  Address  as  President  —  "An  Act  to 
Strengthen  the  Public  Credit"  —  Becomes  a  Law  on  March  19,  1869  — 
Formation  of  the  President's  Cabinet—  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution  —  Bill  to  Fund  the  Public  Debt  and  to  Aid  in  the  Resump 
tion  of  Specie  Payments— Bill  Finally  Agreed  to  by  the  House  and 
Senate — A  Redemption  Stipulation  Omitted  -  Reduction  of  the  Public 
Debt  — Problem  of  Advancing  United  States  Notes  to  Par  with  Coin.  446-458 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

OUR    COINAGE    BEFORE    AND   AFTER    THE    WAR. 

But  Little  Coin  in  Circulation  in  1869  —  General  Use  of  Spanish  Pieces  —  No 
Mention  of  the  Dollar  Piece  in  the  Act  of  1853  — Free  Circulation 
of  Gold  Alter  the  1853  Act  — No  Truth  in  the  "Demonetization " 
Charge —  Account  of  the  Bill  Revising  the  Laws  Relative  to  the  Mint, 
Assay  Offices  and  Coinage  of  the  United  States  —  Why  the  Dollar  was 
Dropped  from  the  Coins  —  Then  Known  Only  as  a  Coin  for  the  For 
eign  Market  —  Establishment  of  the  "  Trade  Dollar  "  —  A  Legal  Tender 
for  Only  Five  Dollars — Repeated  Attempts  to  Have  Congress  Pass  a 
Free  Coinage  Act  —  How  It  Would  Affect  Us  —  Controversy  Between 
Secretary  Sumner  and  Secretary  Fish 459-473 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

SOME    EVENTS    IN    MY    PRIVATE    LIFE. 

Feuds  and  Jealousies  During  Grant's  Administration  —  Attack  on  Me  by  the 
Cincinnati  "  Enquirer  "  —  Reply  and  Statement  Regarding  My  Worldly 
Possessions  —  I  Arn  Elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  Third  Term  —  Trip  to 
the  Pacific  with  Colonel  Scott  and  Party — Visit  to  the  Yosemite  Val 
ley —  San  Diego  in  1872  —  Return  via  Carson  City  and  Salt  Lake  — 
We  call  on  Brigham  Young— Arrival  Home  to  Enter  Into  the  Greeley- 
Grant  Canvass — Election  of  General  Grant  for  the  Second  Term.  .  474-487 


CHAPTER    XX TV. 

THE    PANIC    OF    1873    AND    ITS    RESULTS. 

Failure  of  Jay  Cooke  and  Co.  —  Wild  Schemes  "for  the  Relief  of  the  People" — 
Congress  Called  Upon  for  Help — Finance  Committee's  Report  for  the 
Redemption  of  United  States  Notes  in  Coin  —  Extracts  from  my  Speech 
in  Favor  of  the  Report — Bill  to  fix  the  Amount  of  United  States 
Notes  —  Finally  Passed  by  the  Senate  and  House — Vetoed  by  Presi 
dent  Grant  and  Failure  to  Pass  Over  His  Objection— General  Effect 
Throughout  the  Country  of  the  Struggle  for  Resumption — Impera 
tive  Necessity  for  Providing  Some  Measure  of  Relief 488-506 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xvii 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

BILL    FOR    THE    RESUMPTION   OF    SPECIE    PAYMENTS. 

Decline  in  Value  of  Paper  Money — Meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1874 — 
Senate  Committee  of  Eleven  to  Formulate  a  Bill  to  Advance  United 
States  Notes  to  Par  in  Coin  Widely  Differing  Views  of  the  Mem 
bers —  Redemption  of  Fractional  Currency  Readily  Agreed  to — Other 
Sections  Finally  Adopted  — Means  to  Prepare  for  and  Maintain  Re 
sumption—Report  of  the  Bill  by  the  Committee  on  Finance— Its  Pas 
sage  by  the  Senate  by  a  Vote  of  32  to  14—  Full  Text  of  the  Measure 
and  an  Explanation  of  What  It  Was  Expected  to  Accomplish— Ap 
proval  by  the  House  and  the  President 507-518 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

RESUMPTION    ACT    RECEIVED    WITH    DISFAVOR. 

It  Is  Not  Well  Received  by  Those  Who  Wished  Immediate  Resumption  of 
Specie  Payments  —  Letter  to  "The  Financier"  in  Reply  to  a  Charge 
That  It  Was  a  "  Political  Trick,"  etc.  — The  Ohio  Canvass  of  1875  — 
Finance  Resolutions  in  the  Democratic  and  Republican  Platforms — R. 
B.  Hayes  and  Myself  Talk  in  Favor  of  Resumption — My  Recommenda 
tion  of  Him  for  President — A  Democrat  Elected  as  "Speaker  of  the 
House  — The  Senate  Still  Republican— My  Speech  in  Support  of  Specie 
Payments  Made  March  6,  1876  — What  the  Financial  Policy  of  the 
Government  Should  Be 519-537 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

MY    CONFIDENCE    IN   THE    SUCCESS    OF    RESUMPTION. 

Tendency  of  Democratic  Members  of  Both  Houses  to  Exaggerate  the  Evil 
Times — Debate  Over  the  Bill  to  Provide  for  Issuing  Silver  Coin  in  Place 
of  Fractional  Currency — The  Coinage  Laws  of  the  United  States  and 
Other  Countries — Joint  Resolution  for  the  Issue  of  Silver  Coin — The 
"Trade  Dollar"  Declared  Not  to  Be  a  Legal  Tender— My  Views  on  the 
Free  Coinage  of  Silver — Bill  to  Provide  for  the  Completion  of  the 
Washington  Monument — Resolution  Written  by  Me  on  the  100th  An 
niversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence —  Unanimously  Passed 
in  a  Day  by  Both  Houses  —  Completion  of  the  Structure  Under  the  Act.  538-549 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

THE    HAYES-TILDEN    PRESIDENTIAL    CONTEST. 

Nomination  of  R.  B.  Hayes  for  President— His  Fitness  for  the  Responsible  Of 
fice —  Political  Shrewdness  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  His  Opponent — I  En 
ter  Actively  Into  the  Canvass  in  Ohio  and  Other  States— Frauds  in  the 
South  —  Requested  by  General  Grant  to  Go  to  New  Orleans  and  Wit 
ness  the  Canvassing  of  the  Vote  of  Louisiana — Departure  for  the 
South  —  Personnel  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  "Visitors" — 
Report  of  the  Returning  Board  — My  Letter  to  Governor  Hayes  from 
New  Orleans  — President  Grant's  Last  Message  to  Congress — Letters 
from  President  Hayes  —  Request  to  Become  his  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury 550-564 

S.— 2 


xviii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

I    BEGIN    MY    DUTIES    AS    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

PAGES 

Legislative  Training:  of  Great  Advantage  to  Me  in  My  New  Position  —  Loan 

Contract  in  Force  When  I  Took  the  Portfolio  —Appointment  of  Charles  . 
F.  Conant  as  Funding  Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department  in  London  — 
Redeeming  Called  Bonds  —  Sale  of  Four  Per  Cent  Bonds  Instead  of 
Four  and  a  Half  Per  Cents.  —  Popularity  of  the  New  Loan  —  Great 
Saving  in  Interest  —  On  a  Tour  of  Inspection  Along  the  Northern 
Atlantic  Coast  —  Value  of  Information  Received  on  This  Trip  — 
Effect  of  the  Baltimore  and  Pittsburg  Railroad  Strikes  in  1877  Upon 
Our  Public  Credit.  ,  .  ,  .  .  .  .  565-583 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

POLICY    OF    THE    HAYES    ADMINISTRATION. 

Reception  at  My  Home  in  Mansfield  —  Given  by  Friends  Irrespective  of  Party — 
Introduced  by  My  Old  Friend  and  Partner,  Henry  C  Hedges—  I  Re 
ply  by  Giving  a  Resumed  of  the  Contests  in  South  Carolina  and  Louisi 
ana  to  Decide  Who  Was  Governor  —  Positions  Taken  by  Presidents 
Grant  and  Hayes  in  These  Contests— My  Plans  to  Secure  the  Resump 
tion  of  Specie  Payments  —  Effects  of  a  Depreciated  Currency  —  Duties 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  Two  Modes  of  Resuming — My 
Mansfield  Speech  Printed  Throughout  the  Country  and  in  England  — 
Letters  to  Stanley  Matthews  and  General  Robinson  — Our  Deieat  in 
Ohio  — An  Extra  Session  of  Congress  — Bills  Introduced  to  Repeal  the 
Act  Providing  for  the  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  —  They  All  Fail 
of  Passage— Popular  Subscription  of  Bonds  All  Paid  for 584-602 


CHAPTER    I. 
ANCESTRY  OF  THE  SHERMAN  FAMILY. 

Family  Name  is  of  Saxon  Origin  —  "Conquer  Death  by  Virtue"— Arrival  of  Rev. 

John  Sherman  at  Boston  in  1634  — General  Sherman's  Reply  to  an  English 

Sexton  —  Career  of  Daniel  Sherman  — My  First  Visit  to  Woodbury  — 

"  Sherman's  Tannery  "—  Anecdote  of  "  Uncle  Dan"  —  Sketch  of 

My  Father  and  Mother— Address  to  Enlisting  Soldiers  — 

General   Reese's   Account   of   My   Father's 

Career  —  Religion  of  the  Sherman 

Family  —  My  Belief. 

THE  family  name  of  Sherman  is,  no  doubt,  of  Saxon 
origin.  It  is  very  common  along  the  Rhine,  and  in 
different  parts  of  the  German  Empire.  It  is  there 
written  Shearmann  or  Schurmann.  I  found  it  in 
Frankfort  and  Berlin.  The  English  Shermans  lived  chiefly 
in  Essex  and  Suffolk  counties  near  the  east  coast,  and  in 
London.  The  name  appears  frequently  in  local  records. 
One  Sherman  was  executed  for  taking  the  unsuccessful  side 
in  a  civil  war.  It  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  16th  cen 
tury  that  any  of  the  name  assumed  the  arms,  crest,  and  motto 
justified  by  their  pride,  property  or  standing.  The  motto  taken, 
"  Conquer  Death  by  Virtue,"  is  a  rather  meaningless  phrase. 
It  is  modest  enough,  and  indicates  a  religious  turn  of  mind. 
Nearly  every  family  of  the  name  furnished  a  preacher.  A  few 
members  of  it  attained  the  dignity  of  knighthood.  A  greater 
number  became  landed  property-holders,  and  more  were  en 
gaged  in  trade  in  London.  Sir  Henry  Sherman  was  one  of  the 
executors  of  the  will  of  Lord  Stanley,  Earl  of  Derby,  May  23, 
1521.  William  Sherman,  Esq.,  purchased  Knightston  in  the 
time  of  Henry  VIII;  and  a  monument  to  him  is  in  Ottery  St. 
Mary,  dated  1542.  As  a  rule  the  family  belonged  to  the  middle 
class  and  were  engaged  in  active  occupation,  earning  their  own 
bread,  with  a  strong  sense  of  their  rights  and  liberties  as 
Englishmen. 

(i) 


2"-  -RECOLLECTIONS 

The  principal  family  of  the  name  in  the  16th  century  were 
the  Shermans  of  Yaxley  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  a  full  detail 
of  which  is  given  in  Davy's  Collections  of  that  county.  Ed- 
mond  Sherman,  my  ancestor,  wras  a  member  of  this  family. 
He  was  born  in  1585  and  was  married  to  Judith  Angier,  May 
26,  1611.  He  resided  in  Dedham,  Essex  county,  England,  then 
a  place  of  some  importance.  He  was  a  manufacturer  of  cloth, 
a  man  of  means  and  high  standing.  He  was  a  Puritan,  with 
all  the  faults  and  virtues  of  a  sectary.  He  resisted  ship- 
money  and  the  tax  unlawfully  imposed  on  tonnage  and 
poundage.  He  had  the  misfortune  to  live  at  the  time  when 
Charles  I  undertook  to  dispense  with  Parliament,  and  to 
impose  unlawful  taxes  and  burdens  upon  the  people  of  Eng 
land,  and  when  the  privileges  of  the  nobility  were  enforced 
with  great  severity  by  judges  dependent  upon  the  crown. 
He  had  three  sons,  John,  baptized  on  the  4th  of  January, 
1614;  Edmond,  baptized  June  18,  1616,  and  Samuel,  bap 
tized  July  12,  1618.  He  had  a  nephew,  known  as  "Captain 
John,"  somewhat  older  than  his  sons,  who  was  an  active  man 
in  1634. 

At  this  time  the  migration  to  Boston,  caused  chiefly  by 
the  tyranny  of  Charles  I,  was  in  active  operation.  Hume,  in 
his  history,  says: 

"  The  Puritans,  restrained  in  England,  shipped  themselves  off  for 
America,  and  laid  there  the  foundations  of  a  government  which  possessed 
all  the  liberty,  both  civil  and  religious,  of  which  they  found  themselves 
bereaved  in  their  native  country.  But  their  enemies,  unwilling  that  they 
should  anywhere  enjoy  ease  and  contentment,  and  dreading,  perhaps,  the 
dangerous  consequences  of  so  disaffected  a  colony,  prevailed  on  the  king  to 
issue  a  proclamation,  debarring  these  devotees  access,  even  into  those  in 
hospitable  deserts.  Eight  ships,  lying  in  the  Thames,  and  ready  to  sail, 
were  detained  by  order  of  the  council;  and  in  these  were  embarked  Sir 
Arthur  Hazelrig,  John  Hampden,  John  Pym,  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  who 
had  resolved,  forever,  to  abandon  their  native  country,  and  fly  to  the  other 
extremity  of  the  globe;  where  they  might  enjoy  lectures  and  discourses,  of 
any  length  or  form,  which  pleased  them.  The  king  had  afterwards  full 
leisure  to  repent  this  exercise  of  his  authority." 

It  appears  that,  influenced  by  the  same  motives,  Edmond 
Sherman  determined  to  remove  his  family,  with  his  nephew, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  3 

"Captain  John,"  to  Boston.  In  one  statement  made  in  respect 
to  them  it  is  said  that  the  father  and  his  three  sons  and 
nephew  embarked  for  Boston,  but  this  is  doubtful.  It  is  cer 
tain,  however,  that  his  son,  Rev.  John  Sherman  and  his  son 
Samuel,  and  his  nephew  "Captain  John/'  did  go  to  Boston  in 
1634.  It  is  quite  as  certain  that  if  they  were  accompanied  by 
their  father  and  their  brother  Edmond,  that  the  two  lat 
ter  returned  again  to  Dedham  in  1636.  Edmond  Sherman, 
senior,  lived  and  died  at  Dedham.  One  of  his  descendants, 
Rev.  Henry  Beers  Sherman,  a  few  years  ago  visited  Dedham 
and  there  found  one  of  the  church  windows  of  stained  glass 
bearing  the  initials  of  Edmond  Sherman  as  having  been  his 
gift,  and  the  record  shows  that  one  of  the  buttresses  of  the 
church  was  erected  at  his  expense.  Mr.  Henry  Beers  Sher 
man  there  saw  the  pupils  of  a  free  school,  endowed  by  Ed 
mond  Sherman  and  still  in  operation,  attending  the  church  in 
procession. 

When  in  London,  in  the  summer  of  1889,  I  concluded  to 
make  a  visit  to  "the  graves  of  my  ancestors."  I  examined 
Black's  Universal  Atlas  to  locate  Dedham,  but  it  was  not  to  be 
found.  I  made  inquiries,  but  could  discover  no  one  who  knew 
anything  about  Dedham,  and  concluded  there  was  no  such 
place,  although  I  had  often  read  of  it.  I  was  compelled,  there 
fore,  to  give  up  my  visit. 

Senator  Hoar,  a  descendant,  through  his  mother,  of  Roger 
Sherman  of  Revolutionary  fame,  was  more  fortunate  or  more 
persistent  than  I,  for  he  subsequently  found  Dedham  and  veri 
fied  the  accounts  we  had  of  our  common  ancestor,  and  procured 
photographs,  copies  of  which  I  have,  of  the  monument  of  Ed 
mond  Sherman,  of  the  church  near  which  he  was  buried,  and 
of  the  handsome  school  building,  still  called  "the  Sherman  Li 
brary,"  that  he  had  left  by  his  will  for  the  youth  of  Dedham, 
with  a  sufficient  annuity  to  support  it.  Dedham  is  but  two  or 
three  miles  from  Manningtree,  a  more  modern  town  on  the 
line  of  the  railroad,  which  has  substantially  obscured  the 
ancient  and  decayed  village  of  Dedham. 

The  sexton  of  this  church  wrote  General  Sherman  soon 
after  he  had  become  distinguished  as  a  military  leader,  calling 


4  RECOLLECTIONS 

his  attention  to  the  neglected  monument  of  his  ancestor,  Ed- 
mond  Sherman,  in  the  churchyard,  and  asking  a  contribution 
for  its  repair.  The  general  sent  a  reply  to  the  effect  that,  as 
his  ancestor  in  England  had  reposed  in  peace  under  a  monu 
ment  for  more  than  two  centuries,  while  some  of  his  more 
recent  ancestors  lay  in  unmarked  graves,  he  thought  it  bet 
ter  to  contribute  to  monuments  for  them  here  and  leave 
to  his  English  cousins  the  care  of  the  monuments  of  their 
common  ancestors  in  England.  This  letter  is  highly  prized 
by  the  sexton  and  has  been  shown  to  visitors,  among  others 
to  Senator  Hoar,  as  a  characteristic  memento  of  General 
Sherman. 

Captain  John  Sherman,  "Captain  John,"  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  Boston,  settled  in  Watertown,  Mass.,  where  he  mar 
ried  and  had  a  large  family  of  children.  Among  his  descend 
ants  was  Eoger  Sherman  of  the  Revolution,  by  far  the  most 
distinguished  man  of  the  name.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to 
contribute  to  and  sign  the  three  most  important  papers  of 
American  history,  the  "Address  to  the  King,"  the  "  Declaration 
of  Independence"  and  the  "Constitution  of  the  United  States." 
Among  other  descendants  of  Captain  John  Sherman  were  Hon. 
Roger  Minot  Sherman,  of  New  Haven,  a  nephew  of  Roger 
Sherman,  a  distinguished  lawyer  and  a  leading  participant  in 
the  Hartford  Convention.  William  M.  Evarts,  George  F.  Hoar 
and  Chauncey  M.  Depew  are  descendants  of  Roger  Sherman  or 
of  his  brother. 

Rev.  John  Sherman,  the  eldest  son  of  Edmond  Sherman, 
was  born  on  the  26th  of  December,  1613,  at  Dedham,  England. 
He  graduated  at  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  left  college  a 
Puritan  and  came  over  to  America  in  1634,  as  above  stated. 
He  preached  his  first  sermon  at  Watertown,  Massachusetts, 
under  a  tree,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  this  country.  In  a  few 
weeks  he  went  to  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  and  preached  in 
several  places,  but  finally  settled  at  Watertown,  where  he  had 
a  large  family  of  children.  His  numerous  descendants  are  well 
distributed  throughout  the  United  States,  but  most  of  them  in 
the  State  of  New  York. 

Samuel  Sherman,  the  youngest  son  of  Edmond  Sherman, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  5 

is  the  ancestor  of  the  family  to  which  I  belong.  At  the  age  of 
sixteen  years  he  came  with  his  brother,  Rev.  John  and  his 
cousin  "Captain  John,"  in  April,  1634,  in  the  ship  "Elizabeth" 
from  Ipswich,  and  arrived  in  Boston  in  June,  and  for  a  time 
settled  in  Watertown,  Massachusetts.  He  afterwards  moved 
to  Weathersfield,  Connecticut,  thence  to  Stamford  and  thence 
to  Stratford. 

In  Cothren's  "  History  of  Ancient  Woodbury  "  there  are  found 
full  details  of  the  life  of  Samuel  Sherman  and  his  numerous 
descendants  to  the  present  generation.  Of  Samuel  Sherman 
Mr.  Cothren,says: 

"  He  was  from  Dedham,  Essex  county,  England,  came  to  this  country 
in  1634,  and  previous  to  the  date  of  the  new  plantation,  at  Woodbury,  had 
been  a  leading  man  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut.  He  had  assisted  in  the 
settlement  of  several  other  towns  in  the  colony,  and  now  undertook  the 
same  for  Woodbury.  He  had  been  a  member  of  the  Court  of  Assistants, 
or  Upper  House  of  the  General  Court,  and  Supreme  Judicial  Tribunal,  for 
five  or  six  years  from  1663,  and  held  various  offices  and  appointments  of 
honor  and  trust.  He  is  referred  to  in  ancient  deeds  and  documents  as  the 
*  Worshipful  Mr.  Sherman.'  In  1676  he  was  one  of  the  commission  for 
Stratford  and  Woodbury." 

The  order  of  succession  of  the  descendants  of  Samuel  Sher 
man,  the  ancestor  of  the  family  to  which  I  belong,  is  as 
follows: 

1.  JOHN    SHERMAN,  the    fifth  child  of  Samuel    Sherman,  was   born  at 
Stratford,    Conn.,    February    8,    1650.       He     early    moved    to    Woodbury. 
He  died  December  13,  1730. 

2.  JOHN  SHERMAN  2nd,  the  fifth  child  of  John,  was  baptized  June,  1687. 
He  married  Hachaliah  Preston,  July  22,  1714.     He  died  1727. 

3.  DANIEL    SHERMAN,  the  third  child  of  John  2nd,  was  born  August 
14,  1721,  and  died  July  2,  1799. 

4.  TAYLOR  SHERMAN,  the  sixth  child  of  Daniel,  was  born  in  1758.     He 
married  Elizabeth  Stoddard  in  1787,  and  died  in  Connecticut  May  15,  1815. 
His  widow  died  at  Mansfield,  Ohio,  August  1,  1848. 

5.  CHARLES  ROBERT  SHERMAN,  the  eldest  child    of   Taylor,  was  born 
September  26,  1788,  married  Mary  Hoyt,  of  Norwalk,  Conn.,  May  8,  1810. 
He  died  on  the  24th  of  June,  1829.     His  widow  died  at  Mansfield,  Ohio, 
September  23,  1852.     They  had  eleven  children,  six  sons  and  five  daugh 
ters,    all    of    whom    lived     to    maturity.     I    am  the   eighth  child    of    this 
family. 


6  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  names  and  dates  of  the  birth  of  the  children  of  my 
parents  are  as  follows: 

CHAKLES  TAYLOR  SHERMAN,       .       .       .      February  3,  1811. 
MARY  ELIZABETH  SHERMAN,  ....  April  21,  1812. 

JAMES  SHERMAN, December  10,  1814. 

AMELIA  SHERMAN, February  11,  1816. 

JULIA*  ANN  SHERMAN, July  24,  1818. 

WILLIAM  TECUMSEH  SHERMAN,     .       .       .  February  8,  1820. 
LAMPSON  PARKER  SHERMAN,      .       .       .      October  31,  1821. 

JOHN  SHERMAN, May  10,  1823. 

SUSAN  DENMAN  SHERMAN,  ....      October  10,  1825. 

HOYT  SHERMAN, November  1,  1827. 

FANNY  BEECHER  SHERMAN,       .       .       .       May  3,  1829. 

Mr.  Cothren  in  his  "  History  of  Ancient  Woodbury,"  after 
referring  to  Samuel  Sherman,  makes  this  reference  to  his  son 
John: 

"  The  fame  of  his  son  John  is  particularly  the  property  of  the  town.  He 
was  distinguished,  not  only  at  home,  but  also  in  the  colony.  He  was  Justice 
of  the  Quorum,  or  Associate  County  Judge,  for  forty-four  years  from  1684;  a 
Representative  of  the  town  for  seventeen  sessions,  and  Speaker  of  the  Lower 
House  in  May  and  October,  1711,  and  Captain  in  the  Militia,  a  high  honor 
in  those  days.  He  was  the  first  Judge  of  Probate  for  the  District  of  Wood- 
bury,  from  its  organization  in  1719,  for  nine  years.  The  District  then  com 
prised  all  of  Litchfield  county,  and  Woodbury  in  New  Haven  county.  He 
was  an  assistant,  or  member  of  the  Upper  House,  for  ten  years  from  1713." 

John  Sherman  2nd,  does  not  seem  to  have  taken  any  active 
part  in  public  affairs,  and  died  before  his  father,  at  the  age  of 
forty.  His  son  Daniel,  who  lived  to  the  age  of  eighty,  covering 
the  period  of  the  Indian  wars,  the  French  Canadian  War,  and 
the  war  of  the  Revolution,  took  an  active  part  in  all  the  great 
events  of  that  period.  Mr.  Cothren  says  of  him: 

"  Judge  Daniel  Sherman  was  perhaps  the  most  distinguished  man  that 
had  arisen  in  the  town  previous  to  his  day.  He  was  a  descendant  of  Samuel 
Sherman,  of  Stratford,  Connecticut,  who  emigrated  to  this  country  from 
England,  in  company  with  his  brother,  Rev.  John  Sherman,  and  his  nephew, 
Captain  John  Sherman,  ancestor  of  Hon.  Roger  Sherman.  He  was  a  Justice 
of  the  Quorum  for  twenty-five  years,  and  Judge  of  the  Litchfield  County 
Court  five  years  from  1786.  For  sixteen  years  he  was  Probate  Clerk  for  the 
District  of  Woodbury,  and  Judge  of  that  District  thirty-seven  years.  He 
represented  his  native  town  in  the  General  Assembly  sixty-five  semi-annual 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  7 

sessions,  retaining  the  unbounded  confidence  of  his  fellow -citizens.  This 
was  by  far  the  longest  period  of  time  anyone  has  ever  represented  the  town. 
He  was  a  man  of  commanding  powers  of  mind,  of  sterling  integrity,  and 
every  way  qualified  for  the  various  public  trusts  confided  to  his  care.  He 
died  at  a  good  old  age,  full  of  honor,  and  was  followed  by  the  affectionate 
recollections  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  among  whom  he  had  so  long 
lived." 

No  portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  took  a  more 
decisive  part  in  the  Revolutionary  contest  of  1775  than  those 
of  Connecticut.  The  people  of  Woodbury  caught  the  prevail 
ing  spirit,  and,  as  early  as  September  20,  1774,  had  a  public 
meeting  and  made  patriotic  resolves,  and  entered  into  associa 
tions  for  defense.  Daniel  Sherman,  then  fifty-four  years  old, 
presided  at  this  meeting  and  was  appointed  president  of  the 
association  of  the  delegates.  Among  other  duties  they  were  to 
perform,  was  to  ascertain  whether  any  persons  within  the  lim 
its  of  that  town  were  hostile  to  the  objects  of  the  association, 
and  in  that  case  they,  using  the  spelling  of  the  time,  were  to 

"  Cause  the  truth  of  the  case  to  be  published  in  the  Gazette,  to  the  End 
that  all  such  foes  to  ye  Rights  of  British  americai  may  be  publikly  known 
and  universially  Contemned  as  enemies  to  american  Liberty  and  thensforth 
we  Do  bind  ourselves  to  break  off  all  Dealings  With  Such  Persons  and  also 
with  all  Persons  in  other  Towns  and  Citys  who  shall  be  found  Guilty  as 
above  Expressed,  and  that  it  shall  be  ye  Duty  and  Business  of  the  sd 
Comtee  to  Receive  and  Communicate  all  Such  intelligence  as  they  shall 
judge  to  be  conducive  to  ye  Peace  and  Tranquility  of  this  and  the  Neigh 
bouring  Colonies;  this  meeting  presents  their  most  thankfull  acknowledg 
ments  to  those  truly  Honourable  and  Worthy  Gentlemen  members  of  ye 
Congress  who  have  Shewn  themselves  able  advocates  of  the  civil  and  Re 
ligious  liberty  of  the  american  Colonys. 

"  Voated,  that  the  doings  of  this  meeting  be  Recorded  by  the  Town  Clerk, 
and  a  Copy  thereof  be  forthwith  sent  to  one  of  the  printers  of  the  Connecti 
cut  Journal  to  be  published  accordingly.  The  Whole  of  the  above  Written 
as  voated  in  said  Meeting." 

He  was  a  member  of  the  " Committee  of  Inspection"  of 
thirty,  appointed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  On  the  12th  of 
April,  1784,  they  resolved  as  follows: 

"  Voted,  that  those  persons  who  joined  the  enemies  of  the  United  States 
in  the  course  of  the  late  Civil  war  of  what  description  soever  are  denyed  a 
residence  in  this  Town  from  this  date  until  the  Genii  Assembly  shall  grant 
them  full  liberty  for  that  purpose." 


8  RECOLLECTIONS 

At  a  meeting  held  on  the  3rd  of  April,  1777,  at  which 
Daniel  Sherman  was  the  Moderator,  it  was: 

"Voated,  that  Each  Able  Bodied  Effective  man,  who  hath  or  shall 
voluntarily  Inlist  into  the  Continental  Army  in  such  way  and  Manner 
toward  makeing  the  Quota  of  this  Town  for  the  space  of  Three  years,  or 
during  the  war  shall  be  Intitled  to  Receive  out  of  the  publick  Treasury  of 
the  Town  the  sum  of  Twenty  Shillings  Lawful  money,  as  an  Addition  to 
Each  month's  Wages  he  shall  continue  in  the  service,  to  be  paid  to  him,  or 
to  his  order,  at  the  End  of  Each  six  month's  service." 

This  was  kept  up  during  the  war.  Provision  was  made  for 
a  Council  of  Safety,  appointed  annually  by  the  Assembly,  of 
from  nine  to  fourteen  of  the  most  distinguished  men  in  the 
state,  to  aid  the  governor  in  the  organization  and  conduct  of 
troops,  of  which  Daniel  Sherman,  his  cousin  Roger  Sherman, 
Benjamin  Huntington,  and  other  distinguished  men  were  mem 
bers.  This  committee  was  frequently  in  session  and  the  most 
responsible,  arduous  and  difficult  details  of  the  service  were  con 
fided  to  its  care.  It  was  shown  that  during  the  war  Daniel  Sher 
man  contributed  provisions  to  soldier's  families  to  the  value  of 
2,718  pounds,  7  shillings  and  8  pence.  It  would  seem  from  the 
following  anecdote  told  of  Daniel  Sherman,  that  some  of  his 
neighbors  thought  he  had  enjoyed  his  full  share  of  honor: 

"Mr.  Sherman  was  a  representative  at  the  May  session  of  the  General 
Assembly  in  1791,  and,  it  is  related,  desired  to  be  elected  to  the  October 
session  of  the  same  year,  in  order  to  make  the  full  number  of  thirty-three 
years  that  he  would  then  have  represented  the  town.  But  at  the  time  of 
the  election  for  the  October  session,  the  Moderator  of  the  meeting  happened 
to  think  that  he  had  his  share  of  honors,  and  when  he  made  proclamation 
that  the  ballot-box  was  open  for  the  reception  of  votes,  remarked  in  a  loud 
tone  of  voice,  'Gentlemen,  the  box  is  now  open;  you  will  please  to  bring  in 
your  ballots  for  him  whom  you  will  have  for  your  first  representative — 
Honorable  Daniel  Sherman,  of  course!  "*  This  simple  incident  gave  a  change 
to  the  popular  current,  and  on  counting  the  votes  it  was  found  that  Honor 
able  Nathaniel  Smith  was  elected,  instead  of  Mr.  Sherman," 

Taylor  Sherman,  my  grandfather,  the  son  of  Judge  Daniel 
Sherman,  was  born  in  1758.  He  was  married  in  1787  to 
Elizabeth  Stoddard  and  removed  to  Norwalk,  Connecticut, 
where  he  lived  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  died  on 
the  15th  of  May,  1815. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  9 

My  grandmother  was  born  at  Woodbury,  Connecticut,  on 
the  14th  of  June,  1767.  She  lived  to  a  good  old  age  and  died 
at  Mansfield,  Ohio,  on  the  1st  of  August,  1848.  She  was  a 
remarkable  woman  in  many  respects,  a  Puritan  of  the  strictest 
faith,  of  large  mold,  being  nearly  six  feet  tall,  and  well  pro 
portioned.  She  was  a  granddaughter  of  Rev.  Anthony  Stod 
dard,  a  man  whose  history  strikingly  presents  the  peculiar 
characteristics  of  life  in  Connecticut  during  the  18th  century. 
The  contract  between  the  church  and  town  of  Woodbury  and 
Mr.  Stoddard,  for  employment  as  pastor,  commences  as  follows: 

"At  a  lawfull  Towns-meeting  ye  13th  of  August,  1700,  in  ordr  to  ye 
settling  of  ye  Reverend  mr.  Anthony  Stoddard  amongst  us,  in  ye  work  of 
ye  ministry.  And  for  his  encouragemt  so  to  do; 

"  It  was  voted  and  agreed  to  allow  him,  as  Mayntenance  in  ye  Work  of 
ye  Ministry,  seventy  pounds  per  Annu,  in  provision  pay,  or  to  his  Satisfaction, 
in  Case  of  Faylure  of  pro.vision  pay.  By  provision  pay,  is  intended,  wheat, 
pease,  indian  corn  &  pork,  proportionally  :  also  fire  wood  : 

"  We  do  also  promise,  to  build  him  an  house  here  in  Woodberry  of 
known  Demensions  ;  yt  is  to  say,  the  Carpenters  work  &  Masons  work  :  hee 
providing  nayles  and  glass  ;  by  building  ye  sd  house  is  intended,  doors, 
floures,  fitting  up  and  playstering  and  partitions,  finishing  it,  as  also  a  well." 

Then  follow  many  other  mutual  stipulations,  to  which  was 
added  a  supplemental  agreement  as  follows: 

"  Since  wch  time  at  a  Lawfull  Towns-meeting  ye  25th  of  Novembr, 
1700,  It  was  Voated  and  agreed  yt  ye  abovesd  specices  for  mr  Stoddard's 
yearly  mayntenance  bee  levyed  at  ye  prices  following  :  wheat  at  4s  6d  pr 
Bush  :  pork  at  3c  pr  Ib  :  Indian  Corn  2s  6d  pr  Bush  :  pease  three  shillings 
pr  Bushll  :  And  these  prices  for  this  yeare  ye  Town  will  not  vary  from  for 
ye  future  Exterordinary  providences  interposing  being  exceapted." 

"  Recorded  from  ye  originalls  pr  Jon  Minor,  Recorder,  March,  1700-1701." 

Under  this  contract  Mr.  Stoddard  served  his  congregation 
for  sixty  years,  and  died  September  7,  1760,  in  his  eighty-third 
year,  and  the  sixty-first  of  his  ministry.  He  was  educated  at 
Harvard  College  and  graduated  in  1679.  Mr.  Cothren,  in  1872, 
says  of  him: 

';  He  was  at  the  same  time,  minister,  lawyer  and  physician.  Like  many 
of  the  early  ministers  of  the  colony,  he  prepared  himself  for  the  practice  of 
physic,  that  he  might  administer  to  the  wants  of  the  body,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  mind.  In  this  capacity  he  was  often  called.  The  only  person  the 
author  has  found  who  ever  saw  him,  was  Deacon  Ainos  Squire,  of  Roxbury, 


10  RECOLLECTIONS 

who  died  two  or  three  years  ago,  aged  ninety-nine,  and  who  recollected  hav 
ing  seen  him  when  a  lad  about  eight  years  of  age,  while  on  a  visit  in  this 
capacity  to  his  father,  who  had  received  a  severe  wound  from  an  ax.  He 
had  also  done  what  other  ministers  did  not,  and  that  was  to  perfect  himself 
in  legal  knowledge." 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  pastor  of  a  church  in  those 
days  was*  in  quite  a  different  position  than  now,  when  the 
constitution  guarantees  to  every  one  liberty  to  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience.  The  Congrega 
tional  mode  of  worship  was  then  adopted  and  established  by 
law  in  Connecticut,  but  it  was  provided  that  all  sober  orthodox 
persons  dissenting  therefrom  should,  on  representing  it  to  the 
General  Court,  be  allowed  to  worship  in  their  own  way.  Such 
a  privilege,  however,  was  regarded  with  distrust.  Our  fathers, 
who  desired  religious  freedom  and  periled  all  for  it  in  the 
wilderness,  had  not  anticipated  that  they  would  speedily  have 
an  opportunity  to  extend  that  toleration  to  others  which  in 
the  fatherland  they  had  in  vain  sought  for  themselves.  The 
town  church  was,  therefore,  in  substance,  the  only  church,  and 
the  preacher  was  the  autocrat  of  the  place. 

Mr.  Stoddard  was  not  only  preacher,  lawyer  and  doctor,  but 
he  was  also  a  fighter.  In  1707  an  expedition  was  made  by  the 
French  and  Indians  against  New  England,  which  created  gen 
eral  alarm  throughout  the  country.  Woodbury  was  exposed 
to  the  raids  made  by  the  Indians,  and  suspicions  were  enter 
tained  that  the  neighboring  tribes  would  join  the  French  and 
Indians  in  their  foray.  During  the  continuance  of  this  war, 
on  one  Sabbath  evening,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  services 
at  church,  while  he  was  walking  in  his  garden,  he  discovered 
an  Indian  skulking  among  the  surrounding  trees  and  bushes. 
Apparently  without  noticing  the  movements  of  the  Indian,  he 
contrived  to  re-enter  his  house,  and  obtained  his  gun.  After 
playing  the  same  game  of  skulking  with  his  adversary  for  a 
while,  Mr.  Stoddard  got  a  fair  view  of  him,  discharged  his 
piece,  and  the  Indian  fell  among  the  bushes.  He  dared  not 
investigate  farther  that  night,  but  having  quietly  given  the 
alarm,  the  inhabitants  sought  their  palisaded  houses  for  the 
night.  Early  in  the  morning  he  discovered  another  red  foe,  in 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  11 

the  vicinity  of  his  companion,  and  whom  he  also  laid  low  with 
his  musket.  By  this  time  the  people  had  assembled,  and  after 
the  country  was  scoured  in  all  directions  for  several  hours,  and 
no  other  savages  were  found,  the  alarm  subsided. 

Before  leaving  my  Woodbury  ancestors,  who  resided  there 
nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  I  wish  to  relate  my  first 
visit  to  Woodbury.  I  was  at  West  Point,  as  one  of  the  Board 
of  Visitors,  one  Saturday  in  June,  1873,  when  I  concluded  to 
respond  to  an  invitation  I  had  received,  and  go  to  Woodbury 
and  spend  the  Sabbath  there.  I  did  so  arid  found,  as  I  had 
anticipated,  beautiful  valleys  with  picturesque  hills,  a  rural  air 
and  a  quiet,  peaceful,  Sunday  outlook.  I  knew  no  one  except 
Hon.  William  Cothren,  and  him  only  by  correspondence.  I 
believe  he  was  superintendent  of  the  Sunday  school ;  but,  at 
all  events,  upon  my  presenting  myself,  and  stating  my  desire 
to  explore  Woodbury, 'he  kindly  consented,  and  went  with  me. 
I  located  many  of  the  most  interesting  objects  in  the  town. 
The  large,  well-built  stone  house  of  Daniel  Sherman  was  still 
standing,  made  after  the  usual  pattern,  two  stories  high  with  a 
lean-to  roof  in  the  rear,  and  with  low  ceilings.  He  had  lived 
there  during  most  of  his  active  life,  and  had  entertained  Wash 
ington  and  Lafayette,  when  they  at  different  times  visited  the 
French  vessels  at  Newport.  The  fortified  house  of  Kev.  Anthony 
Stoddard  was  in  a  good  state  of  .preservation,  with  its  project 
ing  eaves  and  loop  holes  for  defense.  We  visited  the  old  church 
and  graveyard,  and  drove  southward  to  what  were  called  the 
''Sherman  settlements."  Evidently  the  comparatively  few 
families  in  Woodbury  were  in  a  state  of  comfort  as  they  were 
found  to  be  living  in  good  houses  and  drawing,  no  doubt,  an 
income  from  investments  in  the  great  and  growing  West. 

On  that  quiet  Sabbath  day  the  village  of  Woodbury  recalled 
to  me  Mr.  John  H.  Bryant's  description  of  his  native  village : 

"  There  lies  a  village  in  a  peaceful  vale, 

With  sloping  hills  and  waving  woods  around, 

Fenced  from  the  blasts.     There  never  ruder  gale 
Bows  the  tall  grass  that  covers  all  the  ground; 

And  planted  shrubs  are  there,  and  cherish'd  flowers, 
And  a  bright  verdure  born  of  gentle  showers." 


12  RECOLLECTIONS 

Subsequently  I  again  visited  Woodbury  with  General  Sher 
man.  Mr.  Cothren  was  still  there  and  was  very  kind  to  us.  It 
seemed  to  me  that  the  old  place  had  run  down  a  little,  that  the 
walks  were  not  so  clean,  the  grass  was  not  as  fresh  in  the  fields, 
and  evidently  the  graveyards  had  lost  some  of  their  monu 
ments,  but  a  prominent  one  had  been  erected  in  the  churchyard 
to  Rev.  Anthony  Stoddard,  to  which  General  Sherman  had  con 
tributed.  We  heard  of  no  one  of  our  name  in  Woodbury,  but 
when  General  Sherman  saw  an  old  sign,  "  Sherman's  Tannery," 
he  said  that  he  believed  he  had  at  last  found  some  tangible 
evidence  of  the  residence  of  our  fathers  in  Woodbury ;  that 
Sherman  had  been  a  good  honest  tanner  no  doubt,  and  that 
was  the  most  that  could  be  said  of  anyone. 

As  I  have  said,  my  grandfather,  Taylor  Sherman,  and  his  wife, 
Elizabeth  Stoddard,  moved  from  Woodbury  to  Norwalk,  where 
he  practiced  his  profession  as  a  lawyer.  He  attained  a  good 
position  as  such,  and  for  many  years  he  was  a  Judge  of  Probate. 
He  became  early  associated  with  the  proprietors  of  the  half 
million  acres  of  land  lying  in  the  western  part  of  the  Western 
Reserve  in  Ohio,  called  "Sufferers'  Land." 

In  the  period  immediately  before  and  after  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution  several  of  the  states  laid  claim  to  western 
lands,  founded  upon  grants  by  James  I,  the  chief  of  which 
were  the  claims  of  Virginia  to  the  region  north  and  west  of  the 
Ohio  River,  and  the  claim  of  Connecticut  to  all  the  land  lying 
west  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  South  Seas  and  north  of  the  41st 
parallel  of  latitude.  These  claims  were  finally  compromised 
by  Congress  granting  to  Virginia  all  the  land  lying  between  the 
Scioto  and  the  Miami  Rivers  in  Ohio,  and  to  Connecticut  the  land 
in  Ohio  north  of  the  41st  parallel,  extending  westward  of  Penn 
sylvania  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles. 

During  the  Revolutionary  War  the  coasts  of  Connecticut  had 
been  subjected  to  several  raids  by  the  British  and  Tories,  and 
several  towns,  including  Norwalk,  Greenwich,  Fairfield,  Dan- 
bury,  New  Haven  and  New  London,  had  been  burned.  Indem 
nity  had  been  proposed,  but  the  state  was  in  no  condition  to 
pay  such  losses. 

In  the  year  1800,  the  State  of  Connecticut  granted  to  her 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  13 

citizens,  who  were  sufferers  by  fire  during  the  Revolutionary 
War,  a  half  million  acres  of  land,  lying  within  the  State  of 
Ohio,  which  was  to  be  taken  off  the  west  part  of  what  was 
called  the  "Western  Connecticut  Reserve,"  now  embraced  in 
the  counties  of  Huron  and  Erie.  By  an  act  of  the  legislature 
of  the  State  of  Ohio,  passed  in  1803,  the  sufferers  were  incor 
porated  under  the  name  of  "  The  proprietors  of  the  half  million 
acres  of  land,  lying  south  of  Lake  Erie,  called  *  Sufferers'  Land.' " 
The  affairs  of  this  company,  by  that  act,  were  to  be  managed 
by  a  Board  of  Directors  which,  among  other  things,  was  author 
ized  to  locate  and  survey  said  half  million  acres  of  land,  and 
partition  it  among  the  different  claimants. 

On  the  first  day  of  November,  1805,  Taylor  Sherman  was 
appointed  by  the  Board  of  Directors  an  agent  to  survey  the 
above  tract  of  land,  and,  on  the  16th  day  of  December,  of  the 
same  year,  he  entered  into  a  contract  with  John  McLane  and 
James  Clarke,  Jr.,  to  survey,  or  have  surveyed,  said  tract. 
Taylor  Sherman  visited  the  fire  lands,  and  fully  performed  the 
duty  imposed  upon  him.  He  also  purchased  a  considerable 
tract  of  this  land  in  Sherman  township,  Huron  county,  which 
was  the  foundation  of  the  little  fortune  which  he  left  to  his 
widow  and  children. 

The  whole  of  the  Western  Reserve,  especially  the  western 
part  of  it,  was  at  that  time  in  the  possession  of  the  Indians, 
who  soon  afterwards  engaged  in  open  warfare  with  the  white 
settlers.  Surveys,  especially  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie, 
were  extremely  difficult,  owing  to  extensive  bayous  and  swamps, 
but  the  surveys  were  made  where  practicable,  and  where  lines 
could  not  be  run,  straight  lines  were  drawn  on  the  map,  and 
the  contents  estimated.  This  gave  rise  to  long  litigation,  one 
case  being  reported  in  the  13th  volume  of  Ohio  Supreme  Court 
Reports. 

The  gift  of  Connecticut  to  the  sufferers  was  a  wise  and  lib 
eral  one,  and  after  the  War  of  1812  it  led  to  the  migration  to  the 
counties  of  Huron  and  Erie  of  a  great  number  of  persons  from 
the  towns  of  Norwalk,  Greenwich,  Danbury,  New  Haven  and 
New  London.  The  losses  of  the  sufferers  in  these  different  towns 
had  been  carefully  examined  and  stated,  and  the  sufferers  were 


14  RECOLLECTIONS 

allowed  land  in  proportion  to  their  losses.  The  formidable  list 
of  these  sufferers  is  a  striking  proof  of  the  savage  and  destruc 
tive  manner  in  which  the  Revolutionary  War  was  conducted  by 
the  British  troops.  The  whole  Western  Eeserve  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  19th  century  was  a  wilderness,  with  not  a  single 
white  inhabitant.  The  census  of  1820,  however,  showed  that  it 
then  contained  a  population  of  58,608,  while  that  of  1890  showed 
a  population  of  678,561.  Of  these  a  larger  number  and  propor 
tion  were  descendants  of  Connecticut  parents  than  are  now 
inhabitants  of  that  state.  The  industries,  commerce,  wealth 
and  intelligence  of  this  region  are  not  excelled  by  any  com 
munity  of  the  same  size  anywhere  else  in  the  country. 

As  an  illustration  of  the  condition  of  this  region  in  1812,  it 
may  be  worth  while  to  here  record  a  truthful  anecdote  of  Daniel 
Sherman,  the  son  of  Taylor  Sherman,  and  whom  we  knew  as 
"Uncle  Dan."  In  the  spring  of  1812,  when  twenty-two  years 
of  age,  he  was  sent  by  his  father  to  make  improvements  on  his 
land  in  Huron  county,  by  building  a  log  cabin  and  opening  a 
clearing.  He  had  with  him  a  hired  man  of  the  name  of  John 
Chapman,  who  was  sent  to  Milan,  twelve  miles  away,  to  get  a 
grist  of  corn  ground,  it  being  the  nearest  and  only  mill  in  the 
county.  Either  on  the  way  there,  or  while  returning,  Chapman 
was  killed  by  the  Indians.  Uncle  Dan  did  not  hear  of  this  until 
the  next  day,  when,  with  a  knapsack  on  his  back,  he  started  for 
Mansfield,  forty  miles  away.  For  thirty  miles  there  was  dense 
and  unbroken,  forest  without  a  settler.  He  arrived  at  a  block 
house,  six  miles  from  Mansfield,  but  concluded  that  was  not 
strong  enough  to  protect  him.  He  then  went  to  Mansfield, 
where  they  had  a  better  blockhouse,  but  he  heard  so  many 
stories  of  Indians  that  he  did  not  feel  safe  there,  and  walked 
thence  to  his  brother's  house  in  Lancaster,  about  seventy-five 
miles  away,  through  an  almost  continuous  forest. 

In  November,  1813,  Taylor  Sherman  was  appointed,  by  Presi 
dent  Madison,  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue  for  the  Second 
District  of  Connecticut.  He  enjoyed  the  office  but  a  short  time 
and  died,  as  already  stated,  on  the  15th  day  of  May,  1815. 

A  sketch  of  my  father  and  mother  will  throw  some  light 
upon  the  lives  of  their  children,  but  it  is  a  delicate  task  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  15 

write  of  one's  parents.  As  I  was  but  six  years  old  when  my 
father  died  I  have  only  a  dim  recollection  of  him,  but  materials 
for  an  interesting  sketch  of  his  brief  but  active  career  are 
abundant.  I  know  of  no  citizen  of  Ohio  of  whom  more  anec 
dotes  have  been  told,  or  whose  general  and  social  life  has  been 
more  highly  appreciated,  or  whose  popularity  has  been  more 
marked,  than  that  of  my  father.  During  the  early  years  of  my 
life  at  the  bar  I  met  many  of  the  older  lawyers,  contemporary 
with  my  father,  and  they  all  spoke  of  him  in  the  highest  praise, 
and  generally  had  some  incident  to  tell  of  him  that  happened 
in  the  days  of  the  "  Stirrup  Court." 

Charles  Robert  Sherman,  my  father,  was  born  in  Norwalk, 
Connecticut,  September  26, 1788,  the  eldest  son  of  Judge  Taylor 
Sherman  and  Elizabeth  Stoddard.  He  received  the  best  educa 
tional  advantages  of  his  day,  and,  when  fully  prepared,  com 
menced  the  study  of  law  in  the  associated  offices  of  his  father  and 
the  Hon.  Judge  Chapman.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1810, 
and  on  May  8,  of  that  year,  married  Mary  Hoyt,  also  of  Norwalk, 
who  had  grown  up  with  him  from  childhood.  In  the  same  sum 
mer  he  went  to  Ohio  to  locate  a  home.  He  could  not  go  into 
the  northern  part  where  his  father's  land  lay,  as  it  was  then 
roamed  over  by  hostile  Indians,  but  followed  the  usual  route  to 
Ohio  by  Pittsburg  and  Wheeling  to  Zanesville.  He  located  at 
Lancaster,  but  returned  to  Norwalk,  Connecticut,  in  the  fall  of 
1810.  In  1811  he  returned  to  Lancaster,  accompanied  by  his 
wife.  Ohio  was  then  a  frontier  state,  and  in  large  portions  of 
its  territory  an  unbroken  wilderness.  The  way  to  it  from  their 
New  England  home  was  far  and  weary,  beset  with  many  hard 
ships  and  exposed  to  great  dangers.  My  father  and  mother 
were  obliged  to  journey  the  greater  part  of  this  distance  on 
horseback,  alternately  carrying  their  infant  child  upon  a  pillow 
before  them.  I  only  advert  to  these  incidents  as  they  illustrate 
the  self-reliant  character  of  the  man,  and  the  brave,  confiding 
trust  of  his  wife.  The  little  boy  they  carried  upon  the  pillow, 
then  their  only  son,  was  Charles  Taylor  Sherman. 

Soon  after  their  arrival  in  Lancaster  my  father  took  a  lead 
ing  part  in  the  measures  of  defense  against  the  British  and  the 
Indians.  I  find  in  an  old  and  weather-beaten  newspaper  of 

S-3 


16  RECOLLECTIONS 

Lancaster,  Ohio,  called  the  "  Independent  Press,"  that  on  the 
16th  of  April,  1812,  at  a  meeting  of  the  first  regiment  of  the 
first  brigade  of  the  third  division  of  the  militia  of  Ohio,  assem 
bled  at  Lancaster  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  company  of  vol 
unteers  to  march  immediately  to  Detroit,  my  father,  then  major 
of  that  regiment,  made  a  very  effective  address  to  the  regiment, 
the  result  of  which  was  the  voluntary  enlistment  of  the  com 
pany  required  from  Fairfield  county.  He  was  then  twenty-four 
years  of  age,  and,  as  this  address  is  short,  and  is  the  best  evi 
dence  of  his  mental  qualities,  and  of  the  standing  he  had  so 
early  attained  among  the  hardy  settlers  of  that  section,  mostly 
from  Pennsylvania,  I  here  insert  a  portion  of  it : 

"Fellow  Soldiers: — The  crisis  has  arrived  in  which  your  country  calls 
upon  you,  her  constitutional  guardians,  to  rally  round  her  standard  and  to 
defend  her  rights  and  liberties  —  you  are  this  day  assembled  to  declare 
whether  you  will  voluntarily  answer  this  call  or  not.  Fellow  soldiers,  the 
general  of  brigade  and  at  whose  command  and  in  whose  name  I  now 
address  you,  cannot  help  but  believe  that  in  this  regiment  which  he  once 
had  the  honor,  personally,  to  command,  those  choice  spirits  are  to  be  found, 
that  will  not  for  a  moment  hesitate  to  come  forward  and  give  the  answer  to 
their  country's  call. 

"You  are  not  called  upon  to  guard  a  tyrant's  throne,  or  to  enslave  a 
nation  of  freemen,  neither  are  your  exertions  required  to  redress  a  fancied 
wrong,  or  to  revenge  a  supposed  insult;  but  you  are  called  upon  to  preserve 
your  own  dwellings  from  the  flames  —  your  families  from  destruction. 
Neither  are  you  requested  to  go  unprotected  nor  unprovided;  —  everything 
that  the  patriot  soldier  could  possibly  wish  will  be  furnished  you  by  the 
government  —  food  complete  and  sufficient  for  the  necessities  or  conveniences 
of  life  —  compensation  for  your  clothing, —  arms  of  the  best  quality  will  be 
placed  in  your  hands,  which  will  be  generously  given  you  if  you  do,  as  I 
know  you  will,  your  duty. 

"  Should  you  chance  to  be  disabled  in  the  service,  a  pension  will  be 
given  you  that  will  enable  you  to  live  in  comfort  and  in  ease;  or  should  the 
fortune  of  war  number  you  with  those  brave  and  gallant  patriots  that  fear 
lessly  poured  out  their  life's  blood  upon  the  heights  of  Bunker,  the  plains  of 
Saratoga,  or  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown  —  your  families  shall  not  be  left 
unprotected  or  unprovided;  a  generous  and  faithful  government  has  prom 
ised  that  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  shall  be  given  to  your  heirs, 
the  more  than  means  of  existence,  the  means  of  every  comfort  that  can 
render  that  existence  desirable. 

"  These,  then,  fellow  soldiers,  are  the  terms  upon  which  sixty-four  of 
you  are  requested  to  draw  your  swords,  shoulder  your  arms  and  march  to 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  17 

Detroit  to  defend  the  frontiers  of  your  own  territory.  And  from  these 
columns  are  there  not  more  than  this  small  number  that  would  rush  upon 
even  certain  death  at  their  country's  call? 

"The  services  required  of  you  will  not  be  arduous — 'tis  not  that  you 
should  invade  the  territory  of  a  distant  enemy — 'tis  not  that  you  should 
march  far  from  your  homes  to  fight  battles  in  which  you  are  not,  and  which 
you  do  not  feel  yourselves,  interested  ;  but  it  is  to  prevent  the  hostile  foot  of 
a  foe  from  invading  your  territory  —  it  is  to  guard  the  sacred  altar  of  your 
liberties,  cemented  by  the  blood  of  your  fathers,  from  the  profanation  of  a 
tyrant's  polluting  touch  —  it  is  to  guard  your  dwellings,  your  friends,  your 
families,  your  all,  from  the  desolating  warfare  of  a  fell  savage  foe  —  it  is 
that  the  midnight  and  sleeping  couch  of  our  infants  may  not  be  awakened 
to  death  by  the  tremendous  yell  of  an  Indian  warwhoop  —  it  is  that  the  gray 
hairs  of  our  fathers  may  not  become  the  bloody  trophies  of  a  cruel  and  in 
sidious  foe.  Cruelty  and  a  thirst  for  blood  are  the  inmates  of  an  Indian's 
bosom,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  two  contending  powers  they  are  never 
peaceful.  If  the  strong  hand  of  power  does  not  bend  them  down  they  will 
raise  the  tomahawk  and  bare  the  scalping  knife  for  deeds  of  blood  and 
horror:  the  purity  of  female  innocence,  the  decrepitude  of  age,  the  tender 
ness  of  infancy  afford  no  security  against  the  murderous  steel  of  a  hostile 
Indian:  to  guard  against  the  probable  incursions  of  bands  of  these  murder 
ers,  I  will  not  call  them  by  the  dignified  name  of  warriors,  are  you  called 
upon  to  arm:  and  who  in  such  a  cause  would  refuse  to  march  or  to  bleed? 
And  who  would  refuse  to  protect  the  scattered  settlements  on  our  fron 
tiers —  the  humble  cottage  and  its  peaceful  inhabitants?  —  Who  would 
refuse  to  guard  our  fields  from  desolation,  our  villages  from  destruction,  or 
our  towns  from  ruin?  —  None,  in  whom  there  is  a  spark  of  patriot  valor. 

"  But,  fellow  soldiers,  you  may  be  called  upon  to  meet  the  legions  of 
Great  Britain;  every  appearance  indicates  a  state  of  approaching  hostilities 
— year  after  year  has  insult  been  added  to  insult  —  injury  has  followed 
injury  with  rapid  strides,  and  every  breeze  comes  laden  with  its  tale  of 
wrongs,  and  while  we  have  borne  their  injuries  and  their  insults  our  govern 
ment  has  endeavored,  but  in  vain,  to  reconcile  our  differences  by  amicable 
negotiation. 

"  The  cup  of  our  wrongs  is  full,  and  the  voice  of  an  indignant  people 
demands  redress  and  revenge  by  every  means  in  our  power;  'tis  that  voice 
that  calls  upon  you  to  arm  and  meet  the  hosts  of  England. 

"Do  you  fear  the  event  of  the  contest?  Call  but  to  mind  the  period  of 
'76,  without  a  government,  without  friends,  without  armies,  without  men, 
without  money,  our  fathers  dared  to  resist  her  aggressions  upon  our  liber 
ties;  she  determined  to  enslave  us,  and  a  hardy  band  of  freemen,  resolved  on 
death  rather  than  slavery,  encountered  and  conquered  her  boasted  legions, 
established  our  independence  and  left  it  as  their  richest  legacy  for  us  to 
maintain:  and  do  we,  their  sons,  possessing  all  the  advantages  that  we  could 
wish,  all  that  they  were  deprived  of,  do  we  fear  the  contest  when  half  the 


18  RECOLLECTIONS 

world  is  confederate  against  her?  Where  is  the  spirit  of  our  fathers  that 
urged  them  to  battle  and  to  victory?  Is  there  no  latent  spark  of  patriot  ardor 
that  the  wrongs  and  indignities  of  our  country  will  kindle  into  a  flame?  Is 
there  no  thirst  in  our  bosoms  for  glory?  Is  it  nothing  for  your  names  to  be  en 
rolled  on  the  list  of  fame?  Does  it  rouse  no  generous  and  noble  feelings  in 
your  breasts  to  be  a  guardian  shield  and  avenging  sword  to  your  country? 
Are  the  grateful  thanks  of  your  countrymen  and  posterity  no  inducement 
to  valorous  acts? 

"  Go  then,  fellow  soldiers,  assist  to  shield  your  country  from  the  desola 
tion  of  an  internal  warfare,  awake  to  honor  and  to  glory,  rouse  the  native 
courage  of  an  American  freeman  and  march  to  deeds  of  valor! 

"  Let  the  wings  of  fame  come  laden  with  the  tale  of  your  honors,  and 
bring  joy  to  your  mothers'  hearts,  and  the  pride  of  valorous  deeds  to  your 
fathers'  bosoms;  then  shall  your  country  reward  and  bless  you  —  posterity 
shall  venerate  your  names,  the  world  shall  own  you  as  the  constituent  guar 
dians  of  liberty  and  the  bulwark  of  your  nation's  freedom! " 

I  presume  the  soldiers  enlisted  at  Lancaster  were  a  part  of 
the  army  infamously  surrendered  by  General  Hull  on  the  16th 
of  August,  1812.  This  event  opened  up  the  whole  of  the  then 
western  states  and  territories  to  the  inroads  of  the  British  and 
Indians,  but  was  brilliantly  compensated  by  the  splendid  vic 
tory  of  Commodore  Perry  at  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  on  the 
10th  of  September,  1813,  in  which  he  destroyed  the  British  fleet 
and  announced  his  victory  in  the  stirring  words,  "We  have 
met  the  enemy,  and  they  are  ours!"  This  was  followed  by  the 
complete  triumph  of  General  Harrison  in  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  October  5,  1813,  in  which  Tecumseh  was  killed,  and 
the  power  of  the  British  and  Indians  in  that  portion  of  the 
field  of  operations  practically  destroyed. 

My  father  was  appointed  by  Mr.  Madison,  on  the  9th  of 
November,  1813,  as  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue  for  the  Third 
District  of  Ohio.  He  was  then  engaged  in  the  active  practice 
of  his  profession.  He  was  required  to  employ  deputies  in 
each  of  the  counties  of  Fairfield,  Pickaway,  Madison,  Franklin, 
Delaware,  and  Knox  to  collect  internal  revenue  taxes,  when 
assessed.  He  took  great  care  in  the  selection  of  his  deputies, 
and  in  all  cases  required  bonds,  with  security,  from  each 
deputy.  At  this  period  the  only  money  in  Ohio  was  local  bank 
paper  money.  No  silver  or  gold  coins  could  be  had,  and  the 
purchasing  power  of  notes  varied  with  the  success  or  defeat  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  19 

our  armies  in  the  field.  Internal  taxes  were  imposed  on  dis 
tilled  spirits,  on  the  retailing  of  spirits,  on  salt,  sugar,  carriages, 
sales  at  auction,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  per  cent,  on  bank  notes, 
on  all  notes  discounted  by  a  bank,  and  on  inland  bills  of 
exchange. 

It  is  clearly  shown  by  the  papers  on  file  in  the  treasury 
department  that  Mr.  Sherman  exercised  the  utmost  care  in  the 
collection  of  these  taxes  through  his  deputies.  No  difficulty 
seems  to  have  occurred  until  July,  1817,  when  the  government, 
without  previous  notice,  refused  to  take  the  paper  then  in  cir 
culation  in  Ohio,  but  demanded  notes  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  or  its  branches,  one  of  which  was  located  at 
Chillicothe.  This  left  upon  the  hands  of  his  deputies  a  large 
amount  of  money  that  soon  became  utterly  worthless.  The 
system  of  local  banking  failed  and  the  loss  fell  upon  the 
holders  of  notes,  and,  largely,  upon  the  collectors  of  internal 
revenue  and  their  deputies.  Among  my  father's  deputies  the 
principal  one  seems  to  have  been  Peter  Apple,  of  Pickaway 
county,  who  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  held  a  county 
office,  was  postmaster,  and  a  justice  of  the  peace.  He  was  a 
leading  man,  of  high  character  and  standing,  and  supposed  to 
be  of  considerable  wealth.  In  1817  he  became  embarrassed 
and  insolvent,  and  was  removed  from  his  position  as  deputy. 
His  bonds  proved  worthless,  and  the  whole  loss  and  liability 
fell  upon  my  father.  This,  with  other  losses  occurring  through 
the  failure  of  other  deputies,  was  the  most  unfortunate  event 
of  his  life.  His  correspondence  with  the  Internal  Revenue 
Bureau  shows  that  he  exercised  the  utmost  care  in  keeping  and 
reporting  his  accounts,  and  the  difficulties  and  losses  he  sus 
tained  in  converting  local  bills  into  such  notes  as  the  govern 
ment  would  receive  in  payment  of  taxes.  It  is  clearly  shown 
that  the  loss  was  not  caused  by  any  failure  or  neglect  on  his 
part.  In  like  circumstances,  under  the  existing  law,  Congress 
has,  in  all  cases  where  due  diligence  on  the  part  of  the  collector 
has  been  proven,  relieved  the  collector.  My  father  declined  to 
make  any  appeal  for  such  relief,  but  applied  the  proceeds  of  all 
his  property,  and  a  large  part  of  his  earnings,  to  make  good,  as 
far  as  he  could,  the  defalcations  of  his  deputies.  This  loss  was 


20  RECOLLECTIONS 

a  great  embarrassment  for  him  and  his  family  during  his  life. 
It  did  not  affect  his  standing,  either  at  home  or  with  the  gov 
ernment,  but  it  deprived  him  of  many  comforts,  and  his  family 
of  advantages  and  opportunities  for  education  which  they 
otherwise  would  have  had. 

In  the  spring  of  1815  my  father  was  notified  of  the  illness  of 
his  father  in  Norwalk,  and  immediately  went  to  Connecticut, 
but,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  long  journey,  did  not  arrive 
until  after  his  father's  death.  The  will  of  Taylor  Sherman  gave 
to  his  wife,  and  daughter  Elizabeth,  all  his  real  and  personal 
estate  in  the  State  of  Connecticut,  subject  to  the  payment  of 
his  debts,  which  were  very  small.  He  bequeathed  to  his  two 
sons,  Charles  Sherman  and  Daniel  Sherman,  certain  lands  in 
the  town  of  Sherman,  county  of  Huron,  Ohio,  being  part  of  the 
"  Sufferers'  Lands."  The  remainder  of  his  property  lying  in  the 
State  of  Ohio  he  gave  equally  to  his  wife  and  children.  The 
estate  was  soon  settled,  and  in  the  following  year,  1816,  my 
grandmother  and  her  daughter,  Elizabeth,  moved  to  Ohio  and 
became  a  part  of  the  family  of  my  father. 

Under  the  old  constitution  of  Ohio  prior  to  1850,  the  Su 
preme  Court  was  composed  of  four  judges.  They  met  at 
Columbus  in  the  winter  to  hold  the  court  of  last  resort,  but  at 
other  seasons  they  divided  into  circuit  courts  composed  of  two 
judges,  and  went  from  county  to  county  attended  by  a  bevy  of 
the  leading  lawyers  of  the  state,  all  mounted  on  horseback  and 
always  ready  for  fun  or  frolic.  I  gladly  acknowledge  that  I 
have  received  many  a  kindness,  and  much  aid  in  business  as 
well  as  political  and  social  life,  from  the  kindly  memory  of  my 
father.  I  shrink  from  writing  of  his  personal  traits  and  genial 
nature,  but  insert,  instead,  brief  extracts  from  a  sketch  of  him 
written,  in  1872,  as  a  part  of  a  local  history  of  Fairfield  county, 
Ohio,  by  General  William  J.  Eeese,  who  knew  him  intimately. 
General  Reese  says: 

"  Established  permanently  at  Lancaster  in  the  prosecution  of  his  profes 
sion,  the  subject  of  this  sketch  rapidly  rose  to  eminence  as  a  polished  and 
eloquent  advocate,  and  as  a  judicious,  reliable  counsellor  at  law — indeed,  in 
the  elements  of  mind  necessary  to  build  up  and  sustain  such  a  reputation, 
few  men  were  his  equals,  and  fewer  still  his  superiors,  in  the  State  of  Ohio  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  21 

out  of  it.  But  it  was  not  only  in  the  higher  region  of  legal  attainments 
that  he  gained  superiority;  his  mind  was  enriched  with  choice  classic  culti 
vation  also. 


"  Judge  Sherman  not  only  mastered  the  intricacies  of  Coke  and  Little 
ton,  but,  as  I  have  stated,  he  made  himself  familiar  with  whatever  was 
worthy  of  reading  outside  the  books  of  law,  and  was  therefore  fitted  to  shine 
in  the  domain  of  general  literature  as  well  as  in  the  realm  of  technical  juris 
prudence. 


"  During  the  pioneer  years  of  Ohio  its  lawyers  were  obliged  to  perform 
extensive  circuits  to  practice  their  profession  ;  they  were  accustomed  to 
accompany  the  courts  from  county  to  county,  and  in  this  way  to  traverse  an 
extent  of  country  which,  being  uncalled  for  at  present,  would  appear  fabu 
lous  in  statement  and  difficult  to  realize. 

"  Those  early  days  also,  commemorated  the  warmest  personal  friendships 
in  the  profession,  and,  indeed,  this  could  hardly  have  been  otherwise,  as 
they  compelled  its  members  into  the  closest  habitual  companionship.  They 
rode  together  in  the  same  primitive  style,  their  saddle-bags  stuffed  with 
papers,  documents,  briefs,  law-books,  clothing,  and,  peradventure,  some 
creature  delectation  also.  They  were  exposed  in  common  to  the  same  in 
clemencies  and  impediments  of  travel,  they  lodged  together  at  the  same  inns 
or  taverns,  messed  at  the  same  table,  slept  in  the  same  rooms,  and  were  not 
unfrequently  coerced  by  twos  into  the  same  bed.  Free,  jovial,  genial, 
manly,  and  happy  times  they  were,  when,  after  a  hard-fought  field-day  of 
professional  antagonisms  in  court,  the  evening  hours  were  crowned  with 
social  amenities,  and  winged  with  wit  and  merriment,  with  pathos,  sentiment 
and  song. 


"  If  the  sayings  and  doings-  at  the  festive  evenings  of  the  early  Ohio  bar 
could  be  collected,  there  would  be  materials  in  rich  abundance  from 
which  a  sympathetic  and  facile  pen  could  compile  a  volume  of  equal  pi 
quancy  and  sentimental  refinement,  of  patriotic  detail  and  humor,  that  alter 
nate  the  pages  of  Sir  Jonah  Barrington,  or  any  other  winsome  work  of  the 
kind.  This  will  not  be  questioned  for  a  moment  when  it  is  remembered 
that  Henry  Clay,  Lewis  Cass,  Philip  Doddridge,  Willis  Silliman,  David  K. 
Este,  and  Charles  Hammond  were  frequent  participants  ;  that  Philoman 
Beecher,  William  W.  Irvin,  Thomas  Ewing,  William  Stanberry,  Benjamin 
Tappan,  John  M.  Goodenow,  Jacob  Parker,  Orris  Parrish,  and  Charles  God- 
dard  habitually  contributed  to  their  entertainment,  and-  that  these  were  often 
signalized  with  the  hilarious  fun  of  Creighton  and  the  quaint  drolleries  of 
Douglas.  At  these  symposiums  of  recreation,  and  they  were  held  whenever 


22  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  courts  used  to  meet,  Charles  R.  Sherman  was  always  the  most  welcome 
of  companions,  and  contributed  his  full  share  even  to  the  ambrosial  feasts, 

*  When  all  such  clustering  portions  had 
As  made  their  frolic  wild,  not  mad.' 

"  Thus  endowed  and  so  associated,  he  became  a  leading  and  a  popular 
people's  lawyer,  from  the  Ohio  River  to  our  northern  lake. 

"  In  1823  he  was  elected  by  the  legislature  to  the  bench  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Ohio,  and  perhaps  the  only  man  in  the  state  who  doubted  his  abil 
ity  for  this  high  position  was  himself.  He  told  the  writer  of  these  lines, 
when  speaking  on  the  subject  of  his  appointment,  that  he  assumed  its  duties 
with  great  personal  diffidence  and  apprehension.  He  feared  that  he  lacked 
the  ripe  experience  of  years  necessary  to  hear  and  determine  cases  of  magni 
tude  in  a  court  of  the  last  resort.  His  official  associates  were  Calvin  Pease, 
Jacob  Burnet,  and  Peter  Hitchcock,  and  these  are  names  of  renown  in  the 
judicial  history  of  Ohio. 

"  Judge  Sherman  upon  the  bench  fully  realized  the  large  expectations 
of  his  professional  friends  and  the  public. 

"  His  written  opinions,  published  in  '  Hammond's  Reports  of  the  Supreme 
Court,'  demonstrate  a  mind  of  the  choicest  legal  capabilities.  They  are 
clear,  compact,  yet  comprehensive,  intuitive,  logical,  complete,  and  conclu 
sive,  and  are  respected  by  the  bar  and  courts  in  this  and  other  states  as 
judicial  dicta  of  the  highest  authority.  He  won  upon  the  bench,  as  he  did 
at  the  bar,  the  affection  and  confidence  of  his  associates.  They  esteemed 
him  for  his  gentle  and  genial  nature,  for  the  brilliant  flashes  of  his  mind  and 
the  solid  strength  of  his  judgment;  above  all,  for  the  stainless  integrity  of 
his  character,  as  a  judge  and  as  a  man. 

"  Under  the  provisions  of  our  old  constitution,  the  supreme  court  was 
required  to  hold  an  annual  term  or  sitting  in  each  county  of  the  state,  two 
of  the  judges  officiating.  In  every  court-room  in  Ohio  where  Judge  Sher 
man  presided  he  made  friends.  His  official  robes  were  worn  by  him  as  the 
customary  habiliments  of  the  man.  He  was  never  distant,  haughty,  morose, 
austere,  or  overbearing  on  the  bench.  It  was  not  in  his  nature  to  be  so  any 
where,  and  it  was  therefore  always  a  personal  pleasure  to  practice  in  his 
courts.  The  younger  members  of  the  profession  idolized  him  in  every  part 
of  the  state;  for  them  and  their  early  efforts  he  systematically  sympathized, 
and  he  uniformly  bestowed  upon  them  the  most  gracious  compliment  that 
any  judge  upon  the  bench  can  render  to  the  oldest  practitioner  at  the  bar  — 
he  gave  them  his  interested  and  undivided  attention. 

"  He  had  entered  upon  the  sixth  year  of  his  official  term,  was  in  his 
manly  meridian  of  life,  in  the  full  fruition  of  his  matured  intellectual  powers, 
in  the  plenitude  of  his  public  usefulness,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  apparent 
robust  physical  health,  out  upon  his  circuit,  and  about  to  hold  a  session  of 
the  supreme  court  at  Lebanon,  in  Warren  county,  when  suddenly,  without 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  23 

any  premonition,  he  was  struck  down  with  a  fatal  malady,  that  was  fright 
fully  rapid  in  its  termination.  The  best  medical  aid  was  summoned  from 
Cincinnati;  it  was  vain.  An  express  messenger  was  hurried  to  Lancaster 
for  Mrs.  Sherman,  but  before  she  reached  him  her  lamented  husband  was 
dead. 

"  He  died  in  Lebanon,  June  24,  1829,  in  the  41st  year  of  his  age. 

"  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  the  outburst  of  public  sorrow  that  pre 
vailed  over  this  event.  It  was  general  and  sincere,  touching  and  outspoken; 
but  it  was  in  Lancaster,  it  was  here  in  his  happy  home,  which  he  made  the 
home  always  of  genial  and  open-hearted  hospitality  —  here  among  his  neigh 
bors  and  fellow-citizens  of  every  class  and  description,  all  of  whom  knew 
him  and  all  of  whom  loved  him  —  that  the  intelligence  of  his  death  came 
with  the  most  painful  and  startling  abruptness.  They  could  not  compre 
hend  it.  But  yesterday  he  was  among  them  in  perfect  health,  and  now  he 
is  dead.  Men  wept  in  our  public  streets.  I  do  not  believe  he  had  a  single 
personal  enemy  on  earth. 

"  Had  Judge  Sherman  lived,  higher  and  broader  spheres  of  public  use 
fulness  would  have  opened  before  him.  There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that 
the  same  spontaneity  of  opinion  that  placed  him  upon  the  supreme  bench 
would  have  again  united,  when  the  vacancy  happened,  to  have  sent  him  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  those  who  knew  him  knew  full  well 
that  his  first  prepared  public  utterance  in  that  chamber  upon  any  pending 
matter  of  national  importance  would  have  secured  to  him  a  brilliant  national 
name.  This  is  no  fancy  penciling.  It  was  conviction  with  his  contempo 
raries,  and  it  would  have  been  the  record  of  history  had  he  lived.  As  it  is, 
he  has  left  to  his  children  the  heritage  of  his  spotless  public  reputation  —  of 
his  loved  and  honored  name. 

"  This  fragmentary  sketch  would  be  more  incomplete  did  I  not  mention 
that  Judge  Sherman  was  a  zealous  and  prominent  member  of  the  Masonic 
fraternity,  and  that  he  filled  its  highest  offices  of  honor  in  the  several  grand 
bodies  of  Ohio." 

General  Reese,  the  author  of  this  .sketch,  was  born  in  Phila 
delphia,  Pa.,  on  the  5th  of  August,  1804.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  studied  law  and  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  Philadelphia.  He  then  came  to  Ohio  and  was  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar  in  Cincinnati  and  soon  after  settled  in  Lan 
caster.  In  1829,  soon  after  the  death  of  my  father,  he  married 
my  eldest  sister,  Mary  Elizabeth.  He  did  not  long  pursue  his 
profession  but  became  a  merchant.  He  was  prominent  as  a 
member  of  the  board  of  public  works.  In  old  militia  times  he 
was  in  command  of  the  forces  of  the  state  as  its  only  major- 
general.  He  was  grand  master  of  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Masons 


24  RECOLLECTIONS 

in  Ohio  for  a  series  of  years,  and  at  the  same  time  held  high 
rank  in  the  Grand  Lodge  of  the  United  States.  He  was  a 
handsome  and  accomplished  gentleman,  of  pleasing  manners, 
and  liberal  to  a  fault.  He  died  on  the  17th  of  December,  1883, 
at  Lancaster,  in  his  eightieth  year. 

Of  my  mother  I  can  scarcely  write  without  emotion,  though 
she  died  'more  than  forty  years  ago.  Her  maiden  name  was 
Mary  Hoyt.  She  was  a  member  of  a  family,  mostly  merchants 
and  sailors,  who  had  lived  in  Norwalk,  Connecticut,  since  its 
first  settlement.  At  the  period  of  the  American  Revolution 
the  Hoyt  family,  composed  of  several  brothers,  was  divided  in 
their  allegiance,  some  as  Tories,  some  as  Whigs.  My  mother's 
grandfather  was  a  Whig.  It  is  a  tradition  in  the  family  that 
one  of  the  Tory  brothers  pointed  out  the  house  of  his  brother, 
at  the  capture  of  Norwalk  by  the  British  and  Tories,  as  the 
nest  of  a  rebel,  and  it  was  burned  to  the  ground.  In  this  it 
shared  the  fate  of  the  greater  part  of  the  town.  The  Tories  of 
the  family  went  to  St.  Johns,  but  years  after  the  war  was 
over  they  and  their  descendants  returned  to  Connecticut  and 
New  York,  and  many  of  them  became  prominent  and  re 
spected  citizens.  Isaac  Hoyt,  my  grandfather,  was  a  promi 
nent  citizen  of  Norwalk,  possessing  considerable  wealth  for 
those  days. 

My  mother  was  carefully  educated  at  the  then  famous 
female  seminary  at  Poughkeepsie,  New  York.  I  remember  the 
many  embroidered  pictures,  made  with  the  needle  and  silk 
thread  by  the  handicraft  of  my  mother,  as  a  schoolgirl,  care 
fully  framed,  that  decorated  the  old  house  in  Lancaster.  The 
women  of  that  day  were  trained  more  for  the  culture  and 
ornament  of  the  house,  more  to  knit  stockings  and  weave  home 
spun  than  to  make  speeches  on  woman's  rights.  Soon  after 
her  graduation  she  married  Charles  Robert  Sherman,  as  before 
stated,  arid  their  lives  were  blended.  She  sometimes  rode  with 
him  when  on  the  circuit,  and  always  on  horseback.  It  was  an 
adage  in  the  family,  even  to  her  grandchildren,  that  she  was 
always  ready  for  a  visit.  I  never  knew  her  to  scold,  much  less 
to  strike,  her  children.  She  was  our  sure  refuge  against  grand 
mother,  between  whom  and  my  mother  there  was,  however, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  25 

the  warmest  affection.  When  Aunt  Elizabeth  married  Mr. 
Parker,  grandmother  followed  her  daughter  to  their  home  in 
Mansfield. 

When  my  mother,  by  the  death  of  her  husband,  was  left  a 
widow  with  eleven  children  and  spare  means  of  support,  she 
received  the  sympathy  of  all  her  neighbors  and  the  kindly 
encouragement  of  everyone  in  Lancaster.  As  her  children 
scattered  her  resources  increased,  so  that  after  one  year  of 
widowhood  she  was  quite  independent.  Like  Goldsmith's  Vicar 
of  Wakefield  she  was  "passing  rich"  on  four  hundred  dollars  a 
year.  Soon  the  houses  of  her  children  were  open  to  her,  but 
she  clung  to  Lancaster  until  all  her  children  had  taken  flight, 
when,  in  the  summer  of  1844,  she  accepted  the  invitation  of 
her  sons  to  make  her  home  in  Mansfield  and  removed  there. 
She  had  there  her  house  and  home.  Her  two  youngest  daugh 
ters,  and  the  writer  of  this,  were  her  family,  but  in  a  very  brief 
period  all  around  her  were  married.  She  still  continued  to 
occupy  her  home,  and  always  with  some  of  her  numerous 
grandchildren  as  her  guests.  She  often  visited  her  children, 
and  her  coming  was  always  regarded  by  them  as  a  favor  con 
ferred  by  her.  And  so  her  tranquil  life  flowed  on  until  1852, 
when  she  attended  the  state  fair  at  Cleveland  and  contracted  a 
bad  cold.  She  returned  to  Mansfield  only  to  die  on  the  23rd 
day  of  September,  1852,  at  the  residence  of  her  daughter,  Mrs. 
Bartley. 

Before  closing  this  sketch  of  my  ancestors,  it  seems  proper 
that  I  refer  to  their  religious  beliefs  and  modes  of  worship.  In 
England  they  were  classed  as  Puritans,  and  were  members  of 
the  Presbyterian  church.  In  Connecticut  they  followed  the 
doctrine  and  faith  of  the  Congregational  church  of  Anthony 
Sboddard.  Daniel  Sherman  and  his  father  were  deacons  of  the 
congregation  of  Mr.  Stoddard,  and  his  granddaughter,  the  wife 
of  Taylor  Sherman,  carried  her  faith  and  practice  into  her 
family,  and  maintained  to  her  death  the  strict  morals,  and  close 
observance  of  the  Sabbath  day,  that  was  the  established  rule 
and  practice  of  the  Connecticut  Congregationalist. 

My  mother's  family,  the  Hoyts,  were,  with  scarcely  an  ex 
ception,  members  of  the  Episcopal  church.  My  mother  was 


26  RECOLLECTIONS 

reared  in  that  faith  and  practice  from  infancy,  and  was  a  mem 
ber  of  that  church  at  the  time  of  her  marriage.  When  she 
emigrated  to  Lancaster  she  found  there  no  church  of  that  de 
nomination,  and,  therefore,  joined  the  Presbyterian  church 
under  the  pastorage  of  Rev.  John  Wright,  who  baptized  all  her 
children.  At  a  later  period,  perhaps  about  1840,  when  an 
Episcopal'  church  was  established  in  Lancaster,  she  resumed 
her  attendance  and  worship  in  that  church.  When  she  re 
moved  to  Mansfield  she  attended  the  Episcopal  church  at  that 
place,  partook  of  its  sacraments  and  usages,  and  died  in  that 
faith  and  worship.  All  her  living  children  and  their  families 
recognized  and  supported  the  Episcopal  church  as  their  church, 
except  the  children  of  General  Sherman,  who  followed  their 
mother  and  her  maternal  ancestors  in  the  faith  and  worship  of 
the  Catholic  church. 

The  writer  of  this  has  a  firm  belief  in  the  Bible  as  the  only 
creed  of  religious  faith  and  duty,  and  willingly  accords  to  every 
human  being  the  right  to  choose  his  form  of  worship  according 
to  his  judgment,  but  in  case  of  doubt  it  is  best  to  follow  the 
teachings  of  his  mother. 

With  this,  the  sketch  of  my  ancestors  closes.  Many  will 
think  it  is  not  part  of  my  life,  and  that  I  have  given  too  much 
space  and  importance  to  it.  If  so,  I  hope  they  will  pass  it  over 
without  reading.  Each  individual  life  is  molded  by  one's  ances 
try,  by  the  incidents  of  his  childhood,  the  training  he  receives 
in  the  family  and  the  school  and  the  conditions  and  surround 
ings  of  his  early  days.  The  boy  is  father  to  the  man.  It  is 
difficult  for  one  in  advanced  age  to  recall  or  to  measure  the 
influence  of  each  of  these  in  forming  his  character,  but  a  state 
ment  of  them  is  a  necessary  preface  to  a  history  of  his  later 
life.  My  information  as  to  my  ancestry  is  chiefly  derived  from 
the  admirable  local  histories  of  Connecticut,  and,  especially, 
from  Cothren's  "  History  of  Ancient  Woodbury,"  Hutchin- 
son's  "  History  of  Connecticut/'  and  the  local  records  and  tradi 
tions  of  Essex  and  Sussex  counties  in  England. 

I  cannot  claim  for  my  ancestors  superior  rank,  wealth  or 
ability.  They  were  not  specially  distinguished  for  any  of 
these,  but  they  were  men  of  useful  and  honorable  lives,  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


27 


untarnished  reputation,  highly  esteemed  by  their  contempora 
ries,  thorough  republicans  in  the  broad  sense  of  that  word,  al 
ways  for  their  country  in  any  contest  for  the  right,  and  willing 
to  yield  equal  political  and  civil  rights  to  all  their  countrymen 
of  every  creed  and  color. 


ARMS  OF  THE   SHERMAN    FAMILY. 


CHAPTER    II. 
MY  BOYHOOD  DAYS  AND  EARLY  LIFE. 

Born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10,  1823  —  Death  of  My  Father  and  Its  Effect  on 
Our  Family  — Early  Days  at  School  — A  Dead  Sheep  in  the  Schoolroom  — 
Lesson  in  Sunday  Sport  —  Some  of  My  Characteristics  —  My  Attack 
on  the  Schoolmaster— Robbing  an  Orchard  — A  Rodman  at 
Fourteen,  and  My  Experiences  While  Surveying— Debates 
at  Beverly  —  Early  Use  of  Liquor  —  First  Visit 
to  Mansfield  in  1839  — The  Famous  Cam 
paign  of  1840  —  I  Begin  the 
Study  of  Law. 

I  WAS  born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  on  the  10th  day  of  May,  1823, 
the  eighth  child  of  Charles  and  Mary  Sherman.  My  first 
distinct  recollection  of  events  is  connected  with  the  scenes 
and  incidents  that  followed  the  death  of  my  father  on  the 
24th  day  of  June,  1829.  I  have  a  dim  recollection  before  that 
time  of  being  sent  to  school  with  my  elder  brothers  to  keep 
me  out  of  mischief,  and  of  my  father  praising  me  for  learning 
the  alphabet,  but  all  other  impressions  of  my  infancy  were 
absorbed  in  the  great  family  tragedy.  We  were  warned  to 
keep  quiet,  and  to  remain  out  of  doors,  so  as  not  to  disturb 
mother,  who  was  critically  ill,  and,  as  our  grandmother  was 
then  supreme  in  the  household,  we  knew  that  her  will  was 
law,  and  that  punishment  invariably  followed  an  offense. 
During  these  enforced  absences  many  were  the  wise  resolves, 
or,  rather,  the  conceits,  that  the  boys  discussed  for  "helping 
mother. " 

But  time,  which  mellows  every  misfortune,  brought  us 
many  changes.  My  sister,  Elizabeth,  was  soon  married  to  Gen 
eral  William  J.  Reese.  My  brother,  Charles,  came  home  a  full- 
fledged  graduate,  and,  as  we  thought,  very  learned.  Every 
body  was  kind.  The  affairs  of  my  father  were  settled.  The 
homestead  and  garden  were  secured  to  my  mother,  and 
she  had,  in  addition,  a  settled  income  from  her  father's  estate 
of  $400  a  year,  while  grandmother  had  her  "fire  lands,"  and 

(28) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  29 

an  assured  but  small  income  besides.  In  those  days  a  little 
money  went  a  great  way ;  but  there  were  eleven  children  of  us 
to  be  cared  for, — from  Charles,  aged  eighteen,  to  Fanny,  aged 
three  months.  The  separation  of  this  family  was  imperative, 
but  the  friends  of  my  father  were  numerous,  and  their  offer 
ings  were  generous  and  urgent.  Charles  entered  the  family  of 
our  cousin,  Mr.  Stoddard,  an  old  and  leading  lawyer  in  Dayton, 
Ohio,  studied  law,  and  in  two  years  was  admitted  to  the  bar. 
James,  the  next  eldest  brother,  accepted  a  clerkship  in  a  store 
in  Cincinnati,  and  from  that  time  paid  his  own  way,  becoming 
a  merchant,  first  in  Lancaster,  and  later  in  Des  Moines,  Iowa. 
William  Tecumseh  was  adopted  into  the  family  of  Hon. 
Thomas  Ewing,  who  lived  in  the  same  square  with  us  in  Lan 
caster.  The  two  families  were  bound  by  ties  and  mutual  aid 
which  were  highly  creditable  to  both.  My  father,  Judge 
Sherman,  had  been  able  to  help  Mr.  Ewing  in  the  beginning  of 
his  professional  career,  and  Mr.  Ewing  gratefully  and  gener 
ously  responded.  They  maintained  the  most  intimate  and 
cordial  relations  during  their  lives  and  their  families  have 
since  continued  them,  the  bond  being  strengthened  by  the 
marriage  of  William  Tecumseh  to  Mr.  Ewing's  daughter,  Ellen. 
Lampson  P.,  the  fourth  son,  was  adopted  into  the  family  of 
Charles  Hammond,  of  Cincinnati,  a  distinguished  lawyer  of 
marked  ability,  the  reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio, 
and  editor  and  chief  proprietor  of  the  "Gazette,"  the  leading 
newspaper  published  in  his  day  in  Cincinnati. 

While  the  reduction  of  our  family  was  thus  taking  place  I 
was  kept  at  school  at  Lancaster,  where  I  made  considerable 
advance  in  such  studies  as  a  lad  from  six  to  eight  years  of  age 
can  pursue.  I  have  forgotten  the  names  of  my  tutors.  The  pres 
ent  admirable  system  of  common  schools  in  Ohio  had  not  then 
been  adopted,  but  the  private  schools  in  Lancaster  were  con 
sidered  very  good,  and  most  of  the  boys  of  school  age  were 
able  at  little  cost  to  get  the  rudiments  of  an  education. 

In  the  spring  of  1831,  my  father's  cousin,  John  Sherman, 
a  prosperous  merchant  of  Mt.  Vernon,  Ohio,  accompanied  by 
his  bride,  visited  my  mother,  and  proposed  to  take  me  into  his 
family  and  to  keep  me  at  school  until  I  was  prepared  to  enter 


30  RECOLLECTIONS 

Kenyon  College,  five  miles  from  Mt.  Yernon.  This  was  a 
kindly  offer  and  was  gratefully  accepted.  But  I  remember 
well  the  sadness  I  felt,  and  the  tears  I  shed,  over  the  departure 
from  home  into  the  midst  of  strangers.  The  old-fashioned 
stage  coach  was  then  the  only  medium  of  travel  and  the  fifty 
miles  between  Lancaster  and  Mt.  Vernon  were  to  me  a  weari 
some  journey.  For  days  after  I  arrived  in  Mt.  Vernon  I  was 
moping  either  at  the  house  or  at  the  store,  but  ere  long 
became  accustomed  to  the  change,  and  commenced  my  studies 
in  the  schools,  which,  as  I  remember  them,  were  admirably 
conducted  by  teachers  of  marked  ability,  among  whom  were 
some  who  became  distinguished  in  professional  and  business 
life.  One  of  the  families  that  I  became  intimate  with  was 
that  of  Mr.  Norton,  one  of  whose  sons,  J.  Banning  Norton, 
who  lately  died  in  Dallas,  Texas,  was  my  constant  companion. 
We  studied  our  lessons  together,  but  frequently  had  quarrels 
and  fights.  It  was  a  "fad"  of  his  to  wear  his  finger-nails 
very  long.  On  one  occasion  I  pummeled  him  well,  but  he 
scratched  my  face  in  the  contest.  When  I  went  home,  marked 
in  this  way,  I  was  asked  how  I  came  to  be  so  badly  scratched 
and  the  best  answer  I  could  make  was  that  I  had  fallen  on  a 
"splintery  log,"  and  this  got  to  be  a  by-word  in  the  school. 

According  to  the  usages  of  the  time  I  was  put  early  to  the 
study  of  Latin,  which  then  seemed  to  be  regarded  as  the  neces 
sary  foundation  for  an  education.  I  must  confess  that  during 
my  stay  in  Mt.  Vernon  I  was  rather  a  troublesome  boy,  fre 
quently  involved  in  controversies  with  the  teachers,  and  some 
times  punished  in  the  old-fashioned  way  w^ith  the  ferule  and 
the  switch,  which  habit  I  then  regarded  as  tyrannical  and  now 
regard  as  impolitic.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  policy  of  punish 
ment  adopted  in  the  schools  of  those  times  would  be  expedient 
to-day.  It  tended  to  foster  a  constant  irritation  between  the 
teacher  and  the  pupil. 

Among  my  school  adventures  at  Mt.  Vernon  was  one  I 
heartily  regret.  We  had  a  teacher  by  the  name  of  Lord.  He 
was  a  small  man,  and  not  able  to  cope  with  several  of  the  boys 
in  the  school.  We  called  him  "Bunty  Lord."  One  evening 
after  school  four  boys,  of  whom  I  was  one,  while  playing  on 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  31 

the  commons,  found  a  dead  sheep.  It  was  suggested  that  we 
carry  the  sheep  into  the  schoolroom  and  place  it  on  Lord's 
seat.  This  was  promptly  done  and  I  wrote  a  Latin  couplet, 
purporting  that  this  was  a  very  worthy  sacrifice  to  a  very  poor 
Lord,  and  placed  it  on  the  head  of  the  sheep.  The  next  morn 
ing  Lord  found  the  sheep  and  made  a  great  outcry  against  the 
indignity.  Efforts  were  at  once  made  to  ascertain  the  actors 
in  this  farce,  and  proof  was  soon  obtained.  My  handwriting 
disclosed  my  part  in  the  case,  and  the  result  was  a  prompt  dis 
charge  of  the  culprits  from  school;  but  poor  Lord  lost  his 
place,  because  of  his  manifest  inability  to  govern  his  unruly 
pupils. 

Another  teacher  whom  I  remember  was  of  a  very  different 
type.  This  was  Matthew  H.  Mitchell.  He  was  severe  and  dog 
matic,  allowing  no  foolishness  in  his  school.  He  was  strict 
and  impartial  in  his  treatment  of  the  boys,  and,  though  we  did 
not  like  him,  we  respected  his  power. 

I  had  one  adventure  during  these  early  boyhood  days  which 
nearly  cost  me  my  life,  and  which  Uncle  John  (as  I  called  Mr. 
Sherman)  converted  into  a  religious  warning.  One  Sunday 
there  was  a  freshet  in  Owl  Creek,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
town,  and  many  people  went  to  see  it,  I  among  the  rest.  I 
was  reckless,  and,  against  the  advice  of  others,  went  out  on  a 
temporary  foot-bridge  which  fell  and  I  dropped  into  the  raging 
waters.  How  I  escaped  I  hardly  know,  but  it  was  by  the 
assistance  of  others.  Uncle  John  said  that  I  was  punished  by 
the  Almighty  for  violating  the  Sabbath.  Ever  after  that  I  was 
careful  about  Sunday  sport. 

I  remember,  while  living  at  Uncle  John's,  witnessing  the 
wedding  of  his  niece,  Miss  Leavenworth,  to  Columbus  Delano. 
I  sat  upon  the  stair  steps  during  the  ceremony,  the  first  of  the 
kind  I  ever  saw.  I  mention  this  because  of  my  long  acquaint 
ance  with  Mr.  Delano  and  his  family.  He  became  a  great 
lawyer  and  filled  many  offices  of  high  public  trust,  and  is  now 
(1895)  living  in  vigorous  health,  eighty-six  years  old.  I  also 
remember  very  well  Henry  B.  Curtis  and  his  family.  He  mar 
ried  a  sister  of  Mrs.  Sherman  of  Mt.  Vernon,  and  had  a  number 
of  children.  He  was  a  brother  of  Colonel  Samuel  R,  Curtis, 

S.-4 


32  RECOLLECTIONS 

distinguished  in  the  Civil  War,  was  an  accomplished  lawyer, 
a  careful  business  man  and  a  gentleman  in  every  sense  of  the 
word. 

On  the  whole  I  regard  my  four  years  at  Mount  Yernon  as 
well  spent.  I  advanced  in  my  studies  so  that  I  could  translate 
Latin  fairly  well,  I  went  through  the  primary  studies,  and 
obtained  *  some  comprehension  of  algebra,  geometry  and 
kindred  studies.  In  the  meantime  the  condition  of  our  family 
had  greatly  changed  and  generally  improved.  My  sister 
Amelia  was  happily  married  to  Robert  McComb,  a  merchant  of 
Mansfield.  My  father's  only  sister  was  married  to  Judge  Par 
ker,  of  Mansfield,  to  which  place  my  grandmother  had  followed 
her  daughter,  and  my  brother  Charles  had  entered  on  his 
career  as  a  lawyer  in  the  same  town. 

Uncle  John  had  a  family  of  small  children  growing  up  and 
I  felt  I  was  in  the  way.  My  mother  was  anxious  for  me  to 
return  home  as  all  her  boys  were  away.  I  wanted  to  go. 
Uncle  John,  however,  expressed  his  desire  for  me  to  stay  and 
enter  Kenyon  College,  but  I  knew  that  Mrs.  Sherman  preferred 
that  I  should  leave  as  she  had  her  young  children  to  care  for. 
The  result  was  my  return  to  Lancaster  at  the  age  of  twelve. 
Mrs.  Sherman  is  now  living  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  at  the  age 
of  eighty-seven,  with  her  son  John.  I  shall  always  remember 
with  sincere  gratitude  her  care  and  forbearance  manifested 
toward  a  rather  wild  and  reckless  boy  at  the  disagreeable  age 
of  from  eight  to  twelve  years.  Affection  may  make  a  mother 
bear  with  the  torment  of  her  own  child  at  that  age,  but  will 
rarely  induce  an  equal  leniency  toward  that  of  another. 

My  return  to  Lancaster  was  a  happy  event  in  my  life.  I 
renewed  my  old  acquaintance  with  boys  of  my  age,  and  was 
on  intimate  terms  with  Philemon  Ewing,  Charles  Garaghty, 
Frederick  Reese,  W.  P.  Rice,  W.  Winthrop  Sifford  and  others. 
My  brother,  William  Tecumseh,  was  three  years  my  senior, 
and  he  and  his  associates  of  his  own  age  rather  looked  down 
upon  their  juniors.  Still,  I  had  a  good  deal  of  intercourse  with 
him,  mainly  in  the  way  of  advice  on  his  part.  At  that  time  he 
was  a  steady  student,  quiet  in  his  manners  and  easily  moved 
by  sympathy  or  affection.  I  was  regarded  as  a  wild,  reckless, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  33 

lad,  eager  in  controversy  and  ready  to  fight.  No  one  could 
then  anticipate  that  he  was  to  be  a  great  warrior  and  I  a 
plodding  lawyer  and  politician.  I  fired  my  first  gun  over  his 
shoulder.  He  took  me  with  him  to  carry  the  game,  mostly 
squirrels  and  pigeons.  He  was  then  destined  to  West  Point, 
and  was  preparing  for  it.  To  me  the  future  was  all  unknown. 

I  entered,  with  all  the  boys  referred  to  and  many  others, 
the  Academy  of  Mark  and  Matthew  Howe,  then  well  estab 
lished,  and  of  great  reputation,  —  and  deservedly  so.  The 
schoolrooms  were  large,  and  furnished  with  desks  and  chairs, 
an  improvement  upon  the  old  benches  with  boards  in  front. 
The  course  of  studies  mapped  out  for  me  was  much  the  same 
as  I  pursued  at  Mount  Vernon,  with  a  specialty  of  the  first  six 
books  of  Euclid,  and  of  algebra.  Latin  was  taught  but  little. 
From  the  first,  arithmetic,  algebra  and  surveying  were  my 
favorite  studies,  and  in  those  I  became  proficient.  We  had  an 
improvised  theatre  in  which  we  acted  plays  and  made 
speeches. 

When  I  entered  the  school  Matthew  Howe  was  the  regu 
lator,  teacher  and  dominie.  He  was  the  supreme  autocrat, 
from  whom  there  was  no  appeal.  All  the  boys  respected  him, 
for  he  was  certainly  a  good  teacher,  but  they  did  not  like  his 
domineering  way.  I  got  along  with  him  pretty  well  for  some 
months,  but  one  day  after  I  had  mastered  my  lessons  I  rested 
my  head  on  my  desk  when  I  was  sharply  reproved  by  him.  I 
said  that  I  did  not  feel  very  well  and  had  learned  my  lessons. 
He  called  me  to  the  black-board  and  directed  me  to  demon 
strate  some  problem  in  my  lesson  of  Euclid.  I  went,  and,  as  I 
believed,  had  made  the  drawing  and  demonstrated  the  prob 
lem.  He  said  I  had  not,  that  I  had  failed  to  refer  to  a  corol 
lary.  I  answered  that  he  had  not  required  this  in  previous 
lessons.  Some  discussion  arose,  when,  with  the  ferule  in  his 
hand,  he  directed  me  to  hold  out  mine.  I  did  so,  but  as  he 
struck  my  right  hand,  I  hit  him  with  all  the  force  I  could  com 
mand  with  my  left.  This  created  great  excitement  in  the 
school,  all  the  students  being  present,  my  brother  Tecumseh 
among  them.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  the  boys  were  dis 
posed  to  take  sides  with  me,  but  I  saw  no  signs  of  it.  The 


34  RECOLLECTIONS 

result  was  that  I  was  expelled  from  the  school,  but,  by  the 
intercession  of  my  mother,  and  Mrs.  Reese,  after  explanations,  I 
was  restored,  and  during  my  two  years  with  Mr.  Howe  I  had 
no  other  contention  with  him.  He  moved  some  years  later  to 
Iowa,  where  he  established  another  academy,  and  lived  a  long 
and  useful,  life.  We  had  friendly  correspondence  with  each 
other,  but  neither  alluded  to  our  skirmish  over  a  corollary  in 
Euclid. 

The  pupils  had  the  usual  disposition  among  boys  to  play 
tricks  on  each  other.  The  academy  was  in  a  large  square,  the 
greater  part  of  which  was  an  orchard  of  apple  trees.  Mr. 
Howe  lived  on  the  corner  of  the  square,  some  distance  from 
the  academy.  The  boys  were  forbidden  to  climb  the  trees  to 
shake  down  the  fruit,  but  were  quite  welcome  to  the  fruit  on 
the  ground.  One  fall,  when  the  apples  were  ripe,  the  boys 
conspired  to  play  a  trick  upon  some  of  the  students  and  out 
siders, — among  them  my  brother  Lampson,  then  on  a  visit 
home  from  Cincinnati, — who  were  easily  persuaded  to  rob  the 
orchard,  none  more  willing  than  "  Lamp. "  Those  in  the  plot 
were  to  watch  and  prevent  interference.  When  the  time 
came  we  had  detailed  two  or  three  boys  in  the  academy  to  fire 
off  muskets,  well  loaded  with  powder  and  nothing  else,  when 
the  signal  was  given.  Everything  moved  on  according  to  pro 
gramme.  The  boys  detailed  to  shake  down  the  apples  were  in 
the  trees,  when,  all  at  once,  the  firing  of  musketry  commenced. 
The  boys  dropped  from  the  trees  and  scattered  in  every  direc 
tion.  Some  were  caught  in  the  pea  vines  of  Mr.  Howe's 
garden,  but  most  of  them,  with  great  labor,  climbed  over  the 
high  fence  around  the  ground  and  dropped  on  the  outside 
"with  a  thud,'7  safe  from  powder!  The  dogs  in  the  neighbor 
hood  lent  their  aid  to  the  outcry,  and  everybody  was  con 
vinced  that  ruffians  had  robbed  Howe's  orchard. 

I  suppose  it  will  never  occur  that  a  generation  of  boys  will 
not  do  these  things.  At  seventy-two  I  know  it  was  wrong. 
At  thirteen  I  thought  it  was  fun. 

I  now  recall  many  pleasing  memories  of  what  occurred  in 
the  two  years  "at  home"  at  that  period  when  the  life  of  a  boy 
is  beginning  to  open  to  the  future.  It  is  the  period  of  greatest 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  35 

danger  and  highest  hope.  At  that  time,  1835  to  1837,  every 
body  was  prosperous.  The  development  created  by  our 
system  of  canals  had  opened  markets  for  our  produce.  The 
public  national  debt  had  been  paid.  The  pet  banks  chartered 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  started 
upon  a  wild  scheme  of  inflation.  A  craze  to  purchase  public 
land  created  an  overflowing  revenue.  All  causes  combining 
created  a  deceptive  prosperity  that  could  end  only  in  one  way. 
All  this  was  Greek  to  me.  All  I  wanted,  and  the  controlling 
wish  of  my  life,  was  to  help  mother.  She  was  always  kind, 
loving  and  forbearing.  No  word  of  reproach  ever  fell  from 
her  lips  to  me.  She  was  the  same  to  all  her  children,  but  if 
there  was  any  difference,  or  favor,  it  was  for  me.  Even  at 
that  early  age  I  had  day  dreams  for  the  future,  and  mother 
was  the  central  picture.  If  fortunes  could  be  made  by  others 
why  could  I  not  make  one?  I  wished  I  was  a  man.  It  began 
to  appear  to  me  that  I  could  not  wait  to  go  through  college. 
What  were  Latin  and  Greek  to  me,  when  they  would  delay 
me  in  making  my  fortune! 

Near  the  close  of  1836  I  wrote  to  my  brother  Charles  at 
Mansfield,  asking  him  to  get  me  employment.  He  discouraged 
me  and  said  I  should  stick  to  my  studies,  but  I  insisted  that  I 
was  strong  and  could  make  my  own  living.  At  this  time  Ohio 
had  decided  upon  the  improvement  of  the  Muskingum  Eiver 
from  Zanesville  to  Marietta,  and  the  Board  of  Public  Works 
had  selected  Colonel  Samuel  R.  Curtis,  a  graduate  of  West 
Point,  as  chief  engineer.  He  was  a  brother  of  Mr.  Curtis,  of 
Mount  Vernon,  and  a  friend  of  our  family. 

Charles  had  no  difficulty  in  securing  me  employment  as 
junior  rodman  if,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  I  could  perform  the 
duties  required, — which  Colonel  Curtis  doubted.  The  work 
was  not  to  commence  until  the  spring,  when  I  was  to  be  given 
a  trial.  I  worked  hard  that  winter,  for  hard  work,  I  thought, 
was  the  way  to  fortune.  I  studied  the  mode  of  leveling.  I 
saw  a  man  on  the  Hocking  canal  operate  his  instrument,  take 
the  rear  sight  from  the  level  of  the  water  in  the  canal,  then 
by  a  succession  of  levels  backwards  and  forwards  carry  his 
level  to  the  objective  point.  Then  the  man  was  kind  enough 


36  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  show  me  how,  by  simple  addition  and  subtraction,  the  result 
wanted  could  be  obtained.  I  was  well  advanced  in  arithmetic 
and  in  mathematics  generally,  and  was  confident,  even  if  I 
was  hardly  fourteen  years  old,  that  I  could  do  the  work  of  a 
junior  rodman. 

About  the  first  of  May,  1837,  the  day  of  deliverance  came. 
I  was  to  be  my  own  master  and  make  my  own  living!  A 
fortune  gilded  with  hope  was  before  me.  I  was  to  go  in  the 
stage  thirty-six  miles  to  Zanesville,  and  thence  by  stage-route 
down  the  Muskingum  River,  twenty-eight  miles  to  McConnels- 
ville.  When  the  stage  arrived  at  my  mother's  house  it  was 
rather  full,  but  there  was  still  room  enough  for  me.  All  the 
family,  and  my  comrades,  had  gathered  to  see  me  off.  My 
baggage,  all  new,  was  thrown  into  the  boot,  and  I  took  my 
seat  in  the  stage.  My  heart  sank  a  little  as  the  stage  rolled 
over  the  hill  and  down  the  valley  beyond,  but  the  passengers 
wanted  to  know  who  I  was,  where  I  was  going,  and  what  I 
was  going  to  do,  and  I  think  they  got  all  the  information  they 
wanted,  for  why  should  I  not  tell  them  of  my  visions  of  hope, 
sometimes  called  plans?  Oh!  the  golden  dreams  of  childhood, 
the  splendid  anticipations  of  boyhood,  the  fields  of  conquest  to 
be  won,  the  fortunes  to  be  made,  all  to  vanish  into  thin  air  by 
the  touch  of  reality. 

I  arrived  at  Zanesville  long  after  dark,  and  very  weary. 
I  had  never  been  in  so  large  a  town  before.  The  hotel  was 
full  of  people,  but  no  one  noticed  me.  I  was  hungry,  but 
could  only  get  the  scraps  left,  as  the  supper  hour  was  past. 
I  was  to  leave  in  the  morning  at  daylight  without  breakfast. 
I  was  shown  into  a  small  dark  room,  on  the  third  floor,  and 
was  to  be  called  in  the  morning.  I  did  not  like  the  place  and 
was  alone  and  in  fear.  I  had  more  money  than  ever  before. 
Might  I  not  be  robbed?  I  took  the  precaution  to  deposit  my 
jack-knife  on  a  chair  within  reach,  to  defend  myself  in  case  of 
attack !  My  fears  were  soon  lost  in  sleep.  In  the  morning  I 
was  aroused  to  take  my  place  in  the  stage,  but  forgot  my 
knife,  my  only  wreapon  of  defense,  and  it  was  lost  to  me  for 
ever.  The  bright  morning  revived  my  spirits.  A  hearty 
breakfast  at  Taylorsville  revived  all  my  hopes  and  plans. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  37 

I  arrived  at  McConnelsville  about  noon  and  stopped  at  the 
only  tavern  in  the  place.  I  called  at  the  headquarters  of 
Colonel  Curtis  and  introduced  myself  to  him.  He  received  me 
very  kindly  and  introduced  me  to  the  office  clerks,  and  to 
James  M.  Love,  who,  I  was  told,  would  take  me  within  a  week 
to  the  engineer  corps,  then  running  their  levels  at  Beverly, 
sixteen  miles  away.  I  spent  the  week  pleasantly  with  him, 
and  was  intimately  associated  with  him  during  my  service  of 
two  years.  He  subsequently  studied  law  and  practiced  his 
profession  at  Coshocton.  When  the  Mexican  War  was  pro 
gressing  he  enlisted  in  one  of  the  Ohio  regiments,  became  a 
captain,  and,  I  think,  a  major,  and  rendered  good  service.  He 
subsequently  migrated  to  Iowa  and  was  appointed  judge  of 
the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  that  state.  This 
position  he  held  for  many  years  with  distinction  and  honor. 
He  died  July  2,  1891. 

When  the  time  came  for  joining  the  corps  Love  proposed 
that  we  start  in  the  morning  for  Beverly,  but  I  insisted  that, 
as  it  was  only  sixteen  miles  to  Beverly,  we  could  easily  make 
the  trip  after  dinner.  I  had  never  walked  so  far  as  sixteen 
miles  in  my  life,  but  had  walked  or  run  three  or  four  miles  in 
an  hour,  and,  by  the  rules  of  arithmetic,  we  could  easily  go  six 
teen  miles  in  five  or  six  hours.  He  yielded  to  my  wishes,  and, 
as  our  baggage  had  been  sent  by  the  stage,  we  started  about 
one  o'clock,  light  of  heart  and  foot.  When  we  had  climbed 
the  long  hill  south  of  McConnelsville,  about  a  mile  and  a  half, 
I  was  a  little  tired,  and  I  asked  how  far  we  had  gone ;  he  said, 
*  a  mile  and  a  half ! '  I  began  then  to  appreciate  my  folly  in 
not  starting  in  the  morning.  He  said  nothing,  but  kept  at  my 
slower  pace,  giving  me  a  rest  occasionally.  It  was  sundown 
when  we  were  six  miles  from  Beverly,  and  I  was  completely 
tired  out.  Still  neither  of  us  proposed  to  stop,  as  we  could 
have  done  at  a  farmer's  house  on  the  roadside.  We  reached 
the  town  of  Beverly  about  ten  o'clock,  weary  and  hungry. 
This  tramp  taught  me  a  lesson  I  never  forgot, — not  to  insist 
upon  anything  I  knew  nothing  about.  We  found  the  corps 
the  next  day  in  camp  in  one  large  tent  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Muskingum  River. 


38  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  had  another  experience,  equally  unpleasant,  during  our 
first  evening  in  camp.  The  members  of  our  corps,  five  or  six 
in  number,  had  been  invited  by  Mr.  Lindsley  to  attend  a  party 
at  his  house  near  by.  They  accepted,  and,  as  Love  and  I  had 
no  invitations,  we  were  left  on  guard  in  the  tent  containing 
the  instruments  and  supplies.  When  we  were  alone  there 
came  up  suddenly  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain, — not  uncommon 
along  the  valley, — which  flattened  the  tent  and  flooded  the 
ground  on  which  it  stood.  We  were  thoroughly  soaked  and 
utterly  helpless,  and,  for  a  time,  in  real  danger.  I  remember 
my  utter  collapse  at  this  new  misfortune,  but  all  we  could  do 
was  to  wait  and  hope  for  the  return  of  the  corps.  I  must  con 
fess  that  I  quietly  mingled  my  tears  with  the  rain,  but  I  did 
not  tell  this  to  the  boys  when  they  returned  after  the  storm 
was  over.  No  great  damage  was  done.  The  tent  was  soon 
raised  and  secured  in  place.  The  next  morning  I  was  given  a 
rod  and  instructed  how  to  use  it.  I  noticed  that  my  associates 
did  not  have  much  confidence  in  my  ability  to  perform  the 
duties,  and,  especially  the  senior  rodman,  John  Burwell.  I 
followed  instructions,  however,  and  reported  my  rod  correctly. 
After  a  day  or  two  they  gave  me  a  book  in  which  I  was  to 
enter  the  levels.  In  a  very  short  time  they  were  satisfied  that 
I  could  perform  my  duties,  and  I  was  soon  trusted  to  make  up 
the  record  of  levels,  and  the  necessary  additions  and  subtrac 
tions  in  my  book. 

This  little  corps  was  composed  of  men,  some  of  whom 
afterwards  became  proficient  as  engineers,  lawyers  or 
preachers.  Among  them  were  John  E.  Straughn,  Wright 
Coffinberry,  John  Scott,  John  Burwell,  and  James  M.  Love. 
The  line  of  surveys  was  soon  completed  to  Marietta,  the  locks 
and  dams  were  located,  estimates  of  cost  were  carefully  made, 
the  materials  to  be  used  were  purchased  and  the  excavations 
and  embankments  to  be  made  were  computed.  My  associates 
soon  found  that  I  could  do  the  work  assigned  me,  and  in  this 
way  I  won  their  respect  and  forbearance. 

After  the  surveys  were  completed,  the  members  of  the 
corps  were  located  at  different  places  to  take  charge  of  the 
work.  Mr.  Coffinberry  was  assigned  to  Lowell,  and  I  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  39 

attached  to  him  as  an  assistant.  John  Scott,  who  had  been  at 
West  Point,  and,  I  think,  was  a  graduate,  was  assigned  to  Bev 
erly,  where  a  dam,  lock  and  a  short  canal  were  to  be  con 
structed.  In  the  fall  of  1837  he  was  dismissed,  I  think,  for 
intemperance.  I  was  detailed,  not  exactly  to  take  his  place, 
for  which  I  was  unfitted,  but  to  look  after  some  details,  and  to 
keep  the  headquarters  advised  of  the  progress  of  the  work.  It 
was  soon  found  that  I  was  able  to  measure  embankments, 
excavations,  stone  and  other  materials.  The  result  was  that  I 
was  continued,  at  my  early  age,  practically  in  charge  of  the 
work  I  have  mentioned.  All  plans  came  from  headquarters 
and  I  was  carefully  instructed  from  there  what  to  do  and  how 
to  do  it.  This  was  a  great  and  useful  experience  for  me,  and  it 
continued  until  the  summer  of  1839. 

During  most  of  the  time  I  lived  in  the  family  of  Mr.  Paul 
Fearing,  an  old  and  respected  citizen  of  Beverly,  who  had  long 
been  engaged  in  what  was  called  the  river  trade.  He  trans 
ported  the  produce  of  the  country,  chiefly  pork,  apples,  wheat, 
and  corn,  from  the  neighboring  region  on  flats  and  scows  down 
the  Muskingum,  Ohio  and  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans,  stopping 
at  the  riverside  towns,  selling  his  commodities  and  buying 
others.  The  boats  were  sold  at  New  Orleans  for  lumber.  The 
captain  and  crew,  generally  consisting  of  two  men,  would  re 
turn  by  steamer  with  the  proceeds  of  their  traffic  in  sugar, 
molasses  and  other  productions  of  the  south.  This  was  the 
early  mode  of  traffic,  but  it  had  been  largely  broken  up  by 
steamboats,  so  that  at  the  time  I  refer  to,  Mr.  Fearing's  occupa 
tion  was  gone;  but  he  had  a  comfortable  little  fortune,  and, 
with  his  wife  and  only  daughter,  lived  in  a  neat  cottage  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  at  Beverly,  where  I  became  practically  a 
member  of  his  family. 

The  community  at  Beverly  was  a  very  intelligent  one,  com 
posed  mainly  of  settlers  from  Massachusetts  on  the  Ohio  Com 
pany's  purchase.  The  valley  of  the  Muskingum  is  exceedingly 
fertile,  but  it  is  comparatively  narrow  and  confined  by  pictur 
esque  hills  and  ridges,  broken  by  water  courses.  The  settle 
ments  were  mostly  in  the  valley,  for  the  hill  lands  were  rough, 
covered  by  poor  soil,  and  were  occupied  chiefly  for  grazing. 


40  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  portion  of  the  valley  at  Beverly,  and  south  of  it,  was  sin 
gularly  fertile  and  pleasing,  and  very  valuable.  Its  owners  and 
occupants  wrere  mostly  of  New  England  birth  and  descent. 
Their  productions  had  a  ready  market  down  the  river,  and  in 
that  age,  before  railroads,  the  valley  had  a  great  advantage  in 
transportation  and  supplies  over  the  interior  parts  of  the  state. 
The  people  were,  as  a  rule,  educated  in  good  schools,  and  they 
had  a  college  at  Marietta  and  a  female  college  at  Zanesville. 
The  proposed  improvement  of  the  Muskingum,  they  believed, 
would  give  them  another  advantage,  by  securing  them  water 
of  a  depth  sufficient  for  boats  in  the  dry  seasons  of  the  year,  as 
well  as  during  the  "  freshets,"  which  they  then  had  to  depend 
upon,  but  which  at  best  were  not  very  reliable  in  their  habits, 
as  I  found  to  my  cost.  This  was  to  be  corrected  by  the  "im 
provement,"  which,  in  their  delusive  hope,  was  to  give  them 
cheap  water  transportation  all  the  year  around. 

At  that  time  railroads  were  in  their  infancy.  They  have 
since  practically  destroyed  or  crippled  all  internal  navigation 
on  inland  rivers,  reaching  their  iron  arms  over  the  United 
States,  traversing  north  and  south,  east  and  west — a  vast 
gridiron  of  roads,  in  value  greater  than  the  market  value  of 
all  the  land  in  the  United  States  in  1837.  Before  the  first  rail 
road  was  built  in  Ohio  the  Muskingum  improvement  was 
completed,  but  it  proved  to  be  a  bad  investment.  The  canals 
of  Ohio  and  this  improvement  were,  perhaps,  the  necessary 
forerunner  of  the  railroads  to  come,  but  the  money  expended 
on  them  was  practically  lost.  And  I  believe  that  the  experi 
ment  now  being  made  by  the  United  States  in  the  improvement 
of  the  Ohio,  Missouri  and  Mississippi  Rivers  will  end  in  a  like 
result  on  a  grander  scale.  By  the  demolition  of  the  forests 
which  covered  this  great  valley,  the  supply  and  distribution  of 
the  waters  and  rivers  in  this  region  will  be  so  diminished  at 
certain  seasons  as  to  render  these  water-ways  worthless  for 
navigation.  Engineers  may  make  dams  that  will  hold  water, 
and  locks  that  may  lift  a  steamboat,  but  if  the  clearing  away 
of  forests  prevents  the  usual  fall  of  rain  and  causes  its  absorp 
tion  into  the  earth,  and  if  the  dispersion  of  water  by  its  use 
and  waste  in  cities,  are  to  continue,  the  dam  will  not  be  filled, 


JOHN    SHERMAN    AT   THE    AGE   OF    19. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  41 

and  the  lock  will  be  like  a  stranded  vessel,  fit  only  as  a  quarry 
for  cut  stone,  or  for  a  railway  arch  over  a  street  of  asphalt  in 
a  growing  city.  Captain  Fearing  railed  against  the  steamboats 
as  many  now  inveigh  against  the  railroads,  but  these  two  great 
agencies  will  divide  the  commerce  of  the  world  between  them. 
The  railroads  will  possess  the  land,  the  steamboats  the  ocean 
and  the  great  fresh  waters  of  the  world.  Possibly  steamboats 
may  be  utilized  on  short  stretches  of  rivers,  but  even  on  these 
they  will  have  to  compete  with  railroads  having  wide-reaching 
connections  which  they  do  not  possess.  The  money  expended 
to  levee  the  Mississippi  may  be  lost  by  the  United  States,  but 
the  planters  will  receive  some  benefit  from  it  in  the  protection 
given  to  their  crops.  The  steamboats  in  interior  waters  will 
be  exchanged  for  iron  whalebacks,  and  new  forces  of  a  new 
nature,  as  yet  only  partly  developed,  such  as  electricity,  will 
contest  with  steam  as  a  motive  power. 

During  the  period  of  my  stay  on  the  Muskingum  improve 
ments  I  had  very  excellent  opportunities  for  study,  of  which  I 
regret  to  say  I  did  not  avail  myself  as  well  as  I  might  have 
done.  Still,  I  occupied  my  leisure  in  reading  novels,  histories, 
and  such  books  as  I  could  readily  get.  Many  books  were  sent 
to  me  from  Lancaster.  I  purchased  a  number,  and  found 
some  in  Beverly  which  were  kindly  lent  to  me.  I  read  most 
of  the  British  classics,  as  they  are  called,  the  Spectator,  Shakes 
peare,  Byron,  and  Scott.  I  read  all  I  could  find  of  the  history 
of  America.  I  tried  to  brush  up  my  Latin,  but  without  much 
success.  I  had  the  frequent  company  of  my  associates  on  the 
corps,  all  of  whom  were  bright,  able  men,  several  years  in 
advance  of  me  in  age.  We  were  frequently  called  to  head 
quarters  at  McConnelsville,  a  trip  usually  made  on  horseback, 
and  where  we  always  had  not  only  a  cheerful,  but  a  very  in 
structive  time.  Colonel  Curtis  was  highly  esteemed  by  us  all, 
and  his  treatment  of  me  was  kind  and  fatherly.  He  frequently 
complimented  me  upon  my  work,  and  when  he  came  through 
Beverly  he  visited  me. 

Among  the  diversions  at  Beverly  we  had  occasional  debates. 
One  of  these  was  upon  the  dangerous  subject  of  temperance,  a 
topic  not  then  much  discussed,  for  drinking  of  something 


42  RECOLLECTIONS. 

stronger  than  water  was  almost  as  universal  as  eating,  and  con 
sidered  equally  necessary.  However,  there  sprang  up  about 
that  time  a  movement  in  favor  of  temperance.  It  was  thought 
best  to  discuss  the  subject  at  a  public  meeting,  a  school-teacher 
and  I  taking  the  side  of  temperance,  and  two  other  young 
men  opposing  us.  The  meeting  was  well  attended,  largely  by 
the  men  employed  on  the  public  work  who  habitually  received 
a  certain  number  of  " jiggers"  of  whisky  a  day,  at  regular 
hours.  Whisky,  not  being  taxed,  was  worth  from  fifteen  to 
twenty-five  cents  a  gallon.  It  was  not  an  expensive  luxury, 
and  was  regarded  by  all  the  workingmen  on  the  improvement 
as  a  necessity.  At  the  end  of  the  debate,  which  I  do  not  re 
member  to  have  been  a  very  notable  one,  the  audience  decided 
we  had  the  best  of  the  argument.  The  discussion  created  a 
great  excitement.  The  workingmen  took  up  the  cry  that  the 
Cumberland  Presbyterians,  the  prevailing  sect  there,  and  other 
Christians,  were  interfering  with  their  habits  and  comfort,  and 
when  the  young  schoolmaster  appeared  the  next  day,  they 
raised  a  shout  and  pursued  him  with  sticks  and  stones. 
He  escaped  with  difficulty  across  the  river,  thus  getting  out  of 
the  way.  I  heard  of  the  trouble,  but  went  up  to  the  canal  and 
made  my  usual  measurements.  Not  a  word  was  said  to  me 
and  no  unkindness  shown.  I  understood  afterwards  that  this 
was  caused  by  a  warning  given  them  by  the  contractor,  who, 
hearing  of  the  assault  upon  the  schoolmaster,  told  them  that  I 
was  a  part  of  the  government  and  it  would  not  do  to  attack 
me ;  that  to  disturb  me  would  have  a  very  bad  effect  upon  them 
all.  So,  I  was  forgiven,  and,  indeed,  I  never  had  any  contro 
versy  during  my  time  there  with  anyone  connected  with  the 
work,  from  John  McCune,  the  contractor,  to  the  humblest 
water  carrier  about  the  works. 

Early  in  the  winter  of  1838,  I  think  in  November,  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  to  go  to  Cincinnati  on  the  usual  leave  after 
the  close  of  the  works.  As  an  excuse,  and  to  procure  means 
of  paying  for  the  trip,  I  purchased,  partly  on  credit,  a  barge 
and  loaded  it  with  barreled  salt,  apples  and  other  commodities, 
intending  before  the  freeze-up  to  avail  myself  of  the  usual 
rise  in  the  river  to  float  to  the  Ohio  and  thence  to  Cincinnati. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  43 

All  went  smoothly,  the  boat  was  loaded  and  floated  as  far  as 
Luke  Shute,  when  the  river  was  found  to  be  too  low  to  pro 
ceed.  Consequently  the  boat  was  tied  up  and  placed  under  the 
care  of  a  man  who  slept  aboard.  We  waited  for  the  river  to 
rise,  but  it  did  not  come.  Both  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio 
Rivers  were  very  low  that  season  and  finally  froze  up  before  the 
freshet  came.  This  closing  of  navigation  created  a  great  de 
mand  for  salt  in  Cincinnati,  as  that  article  could  not  be 
obtained  from  the  up-river  country,  and  it  advanced  to  a  price 
that  would  have  yielded  me  a  little  fortune  had  my  boat  not 
been  among  those  thus  detained.  I  undertook  to  carry  some 
of  the  salt  by  flatboats,  but  they  were  frozen  up.  The  pack 
ing  season  in  Cincinnati  was  going  forward  and  salt  bore  a 
high  price,  but  I  knew  it  would  fall  the  moment  the  river 
opened.  It  was  apparent  that  I  would  lose  on  the  salt,  but  I 
still  clung  to  my  purpose  to  go  down  the  river.  Finally  the 
freshet  came,  some  time  in  January,  I  think,  and  then,  with 
three  men  on  the  barge,  I  floated  down  the  river,  tying  up 
at  nights  for  safety,  and  stopping  occasionally  to  sell  apples 
to  the  Kentucky  farmers,  I  arrived  at  last  in  Cincinnati  and 
soon  found  that  salt  had  greatly  fallen  in  value,  so  I  sold 
the  salt,  boat  and  cargo  upon  the  best  terms  I  could  get.  The 
result  was  a  loss  of  about  one  hundred  dollars.  However,  I 
had  a  very  pleasant  visit  in  Cincinnati  with  my  brother 
Lampson,  who  was  connected  with  the  "  Cincinnati  Gazette." 
He  was  a  member  of  the  family  of  Mr.  Charles  Hammond,  his 
daughter,  and  son-in-law  Mr.  L'Hommedieu.  Mr.  Hammond 
had  been  a  warm  friend  of  my  father's  and  was  certainly  one 
of  the  ablest  writers  of  his  day  and  generation,  as  well  as  an 
accomplished  lawyer.  He  was  much  pleased  at  my  adventure 
and  especially  with  my  rough  shoes  and  wTarm  Kentucky  jeans. 
He  told  me  not  to  be  discouraged,  and  flattered  me  with  the 
statement  that  a  young  fellow  who  could,  at  fifteen  years  of 
age,  do  what  I  had  done  would  make  his  way  in  the  world. 

At  that  time  I  saw  Judge  Burnett  at  his  residence.  He  had 
been  a  colleague  of  my  father  on  the  supreme  bench,  and  dur 
ing  all  his  manhood  had  been  distinguished  as  a  lawyer  and  a 
man  of  marked  ability.  He  wore  a  long  queue,  preserved  the 


44  RECOLLECTIONS 

habits  of  the  gentleman  of  the  old  school,  and  was  proud  of 
being  a  Federalist.  His  book  called  "  Burnett's  Notes  "  is  per 
haps  the  most  valuable  collection  of  historical  data  pertaining 
to  the  early  history  of  Ohio  now  extant. 

At  this  time  I  visited  what  was  called  Powers'  "Hell."  My 
brother  Lampson  and  I  took  the  boatmen  with  us,  and  "  Lamp.," 
who  was  fond  of  playing  practical  jokes,  and  knew  the  place 
better  than  I  did,  took  care  to  warn  one  of  the  roughest  of  my 
boatmen  to  seize  hold  of  a  bar  which  was  before  him,  and 
which  "  Lamp."  knew  would  be  charged  later  with  electricity, 
and  to  hold  on  to  it  for  dear  life.  We  heard  a  rumbling  sound 
inside,  and  finally  saw  flashes  resembling  lightning,  and  we 
naturally  seized  on  whatever  was  before  us  to  await  the  open 
ing  of  "  Hell."  After  more  sheet  lightning  the  veil  was  drawn 
aside  and  there  were  before  us  representatives  of  human  beings 
in  every  attitude  of  agony.  At  the  same  moment  the  electric 
current  was  passed  through  certain  bars  before  us,  on  one  of 
which  the  boatman  held  a  firm  grip,  but  no  sooner  was  he 
charged  with  electricity  than  his  hair  flew  on  end,  he  looked 
the  picture  of  terror,  shouted  in  a  loud  voice,  "0,  hell! "  and 
broke  for  the  door.  Soon  after  we  followed  also,  and  that,  to  us, 
was  the  end  of  a  scene  that  ought  never  to  have  been  exhibited. 

I  returned  to  Beverly  in  a  steamboat  and  soon  settled  all  the 
bills  of  the  salt  speculation,  but  had  to  call  upon  Mr.  McComb 
and  my  brother,  Charles,  for  a  small  sum  to  make  up  the  deficit. 
I  repaid  this  sum  later  on,  but  Mr.  McComb  never  failed,  when 
ever  I  made  a  business  proposition  that  seemed  hazardous,  to 
say,  with  a  great  haw-haw :  "  Well,  John,  that  is  one  of  your 
salt  speculations." 

The  election  in  the  fall  of  1838  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a 
Democratic  governor  and  state  legislature,  which,  according  to 
the  politics  of  the  time,  involved  an  entire  change  of  state 
officials  and  employes.  Mr.  Wall  became  a  member  of  the 
Board  of  Public  Works,  and  was  assigned,  among  other  works, 
to  the  charge  of  the  Muskingum  improvement.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  months,  I  think  about  the  last  of  June,  1839,  Col. 
Curtis  was  removed,  and  Mr.  Macaboy  was  appointed  superin 
tendent  in  his  place.  At  first  it  was  uncertain  whether  changes 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  45 

would  be  made  in  the  subordinates  of  the  corps.  Some  of  its 
members  had  become  so  much  attached  to  Col.  Curtis  that  they 
thought  it  right  and  proper  to  send  him  a  letter  expressing  in 
substance  their  regret  at  his  removal,  their  high  estimate  of  his 
services,  and  thanks  for  his  kindness  to  them.  This  was  signed 
by  Mr.  Coffinberry,  Mr.  Burwell,  Mr.  Love  and  myself.  I  am 
not  certain  that  others  did  not  express  the  same  friendly  feel 
ings,  but,  at  all  events,  the  four  whose  names  I  have  mentioned 
were  summarily  dropped  from  the  service. 

Thus,  after  two  years  of  faithful  work  with  small  pay,  I  was, 
at  the  age  of  sixteen,  turned  adrift  on  account  of  politics. 

I  find  among  my  papers,  dingy  with  age,  the  correspondence 
with  Col.  Curtis,  and  also  the  subsequent  correspondence  be 
tween  Mr.  Wall  and  myself,  in  respect  to  my  removal.  My 
letter  to  Mr.  Wall  was  a  disclaimer  of  any  intention  of  disrespect 
to  him  in  our  letter  to  Col.  Curtis,  and  his  reply  was  that  we 
alleged  that  Col.  Curtis  was  removed  without  a  cause,  which  he 
denied.  I  have  no  doubt,  from  a  present  reading  of  the  papers, 
but  that  he  would  have  retained  me  as  a  juvenile  offender  if  I 
had  made  a  suitable  apology,  but  the  instinct  of  a  boy  to  stand 
up  for  his  party  was  too  strong.  I  was  a  Whig  of  sixteen,  and 
it  was  glorious  to  be  a  victim  of  persecution. 

I  also  find  among  my  papers  of  that  time,  which  I  thought 
worthy  of  preservation,  a  multitude  of  essays  on  as  many  dif 
ferent  subjects,  and  some  efforts  at  poetry,  all  of  which  I  con 
sign  to  flames.  Most  boys  have  had  the  same  experience.  The 
only  benefit  I  derived  was  the  habit  I  formed  of  writing  upon 
such  subjects  as  attracted  my  attention  by  reading,  a  habit  I 
continued  when  studying  law,  in  preparing  a  case  for  trial,  and 
in  preparation  for  a  debate  in  Congress. 

I  returned  at  once  to  Lancaster.  The  great  financial  depres 
sion,  commencing  in  1837,  was  now  at  its  height.  It  was  said 
that  Ohio  State  six  per  cent,  bonds  had  been  sold  at  fifty  cents 
on  the  dollar.  Many  banks  were  embarrassed  and  refused  to 
discount  notes,  while  several  failed,  and  their  circulating  notes 
became  worthless.  I  found  that  Lancaster  had  especially  suf 
fered,  that  many  of  its  leading  business  firms  had  suspended  or 
\vere  on  the  brink  of  failure.  I  was  then  in  excellent  health, 


46  RECOLLECTIONS 

tall  and  slender  and  willing  to  work.  I  received  temporary 
employment  from  Dr.  Kreider,  who  was  either  Clerk  of  the 
Court  or  Recorder  of  Deeds,  I  do  not  remember  which.  He 
gave  me  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  day,  which  I  regarded  as  a  great 
favor,  but  the  records  were  soon  made  up  and  I  had  nothing 
to  do. 

It  was*  at  this  period  of  my  life  that  I  fell  into  very  bad 
habits.  Many  of  the  boys  about  my  age  who  were  with  me  at 
Howe's  school  were  still  about  Lancaster,  and  were  out  of  em 
ployment  like  myself.  We  would  meet  on  the  street,  or  at  the 
post  office,  or  some  place  of  resort,  to  talk  over  old  times,  and 
got  into  the  habit  of  drinking  poor  wine,  mostly  made  of 
diluted  whisky  and  drugs.  The  general  habit  of  drinking  spir 
its  was  then  more  common  than  now,  but  I  had  not  been  subject 
to  this  temptation,  as  Col.  Curtis  was  very  strict  in  prohibiting 
all  such  drinking.  With  the  jolly  good  fellows  I  met  at  Lan 
caster  who  had  nothing  to  do,  I  could  not  refuse  to  join  in 
drinking  the  health  of  each  other,  and  thus  I  was  conscious 
frequently  of  being  more  or  less  intoxicated.  On  one  occasion, 
in  the  fall  of  1839,  I  went  home  very  sick  from  drinking.  My 
mother  received  me  with  much  surprise  and  sorrow,  but  neither 
complained  nor  scolded,  and,  with  the  utmost  kindness,  put  me 
to  bed  and  watched  over  and  cared  for  me.  I  was  not  stupid 
enough  to  be  unconscious  of  my  degradation  and  her  affection, 
and  then  and  there  resolved  never  to  be  in  such  a  condition 
again,  and  from  that  time  to  this  I  am  not  conscious  of  having 
been  under  the  influence  of  liquor.  I  have  partaken  of  wine 
and  spirits  at  weddings,  feasts  and  dinners,  I  have  used  it  as  a 
medicine,  and  in  response  to  toasts  and  compliments,  but  never 
to  an  extent  to  addle  my  brain  or  disturb  my  walk. 

At  that  time  intemperance  was  a  common  vice.  Of  the 
young  men  who  were  my  contemporaries  a  very  large  propor 
tion  became  habitual  drunkards  and  died  prematurely.  No 
reform  in  my  time  has  been  so  general  and  beneficial  as  that 
of  the  disuse  of  drinking  intoxicating  liquors,  commencing  in 
1841.  Formerly  liquors  were  put  on  the  sideboard  or  table,  and 
the  invitation  "take  a  drink"  was  as  common  then  as  "take 
a  seat"  is  now.  This  method  of  treating  was  shared  in  by 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  47 

preachers  of  the  Gospel,  and  by  all  who  observed  the  courtesies 
of  social  life.  Now  these  conditions  have  greatly  changed. 
Whisky  is  banished  to  the  drug  store,  the  grocery  and  the 
saloon,  and  even  there  it  is  under  surveillance  and  so  high 
ly  taxed  as  to  furnish  a  large  proportion  of  the  national 
revenue. 

Some  time  in  the  autumn  of  1839  I  visited  Mansfield  for  the 
first  time,  on  some  business  for  General  Reese,  and  it  was  then 
arranged  that  early  in  the  next  spring  I  should  return  to  study 
law  with  my  brother  Charles.  Mansfield  was  then  a  very  unat 
tractive  village,  badly  located  on  parallel  ridges  and  valleys, 
but  precisely  in  the  center  of  the  very  large  county  of  Richland, 
then  containing  900  square  miles.  The  county  covered  a  part 
of  the  high  table-land  that  separated  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie 
and  the  Ohio  River.  It  was  an  almost  unbroken  forest  during 
the  War  of  1812,  with  a  few  families  living  in  log  houses,  pro 
tected  by  block  houses  of  logs  from  the  incursions  of  Indians, 
many  of  whom  lived  in  the  county.  After  the  war  it  was  rap 
idly  settled,  chiefly  from  Pennsylvania,  and  divided  into  farms 
of  160  acres  or  less,  according  to  the  new  congressional  plan  of 
townships  six  miles  square,  sections  one  mile  square,  and  sub 
divisions  of  forty,  eighty,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres. 
The  topography  of  the  county  was  high  and  rolling,  from  900 
to  1,350  feet  above  the  sea,  with  innumerable  springs  of  the 
purest  water,  and  small  streams  and  creeks,  all  rising  in  the 
county  and  flowing  north  or  south  into  the  Muskingum  or  San- 
dusky  Rivers.  The  timber  was  oak,  sugar,  elm,  hickory  and 
other  deciduous  trees.  This  valuable  timber  was  the  chief  ob 
struction  to  the  farmers.  It  had  to  be  deadened  or  cut  away  to 
open  up  a  clearing  for  the  cabin  and  the  field.  The  labor  of 
two  or  three  generations  was  required  to  convert  it  into  the 
picturesque,  beautiful  and  healthy  region  it  now  is. 

The  village  of  Mansfield  has  been  converted  into  a  flourishing 
city  of  more  than  15,000  inhabitants,  with  extensive  manufac 
turing  establishments  and  a  network  of  railroads  reaching  out 
to  Cleveland,  Chicago,  Pittsburg,  Columbus,  Cincinnati  and 
Indianapolis.  There  was  no  sign  of  this  development  when  I 
first  visited  the  place. 

S.-5 


48  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  my  return  to  Lancaster  I  applied  myself  closely  to  study 
and  reading,  mainly  of  history.  I  read  Hume,  Smollett  and 
Miller's  histories  of  England,  Gibbon's  "  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Koman  Empire,"  and  such  histories  of  the  United  States  as  I 
could  procure.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  memorable  "Log 
Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  Campaign  "  of  1840  commenced.  General 
Harrison  "had  been  nominated  in  December,  1839,  at  Harrisburg, 
by  the  Whig  party.  He  was  a  distinguished  general  in  the  War 
of  1812,  but  had  lived  mainly  a  quiet,  modest  life  on  his  farm  at 
South  Bend,  near  Cincinnati.  The  Democratic  papers  ridiculed 
him  as  a  feeble  old  man,  living  in  a  cabin  and  drinking  hard 
cider.  The  Whigs  turned  these  sarcasms  with  great  effect  upon 
their  adversaries.  They  compared  the  old  soldier  and  his  excel 
lent  war  record,  living  in  a  cabin  with  the  latch  string  out  and 
eating  corn  bread,  with  "Matty  Van,  the  used  up  man,"  living 
in  a  palace,  with  roast  beef  every  day,  eating  from  silver  plate, 
with  gold  spoons,  and  drawing  a  salary  of  $25,000  a  year.  This 
was  no  doubt  demagoguism,  but  there  was  back  of  it  the  great 
questions  of  protection  to  American  industries,  sound  and  sta 
ble  currency,  and  the  necessity  of  economy  in  public  expendi 
tures.  A  great  meeting  was  held  in  Columbus  in  February, 
1840.  In  the  procession  were  log  cabins,  filled  with  farmers  and 
hauled  by  a  number  of  horses  and  oxen,  and  hard  cider  was  on 
tap  for  all  who  chose  to  drink.  Songs  were  improvised,  espe^ 
cially  by  Greiner,  the  poet  of  the  canvass.  One  of  these  songs, 
with  the  refrain,  "The  Log  Cabin  Candidate  will  March  to 
Washington,"  became  famous  and  prophetic. 

Some  time  in  March,  1840,  taking  the  stage  for  Mansfield,  I 
saw  signs  of  political  excitement  all  along  the  way,  even  at 
that  early  period  of  the  canvass.  My  sister  Susan,  two  years 
younger  than  I,  was  with  me.  We  met  with  no  adventure 
worthy  of  notice  until  we  arrived  at  our  destination,  when,  in 
ascending  the  hill  to  the  public  square,  the  coach  slipped  and 
fell  over  on  its  side.  This  we  considered  a  bad  omen.  It  was 
not,  however,  an  unusual  accident,  as  the  roads  were  always 
bad  in  March,  and  the  coaches  of  that  day  not  worthy  of  the 
name.  We  were  heartily  welcomed  into  the  family  of  Robert 
McComb,  who  had  married  my  sister,  Amelia. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  49 

I  was  to  study  law,  but  under  the  laws  of  Ohio  I  could  not 
be  admitted  to  practice  until  I  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years.  Our  liberal  laws  presumed  that  a  man  of  ordinary 
capacity  could  master  this  profession  in  two  years.  What  was 
I  to  do  during  the  two  spare  years  ?  This  question  was  left  to 
the  decision  of  my  uncle,  Judge  Parker,  husband  of  my  father's 
only  sister.  He  was  a  peculiar  character,  and,  as  I  will  have 
occasion  to  refer  to  him  again,  I  will  give  of  him  a  brief  biog 
raphy.  He  was  born  in  Nova  Scotia.  His  father  was  a  mer 
chant  of  some  wealth  who  early  decided  that  his  son  should  be 
educated  in  Ohio,  and  chose  for  him  the  college  at  Athens. 
There  young  Parker  not  only  received  his  collegiate  diploma, 
but  became  thoroughly  attached  to  western  habits  and  opinions. 
He  studied  law  with  my  father  at  Lancaster,  and,  when  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar,  went  to  Mansfield,  where  he  practiced  law. 
He  was  genial,  social,  and  especially  fond  of  the  society  of 
young  people.  I  have  often  seen  him  stop  on  the  streets  of 
Mansfield  to  watch  boys  playing  marbles.  He  was  conceded  to 
be  an  able  lawyer,  perhaps  the  best  land  lawyer  and  special 
pleader  in  that  part  of  Ohio.  But  he  was  not  an  advocate, 
partly  owing  to  occasional  stuttering,  but  in  jury  cases  em 
ployed  my  father  until  the  latter  became  a  judge  of  the  supreme 
court. 

Mr.  Parker  had  for  some  years  before  1840  retired  from 
active  practice,  and  was  engaged  with  Robert  McComb  as  a 
general  merchant.  During,  or  about  1842,  he  was  elected  by 
the  legislature  of  Ohio  presiding  judge  of  the  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas,  and  became  eminently  popular,  and  deservedly  so. 
He  was  to  be  my  guide  and  counselor. 

A  few  words  in  regard  to  my  brother,  Charles  Taylor,  will 
explain  our  relations,  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  me,  and  my 
deep  obligations  to  him.  He  was  then  a  bachelor  thirty  years 
old,  with  quite  a  lucrative  practice,  mainly  in  collecting  debts 
due  to  New  York  and  other  eastern  merchants.  Our  banking 
system  was  then  as  bad  as  it  could  be,  exchange  on  New  York 
was  always  at  premium,  and  there  was  no  confidence  in  our 
local  banks.  Charles  was  substantially  the  banker  in  Mansfield 
and  surrounding  counties  for  eastern  merchants.  He  was  a 


50  KECOLLEOTIONS 

good  speaker  when  he  addressed  a  judge,  and  his  briefs  were 
clear  statements  of  the  law  of  the  case,  but  when  forced  to 
speak  to  a  jury  he  was  exceedingly  shy  and  sensitive.  He 
avoided  jury  trials.  He  was  a  fair  speaker  on  popular  topics, 
and  took  great  interest  in  current  politics  as  a  Whig.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  Harrisburg  convention  that  nominated  Gen 
eral  Harrison  for  President,  and  made  several  creditable  speeches 
in  that  canvass.  He  was  married  in  the  fall  of  1840  to  Miss 
Elizabeth  Williams,  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  and  I  became  a  member 
of  his  family  soon  after. 

The  influence  of  the  special  traits  and  tendencies  of  Judge 
Parker  and  my  brother  Charles  upon  my  life  was  soon  manifest. 
My  course  of  study,  outlined  by  Judge  Parker,  commenced  with 
Blackstone,  followed  soon  after  by  Coke  on  Littleton.  As  a 
compromise  I  was  allowed  to  read  Kent's  Commentaries,  but 
Chitty's  Pleadings  had  to  go  along  with  Kent.  The  disinclina 
tion  of  Charles  to  have  anything  to  do  with  contested  litigation 
became  more  marked,  and  I  was  compelled,  long  before  my  ad 
mission  to  the  bar,  to  look  after  such  cases  as  grew  out  of  his 
practice.  The  pleadings  then  in  vogue  were  the  declarations, 
pleas  and  replications  of  the  English  common  law.  These  I 
prepared  after  I  had  been  a  student  for  a  year,  and,  in  cases 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  justice  of  the  peace,  I  habitually 
appeared  either  in  prosecution  or  defense. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  I  was  often  outwitted  and  defeated, 
much  to  my  chagrin.  In  one  case  submitted  to  arbitration,  a 
pettifogger  of  bad  repute  by  the  name  of  Baldwin  secured  an 
award  palpably  unjust.  I  felt  more  keenly  than  iny  client  the 
injustice  done  him,  and  never  forgave  Baldwin  until  he  was 
indicted  for  perjury  and  driven  out  of  the  county  in  disgrace. 

While  pursuing  my  studies,  I  was  able  in  various  ways  to 
make  enough  money  to  support  myself.  I  wrote  deeds  and 
agreements,  and  drew  the  first  map  of  Richland  county,  show 
ing  subdivisions  in  farms,  the  course  of  creeks  and  rivulets, 
and  roads.  I  was  also  employed  to  collect  small  debts,  and, 
towards  the  close  of  my  probation,  I  was  intrusted  with  large 
collections,  one  of  which  was  in  closing  the  business  of  an  old 
firm  with  outstanding  credits  of  more  than  $20,000. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  51 

In  those  days  of  primitive  barter  the  merchant  was  the 
banker  of  all  the  farmers  dealing  with  him.  The  farmer  sold 
to  the  merchant  most  of  his  surplus  products,  including  live 
stock  and  pork,  and  purchased  all  his  supplies,  mainly  of  cloth 
ing,  tea,  coffee,  and  the  like,  and  the  merchant  made  advances 
on  the  growing  crop.  At  the  close  of  a  year  the  account  was 
settled,  generally  with  a  balance  in  favor  of  the  merchant. 
Little  money  was  used.  It  was  a  traffic  in  commodities.  It 
was  not  unusual  for  the  merchant  to  drive  horses  and  cattle  to 
Pittsburg  or  further  east,  and  send  the  proceeds  to  the 
eastern  merchant. 

In  the  fall  of  the  year  it  was  quite  common  for  the  farmer 
to  load  upon  his  wagon  his  surplus  wheat  and  haul  it  fifty 
miles  to  Sandusky  and  Milan,  receiving  in  return  salt  and 
farming  implements,  and  the  balance  in  money.  Wheat  was 
then  the  chief  production  of  the  farm,  and  was  about  the 
only  article  that  would  command  cash.  At  this  season  the 
highway  was  often  blocked  with  long  trains  of  wagons  that 
would  not  give  way  for  other  vehicles.  At  night  the  wagons 
would  be  parked  on  the  roadside  near  a  creek,  and  the  farmers 
and  their  boys  would  have  a  regular  joyous  picnic  on  provi 
sions  brought  from  home.  This  was  the  life  of  a  farmer  before 
the  days  of  railroads,  and  I  am  not  sure  but  it  was  a  more 
happy  one  than  now.  Then  the  village  blacksmith  or  shoe 
maker,  the  tinker,  the  carpenter  and  the  mechanic  of  every 
trade  had  his  shop  and  was  a  far  more  important  and  inde 
pendent  citizen  than  now,  when  grouped  into  large  manufac 
turing  and  machine  works. 

While  a  student,  I  was  frequently  sent  by  my  brother  to 
Wooster,  the  nearest  bank,  with  large  sums  of  money  to  pur 
chase  exchange  on  New  York  for  his  clients.  These  trips  I 
always  made  on  horseback.  Once,  as  I  was  to  start  quite  early 
in  the  morning,  I  received  nearly  $2,000  in  bills  the  night 
before,  in  two  packages,  and  placed  them  in  my  overcoat.  In 
the  morning  I  threw  my  overcoat  over  my  arm  and  w^ent  for 
my  horse.  Before  mounting  I  felt  for  the  money  and  found  it 
was  gone.  I  started  in  alarm  for  the  house  and  on  my  way 
found  one  package  of  $1,000  lying  on  the  sidewalk  at  the 


52  RECOLLECTIONS 

corner  of  the  street  where  I  had  passed,  but  the  other  was 
nowhere  to  be  seen.  I  felt  sure  it  was  picked  up  by  some  one. 
I  at  once  gave  notice  to  my  brother,  and  he  took  immediate 
measures  to  trace  the  finder.  I  cannot  express  the  chagrin 
and  anxiety  which  I  suffered  on  account  of  my  carelessness, 
but  Charges  uttered  no  reproach,  but  prepared  to  replace  the 
loss.  Fortunately  within  a  month  the  lost  money  was  traced 
to  an  "early  drunkard/'  who  found  the  package  on  the  pave 
ment  while  going  for  his  morning  grog.  He  was  watched  and 
at  night  was  seen  to  take  some  money  from  his  trunk.  A 
search  warrant  soon  led  to  the  restoration  of  the  money,  except 
a  small  sum  he  had  spent.  This  incident  attached  me  the 
more  to  my  brother. 

The  social  life  in  Mansfield,  while  I  was  a  student,  was  very 
pleasant  and  instructive.  The  freedom,  and  yet  propriety  of 
intercourse  among  the  young  people,  was  notable.  We  had 
social  meetings,  parties,  dances,  and  an  occasional  ball  during 
the  winter,  but  in  summer,  riding  in  carriages  and  on  horseback 
was  the  recreation  of  the  day.  Fleming's  Ravine,  about  five 
miles  from  Mansfield,  was  the  general  gathering  place  for  young 
and  old.  A  small  stream  had  cut  a  deep  ravine  with  rocky 
banks  on  either  side.  An  old  mill  with  its  overshot  wheel 
spanned  the  ravine  and  filled  it  with  noisy  rattle.  The  adjacent 
woods,  where  the  fire  was  lit  and  the  coffee  made,  and  the  farm 
lands  stretching  beyond,  made  a  picturesque  scene  often  de 
scribed  and  always  admired.  Here  we  had  dances,  frolics,  speech 
es  and  fun,  with  healthy  exercise  in  the  open  air.  These  frolics 
were  often  made  the  subject  of  description  in  the  newspapers. 
On  a  notable  occasion  of  one  of  these  visits  to  Fleming's  Ra 
vine,  Mr.  Franklin  Barker,  a  law  student,  wrote  for  one  of  the 
local  papers  a  pleasing  description  of  the  scene  under  the  name 
of  "The  Fairy's  Tale."  He  paraphrased  Byron  as  follows: 

There  was  a  sound  of  revelry  by  day 

And  Richland's  capital  gathered  then 
Her  beauty  and  her  chivalry  and  fair  eyes 

Looked  love  to  eyes  that  spoke  again." 

Many  of  the  persons  present  were  named,  or  so  described  as 
to  be  recognized.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  egotism  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  53 

assumption  in  the  narrative  which  created  much  feeling 
among  those  who  had  not  the  good  fortune  to  attend.  Though 
I  was  present,  and  greatly  enjoyed  the  picnic,  I  thought  it  was 
a  good  opportunity  to  prick  the  bubble  of  self  esteem  assumed 
by  Barker,  and  wrote  for  the  rival  newspaper  a  counter  de 
scription  signed  "A  Looker  On."  This  excited  a  good  deal  of 
interest  at  the  time,  but  it  has  probably  faded,  after  half  a  cen 
tury,  from  the  memory  of  the  few  who  survive;  it  then  created 
a  rivalry  and  left  its  mark  upon  the  future.  The  destruction 
of  the  mill  by  a  flood,  the  cutting  away  of  the  wood  and  other 
causes,  have  changed  this,  so  that  the  gathering  place  of  the 
young  of  my  day  is  a  thing  of  the  past. 

During  my  study  of  law,  the  bar  at  Mansfield  was  considered 
a  very  able  one,  including  among  its  members  James  Stewart, 
Thomas  W.  Bartley,  Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  Charles  Sherman  and 
others.  All  of  those  named  became  judges,  either  of  the  courts 
of  Ohio  or  of  the  United  States.  During  the  same  period  there 
were  also  many  law  students  in  the  offices  of  these  gentlemen, 
among  them  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  George  W.  Geddes,  Thomas 
H.  Ford,  Henry  C.  Hedges,  Willard  Slocum,  Joseph  Newman, 
Patrick  Hull  and  others,  who  afterwards  became  distinguished 
in  civil  or  military  life.  These  students,  myself  among  the 
number,  organized  a  moot  court,  presided  over  by  Joseph  New 
man,  then  in  active  practice  as  a  partner  of  Mr.  Stewart.  We 
held  famous  moot  courts  in  which  cases  were  tried  with  all  the 
earnestness,  industry  and  skill  that  could  have  been  evoked  by 
real  cases.  In  these  trials  Mr.  Kirkwood  and  I  were  usually 
pitted  against  each  other,  although  he  studied  late  in  life,  and 
was  then  more  than  thirty  years  old.  He  was  then  a  Dem 
ocrat,  but  moved  to  Iowa  in  1856,  became  a  Republican  war 
governor  of  that  state  and  United  States  Senator.  I  have 
always  regarded  our  contests  in  this  moot  court  as  the  most 
important  part  of  my  legal  training. 

The  course  of  study  pursued  under  the  direction  of  Judge 
Parker  continued  until  my  admission  to  the  bar,  though  much 
interrupted  by  the  variety  and  nature  of  my  employment.  I 
read,  in  addition  to  the  routine  works  prescribed  by  Judge 
Parker,  a  great  variety  of  literary  and  historical  works,  and 


54  RECOLLECTIONS 

had  substantially  practiced  my  profession  a  year  or  more  in 
advance  of  my  admission  to  the  bar. 

I  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  on  the  10th  day  of  May, 
1844,  and  promptly  on  time  on  that  day  I  was  presented  to  the 
Supreme  Court  "on  the  circuit,"  then  sitting  at  Springfield, 
Ohio,  for  admission  to  the  bar.  Several  other  students  were 
presented,'  and,  according  to  the  custom  of  that  time,  we  were 
all  referred  to  a  committee  composed  of  General  Samson 
Mason,  Hon.  Charles  Anthony  and  one  other  lawyer  whose 
name  I  do  not  recall.  All  were  leading  lawyers  of  that  place, 
and  had  been  busily  occupied  in  the  court.  We  met  that  evening 
at  the  office  of  one  of  these  gentlemen  to  pass  the  ordeal  for 
which  we  had  been  preparing  for  years.  A  few  questions  were 
put  to  us  which  were  answered,  when  some  question  was  asked, 
the  answer  to  which  led  to  a  decided  difference  of  opinion 
among  the  examiners,  and  a  practical  suspension  of  our  exam 
ination.  It  soon  occurred  to  them  that  they  were  more  inter 
ested  in  the  cases  coming  on  " to-morrow"  than  in  our 
efficiency  as  incipient  lawyers.  I  was  asked  under  whom  I 
studied.  I  answered  Judge  Parker,  and  they  all  agreed  that 
anyone  who  was  certified  by  him  ought  to  be  admitted. 

My  old  and  dearest  friend,  and  boon  companion,  Dr.  J.  C. 
Buckingham,  of  Springfield,  was  then  entering  upon  his  pro 
fession.  He  was  an  admirable  penman.  He  obtained  leave  of 
the  clerk  of  the  court,  to  write  out  my  certificate  of  admission 
as  a  member  of  the  bar,  and  this  he  did  in  beautiful  form, 
handsomely  illustrated.  He  attached  to  it  an  enormous  seal, 
and  it  was  duly  signed  by  the  clerk  of  the  court.  I  have  kept 
it  as  a  memento  of  him,  but  have  never  had  occasion  to  present 
it  to  anyone.  He,  poor  fellow,  died  prematurely  at  Springfield, 
when  in  the  full  employment  of  his  duties  as  a  physician,  and 
with  the  most  hopeful  prospects  of  success  in  his  profession. 

I  must  not  forget  that  in  my  boyhood  days  I  had  a  strong 
penchant  for  military  parade.  I  remember  well  the  respect 
always  shown  to  the  Revolutionary  veterans,  who  survived  to 
the  period  of  my  boyhood.  At  every  meeting,  political  or 
otherwise,  where  these  soldiers  appeared  to  share  in  the  assem 
blage  of  citizens,  they  were  received  with  profound  respect. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  55 

Hats  came  off.  They  were  given  the  best  seats,  and  every 
mark  of  honor  was  shown  them.  What  boy  did  not  feel  the 
gushings  of  patriotic  emotion  when  one  of  these  old  veterans 
appeared  upon  the  stage.  To  a  less  degree,  similar  marks  of 
respect  were  shown  to  the  soldiers  of  the  War  of  1812;  but, 
though  this  was  as  great  and  important  an  event  in  our  history, 
it  did  not  light  the  spark  of  patriotic  fire  like  the  Revolu 
tionary  War. 

Before  the  war  for  the  Union  broke  out,  military  spirit  died 
away,  especially  in  Ohio.  Military  organizations  had  fallen  into 
disuse  and  popular  contempt.  We  had,  it  is  true,  in  times  far 
apart,  what  were  called  militia  musters,  but  Jack  Falstaff's 
regiment  was  nothing  to  our  militia.  I  had  the  honor  to  be  a 
member  of  the  staff  of  Colonel  Urie,  of  Ashland,  when  the 
venerable  General  Wilson  was  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
militia  of  that  part  of  Ohio.  He  was  a  hero  of  the  War  of 
1812,  and,  as  I  remember,  a  gallant  and  fine^looking  old  gentle 
man.  The  regiment — so  called — without  guns,  uniform,  or 
anything  proper  for  a  soldier,  was  with  some  difficulty  formed 
into  line,  but  a  wavering  line,  across  the  public  square  at 
Mansfield  and  along  East  and  West  Market  streets,  when,  by 
some  misunderstanding  of  orders,  the  right  of  the  regiment 
marched  to  the  right,  and  the  left  to  the  left.  With  some 
difficulty,  and  a  good  deal  of  swearing,  they  were  brought  back 
into  line  and  dismissed.  Militia  day  was  a  day  of  drunkenness 
and  fighting.  No  wonder  that  years  passed  without  muster. 
Such  was  the  military  condition  of  the  United  States  when  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion  sounded  the  tocsin  of  alarm,  and  our 
generation  was  called  upon  to  meet  the  gravest  struggle  in 
American  history. 


CHAPTER   III. 
OHIO,  ITS  HISTORY  AND  RESOURCES. 

Occupation  by  the  Indians  —  Washington's  Expedition  to  the  Head  of  the  Ohio 
River  — Commencement  of  the  History  of  the  State— Topography,  Character 
istics,  etc.,  in  1787  — Arrival  of  the  First  Pioneers  —  The  Treaty  of  Green 
ville—Census  of  1802  Showed  a  Population  of  45,028  Persons  — 
Occupation  of  the  "Connecticut  Reserve"  —  Era  of  Internal 
Improvement  —  Value  of  Manufactures  in  1890  — Vast 
Resources  of  the  Buckeye  State — Love  of  the 

"Ohio  Man"  for  His  Native  State. 
fc 

THE  life  of  a  man  is  greatly  influenced  by  the  place  of 
his  birth,  the  surroundings  of  his  boyhood,  and  the 
habits  and  customs  of  the  community  in  which  he 
lived.  As  I  have  been  all  my  life  a  resident  of  Ohio, 
and  for  more  than  forty  years  have  been  one  of  its  represen 
tatives  in  Congress,  or  the  Cabinet,  I  feel  that  a  brief  sketch  of 
the  history  and  resources  of  the  state  may  not  be  out  of  place 
in  this  biography.  No  adequate  history  of  the  state  has  been 
written,  though  many  works  have  given  general  outlines.  The 
materials  are  copious,  but  I  can  only  state  a  few  events  that 
mark  the  changes  in  its  civilization.  That  it  was  once  occu 
pied  by  a  race  now  entirely  extinct  is  evidenced  by  numerous 
mounds,  earthworks  and  lines  of  fortifications  so  extensive  as 
to  have  required  to  construct  them  a  dense  population  with  a 
knowledge  of  mathematics  far  beyond  that  of  any  tribe  or  race 
existing  on  the  American  continent,  when  discovered  by  Colum 
bus.  The  works  of  the  mound  builders  can  be  seen,  and  have 
been  described,  but  no  ray  of  light  has  been  cast  upon,  or 
plausible  suggestion  made  to  account  for,  the  origin,  existence 
or  disappearance  of  this  race. 

Long  after  the  settlement  on  the  Atlantic  Coast  of  the  Thir 
teen  Colonies,  the  territory  now  included  in  the  State  of  Ohio 
was  a  part  of  a  vast  unknown  region  north  and  west  of  the 
Ohio  River.  It  was  roamed  over  by  numerous  tribes  of  In 
dians  living  in  tents  of  bark  or  skins,  whose  residence  was 

(56) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  57 

generally  as  transitory  as  that  of  the  wandering  tribes  of  Arabia. 
Many  of  these  Indian  tribes  were  composed  of  a  few  families 
under  the  domination  of  a  chief  who  went  out  from  his  kin 
dred  as  Abraham  did,  and  planted  his  tents  where  fancy  led 
him,  and  moved  at  his  whim  or  with  his  game.  Every  one  of 
the  Indian  tribes  that  had  been  driven  by  the  white  man  from 
the  east  and  the  south  chose  his  camping  and  hunting  grounds 
in  the  region  of  the  0-hi-o,  often  driving  away  a  weaker  tribe. 
Their  contests  with  white  men  had  given  them  some  knowledge 
of  fire-arms,  and  some  of  them  had  been  marshaled  under 
arms  in  the  wars  between  the  English  and  the  French,  but,  a's 
a  rule,  the  Indians  encountered  by  our  race  since  the  landing 
at  Jamestown  were  all  of  the  same  type  of  wandering  savages. 
The  difference  between  these  tribes  can  be  accounted  for  by 
their  location,  whether  on  the  seashore  or  in  the  forest  or  plain, 
and  by  the  strength  of  the  tribe,  from  the  powerful  Six  Na 
tions  to  the  feeble  band  in  possession  of  some  chosen  valley. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  irrepressible  conflicts  between 
the  white  man  and  the  Indians,  waged  often  with  savage  and 
relentless  cruelties  on  both  sides,  it  may  as  truly  be  said  that 
the  same  savage  conflicts  have  been  carried  on  between  the 
different  tribes  of  Indians,  which  often  ended  by  the  exterm 
ination  of  the  weaker  tribe,  or  the  absorption  of  the  feeble 
remnant  with  the  stronger  tribe.  This  was  certainly  the  case 
with  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  northwest  territory.  Ohio  was 
the  battleground  for  destructive  warfare  between  the  Indian 
tribes  long  before  the  white  man  gained  a  foothold  on  its  soil. 

In  1755,  when  the  war  with  France  commenced,  the  English 
settlements  covered  the  Atlantic  Coast,  but  did  not  extend 
across  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  though  a  few  hardy  pioneers 
may  have  wandered  into  the  wilderness  beyond.  But  French 
missionaries,  inspired  with  religious  zeal,  had  penetrated  all 
the  northwest  territory,  including  the  great  lake?.  In  1673 
Marquette  and  Joliet,  two  of  these  missionaries,  after  years 
spent  with  the  Indians  on  the  shores  of  the  lakes,  winning 
their  confidence  by  humility  and  care,  followed  the  lines  of  the 
Fox  and  Wisconsin  Rivers  from  the  shores  of  Lake  Michigan, 
and  discovered  the  great  river  "with  a  joy  that  could  not  be 


58  RECOLLECTIONS 

expressed,"  and  floated  upon  its  waters  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Arkansas, 

It  is  impossible  to  read  the  interesting  narratives  of  these 
missionaries,  of  their  life  among  the  Indians  of  the  northwest, 
and  their  enthusiastic  description  of  the  new  and  wonderful 
land  they  had  discovered,  without  a  feeling  of  admiration  and 
reverence.*  The  adventures  and  trials  of  these  zealous  priests 
read  like  romance;  but  their  description  of  natural  scenes,  of 
great  rivers,  mountains  and  plains,  now  familiar  to  fifteen  mil 
lion  of  people,  attest  the  accuracy  of  their  statements  and  the 
courage  and  zeal  with  which  they  pursued  their  task. 

The  discovery  of  Marquette  was  diligently  followed  by 
Chevalier  de  la  Salle,  a  knight  of  fortune,  of  wonderful  endur 
ance,  who,  after  overcoming  incredible  difficulties,  conducted 
an  expedition  by  the  way  of  the  lakes  and  the  Mississippi 
River  to  its  mouth.  Thus  the  King  of  France,  by  the  piety  and 
zeal  of  a  priest  and  the  courage  of  an  adventurer,  was  able  to 
base  his  claims  to  fully  half  the  continent  of  North  America 
upon  grounds  recognized  as  valid  by  European  law,  namely,  the 
discovery  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  occupation  of  Canada,  and 
the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  from  its  source  to  its  mouth. 
The  great  body  of  the  continent  is  drained  by  these  two 
rivers.  Their  discovery  and  occupation  was  sufficient  at 
that  time  to  give  to  France  the  right  of  exclusive  possession 
of  that  vast  territory,  for  the  title  of  the  Indian  tribes  was 
not  considered  valid  by  Christian  powers.  While  the  priests 
of  France  were  seeking  to  save  the  souls  of  the  Indians,  the 
Kings  of  France  were  seeking  to  rob  them  of  their  property. 

The  French,  during  this  period,  erected  a  line  of  posts 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  by  way  of  the  Wabash, 
Maumee  and  the  lakes,  to  Montreal,  and  finally,  in  1753,  es 
tablished  a  line  of  posts  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  junction  of  the 
Monongahela  and  Alleghany  Rivers,  where  Pittsburg  now 
stands,  and  claimed  the  whole  country  north  of  the  Ohio  from 
its  source  to  its  mouth. 

And  here,  for  the  first  time,  comes  into  view  the  majestic 
form  of  George  Washington,  then  a  young  man  of  twenty-two. 
He  was  sent  by  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia,  to  visit  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  59 

several  Indian  tribes  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  River  and  the 
French  forces  at  Venango.  In  the  dead  of  winter  he  made  his 
trip  into  the  wilderness,  and  soon  ascertained  that  it  was  the 
fixed  purpose  of  the  French  authorities  to  occupy  all  the 
country  to  the  sources  of  the  Ohio,  including  a  large  section  of 
what  is  now  a  part  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York.  The 
commander,  St.  Pierre,  declared  his  purpose  of  seizing  every 
Englishman  within  the  Ohio  Valley.  The  result  of  the  expedi 
tion  of  Washington  left  no  choice  to  the  English  government, 
except  to  abandon  their  claim  to  the  northwest  territory,  or  to 
declare  war.  The  English  title  was  based  upon  their  occupa 
tion  of  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  coast  from  Massachusetts  to 
Georgia.  It  was  claimed  that  this  occupation  carried  the  right 
to  possession  westward  from  sea  to  sea. 

In  the  earliest  grants  to  the  colonies,  especially  to  Virginia 
and  Connecticut,  their  western  boundaries  extended  to  the 
South  Sea.  Where  the  South  Sea  lay,  and  what  was  the 
breadth  of  the  continent,  was  not  defined  by  these  kingly 
grants.  James  I  and  his  councilors  then  knew  but  little  about 
America.  There  was  no  way  to  settle  this  disputed  title  be 
tween  the  two  great  powers  but  by  war.  A  Virginia  company 
had  built  a  fort  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio,  below  the  site  of 
the  present  city  of  Pittsburg.  In  1754  the  French  troops  oc 
cupied  the  point  at  the  junction  of  the  Monongahela  and  Alle- 
ghany,  where  the  city  of  Pittsburg  now  is,  and  erected  a  fort. 

Then  followed  the  well-known  war  of  the  French  and  Eng 
lish,  Braddock's  defeat,  the  heroism  of  Washington,  the  cap 
ture  of  Quebec  and  the  cession  of  Canada  and  the  northwestern 
territory  to  Great  Britain.  It  is  impossible  to  overrate  the 
importance  of  these  events  upon  the  future  of  America.  The 
result  was  that  the  region  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  and 
north  of  the  Ohio  River  was  the  property  of  Great  Britain  and 
the  inheritance  of  the  English  race.  The  great  noHhwest  was 
theirs,  and  fairly  won. 

The  extinction  of  the  French  title  to  the  Ohio  territory  was 
at  once  followed  by  the  claims  of  several  colonies  to  parts  of 
this  territory  under  grants  from  the  British  crown;  but  the 
English  government  declared  all  the  land  west  of  the  sources 


60  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  Atlantic  rivers  as  under  the  dominion  of  the  king  for 
the  use  of  the  Indians,  and  all  persons  were  forbidden  to  settle 
or  remain  within  it.  This  dispute  was  postponed  by  the  War 
of  the  Eevolution.  An  event  during  the  war,  apparently  of 
small  importance,  had  a  controlling  influence  in  securing  to  the 
United  States  the  northwestern  territory. 

The  State  of  Virginia,  claiming  title  under  a  grant  from  the 
British  crown  to  the  regions  west  of  the  Alleghanies,  in  1778, 
organized  an  expedition,  under  Colonel  George  Rogers  Clark, 
to  punish  and  repel  incursions  of  Indians,  and  capture  the  old 
French  posts  then  held  by  the  English.  This  he  accomplished, 
so  that  when  negotiations  for  peace  were  entered  upon  in  1782 
our  plenipotentiaries  could  maintain  the  title  of  the  United 
States  to  the  northwestern  territory,  not  only  by  grants  to  the 
English  colonies,  but  by  conquest  in  war,  and  actual  possession 
at  the  time  of  the  negotiations.  The  British  insisted  on  mak 
ing  the  Ohio  River  a  boundary  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Adams  said  that  sooner  than  yield  the  western  territory  he 
would  exhort  his  countrymen  to  continue  the  war  as  long  as 
they  could  keep  a  soldier  in  the  field.  Mr.  Jay  was  equally 
determined,  and  finally  the  line  of  the  lakes  was  agreed  to. 

The  treaty  of  peace  recognized  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  lakes 
and  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude  as  the  dividing  line  between 
the  United  States  and  Canada.  But  the  question  arose  whether 
the  western  territory  was  the  property  of  the  United  States  as 
the  result  of  their  joint  struggle  for  independence,  or  of  the 
several  states  under  the  grants  of  the  English  crown.  This 
dangerous  controversy  delayed  the  formation  of  the  federal 
government;  but  it  was  happily  settled  by  the  cession  of  the 
territory  to  the  United  States,  with  or  without  conditions  and 
reservations,  by  the  several  states  claiming  western  lands. 

As  a  part  of  this  cession  and  settlement,  and  almost  equal 
in  importance  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  was  the 
celebrated  ordinance  organizing  the  northwestern  territory. 
This  ordinance  guaranteed  the  subdivision  of  the  territory  into 
states,  and  secured  to  them,  by  a  perpetual  compact,  the  forms 
and  substance  of  a  republican  government,  a  proper  disposition 
of  the  public  lands,  and  the  formal  prohibition  of  slavery  in 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  61 

the  territories,  and  may  be  properly  considered  the  commence 
ment  of  the  history  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 

We  may  here  pause  to  consider  the  condition,  topography 
and  characteristics  of  the  Territory,  now  the  State,  of  Ohio  in 
1787,  when  the  first  territorial  government  was  organized  by 
Congress.  It  was  bounded  on  the  south  and  east  by  the  Ohio 
River,  touching  on  its  northeast  border  the  States  of  Pennsylva 
nia  and  New  York;  on  the  north  by  Lake  Erie,  and  on  the  west 
by  an  arbitrary  line  not  then  defined,  and  contained  about  40,000 
square  miles.  Its  topography  may  be  described  as  an  elevated 
plain,  its  highest  elevation  being  1,540  feet  above  the  sea, its  low 
est  depression  being  440  feet  above  the  sea,  and  its  mean  altitude 
about  800  feet  above  the  sea.  It  is  traversed  by  the  comb  of  a 
watershed  between  the  river  and  the  lakes,  running  from 
northeast  to  southwest  across  the  state,  much  nearer  the  lake 
than  the  river,  at  an  elevation  above  the  sea  of  from  1,000  to 
1,300  feet.  The  shed  on  either  side  is  penetrated  by  rivers  of 
clear,  pure  water,  in  valleys  of  great  fertility,  and  usually  with 
hillsides  of  a  gentle  slope  and  fertile  soil. 

In  1787  it  was  an  unbroken  wilderness  covered  with  great 
forests  and  sparsely  inhabited  by  savage  tribes  of  Indians,  only 
here  and  there  tempered  by  the  civilizing  teachings  of  the 
missionary.  One  of  the  earliest  descriptions  I  find  of  the 
famous  Miami  Valley  is  as  follows: 

"  The  land  beyond  the  Scioto,  except  the  first  twenty  miles,  is  rich  and 
level,  bearing  walnut  trees  of  huge  size,  the  rnaple,  the  wild  cherry  and  the 
ash;  full  of  little  streams  and  rivulets;  variegated  by  beautiful  natural 
prairies,  covered  with  wild  rye,  blue  grass  and  white  clover.  Turkeys 
abounded,  and  deer  and  elks,  and  most  sorts  of  game;  of  buffaloes,  thirty  or 
forty  were  frequently  seen  feeding  in  one  meadow.  Nothing  is  wanting 
but  cultivation  to  make  this  a  most  delightful  country." 

This  favored  land  was  thrown  open  for  settlement  at  a  time 
when  the  people  of  the  states  had  been  impoverished  by  the 
war,  when  there  was  neither  money,  credit  nor  commerce, 
when  the  government  of  the  Continental  Congress  had  fallen 
into  contempt,  and  the  new  government  was  passing  the  ordeal 
of  a  vote  in  states  jealous  of  each  other.  It  was  the  only  land 
subject  to  sale  by  the  United  States,  for  Kentucky  was  covered 

S.-6 


62  ItECOLLECTIONS 

by  Virginia  grants,  Western  New  York  was  the  property  of 
land  companies,  and  all  beyond  was  a  terra  incognita.  There 
was  a  struggle  for  Ohio  land  among  all  the  northern  states,  in 
cluding  Virginia  and  Maryland.  Companies  were  formed,  com 
posed  mostly  of  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Revolutionary  War, 
to  secure  from  Congress  favorable  land  grants.  Virginia  and 
Connecticut  had  their  ample  reserves,  New  York  had  a  large 
unoccupied  region  in  her  own  territory,  and  the  other  northern 
states  demanded  their  shares  in  the  common  property  of  the 
United  States.  The  result  was  that  all  the  states  established 
settlements  in  Ohio,  and,  for  the  first  time  in  our  history,  the 
descendants  of  the  Puritans  of  New  England,  the  Dutch  of 
New  York,  the  Germans  and  Scotch-Irish  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
Jersey  Blues,  the  Catholics  of  Maryland,  the  Cavaliers  of  Vir 
ginia  and  the  loyal  refugees  of  Canada  united  their  blood  and 
fortunes  in  establishing  a  purely  American  state  on  the  soil  of 
Ohio. 

Among  these  early  settlers  were  the  foremost  men  of  all 
the  states,  the  Revolutionary  stock  that  won  independence, 
who  carried  their  love  of  liberty  and  the  principles  and  in 
stincts  of  their  localities  to  a  soil  more  fertile  than  any  of  the 
old  states,  and  with  natural  resources,  climate  and  facilities  for 
settlement  and  cultivation  as  favorable  as  any  within  their 
reach.  The  limits  of  this  sketch  will  not  permit  details 
of  the  progress  of  this  migration.  The  first  difficulty  it  en 
countered  was  the  toilsome  way  to  the  promised  land.  All 
roads,  such  as  they  were,  crossed  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  or 
followed  the  longer  route  by  the  lakes.  A  voyage  now  easily 
made  in  a  day  then  occupied  sixty  days  on  foot  or  on  horseback, 
and  every  article  of  civilized  life  had  to  be  transported  with 
painful  labor  over  rude  paths  and  roads,  relieved  sometimes  by 
barges  and  canoes  on  creeks  and  rivers. 

When  the  first  pioneers  reached  their  destination,  their  land 
was  already  occupied.  Every  part  of  Ohio  was  then  in  the 
possession  of  Indians.  The  war  they  had  maintained  with 
the  pioneers  of  Kentucky  only  prepared  them  for  the  des 
perate  struggle  with  new  invaders.  The  first  settlement  of  the 
New  England  colony  was  made  in  Marietta,  April,  1788.  From 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  63 

that  day  to  the  close  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain  in  1815 
there  were  hostilities  in  some  part  of  Ohio  with  the  Indians. 
There  is  not  a  county  in  Ohio  that  was  not  at  some  time  the 
scene  of  a  battle  with  the  Indians,  or  a  skirmish,  or  a  massacre. 

The  interesting  "Historical  Collections/'  recently  published 
by  Henry  Howe,  give  many  details  of  this  local  warfare.  But, 
aside  from  the  danger  that  lurked  at  all  times  over  the  cabin  of 
the  pioneer,  there  were  more  regular  battles  with  the  Indians 
fought  on  the  soil  of  Ohio  than  in  any  other  state  of  the  Union. 
The  defeat  of  General  Harmer  with  1,300  men,  in  1790,  in  two 
battles  in  the  Scioto  valley,  laid  open  to  predatory  warfare  all 
the  settlements  in  Ohio,  and  some  in  Kentucky.  Every  attempt 
at  negotiation  was  defeated  by  British  interference. 

In  the  following  year,  1791,  a  force  of  over  2,000  men  was 
organized  at  Cincinnati  under  General  St.  Clair,  and  marched 
against  the  Indians  at  the  head  waters  of  the  Maumee.  While 
encamped  they  were  attacked  by  the  Indians  and  ignominiously 
defeated,  losing  a  large  number  of  officers  and  men.  They  re 
treated  in  disorder,  abandoning  their  baggage  and  artillery, 
and  throwing  away  their  arms  and  accoutrements.  The  loss  in 
this  disastrous  campaign  was  more  than  900  men,  of  whom  600 
were  killed.  This  calamity  spread  terror  throughout  all  the 
settlements  as  far  as  Pittsburg,  and  arrested  for  a  time  the 
migration  to  Ohio. 

The  successive  defeats  of  Harmer  and  St.  Clair  greatly  im 
pressed  General  Washington  with  the  necessity  of  marching  an 
overwhelming  force  against  the  Indians,  and  he  appealed  to 
Congress  for  the  necessary  aid ;  but  there  was  a  manifest  re 
luctance  in  Congress  to  vote  supplies,  even  if  the  failure  to  do 
so  involved  the  abandonment  to  the  Indians  of  all  the  territory 
northwest  of  the  Ohio.  The  supplies,  however,  were  granted, 
and  General  Wayne,  a  Revolutionary  hero,  was  placed  in 
command. 

In  August,  1794,  with  a  force  of  over  3,000  men,  he  advanced 
to  the  confluence  of  the  Maumee  and  the  Auglaize,  and  there 
destroyed  the  Indian  villages  and  their  abundant  crops. 

Following  the  Indians  down  the  Maumee  to  a  fort  recently 
built  by  the  British,  the  forces  of  General  Wayne  attacked  the 


64  RECOLLECTIONS 

Indians  and  inflicted  upon  them  a  disastrous  defeat.  This  vic 
tory  settled  forever  the  occupancy  of  this  territory  by  the  white 
man,  and  the  irreversible  fate  of  the  poor  Indian,  though,  as  it 
will  appear  hereafter,  he  struggled  for  this,  his  favorite  region, 
for  twenty  years  more. 

In  looking  back  over  a  period  of  one  hundred  years  it  is  impos 
sible  to  suppress  a  sense  of  injustice,  and  a  feeling  of  sympathy 
for  the  Indian  in  his  unequal  struggle.  After  their  defeat  by 
General  Wayne,  a  general  conference  of  all  the  Indian  tribes  in 
the  northwest  was  proposed,  and  agreed  upon,  to  be  held  dur 
ing  the  following  year  at  Greenville.  The  full  details  of  this 
conference  are  given  by  Judge  Burnet,  in  his  "Notes  on  the 
Northwestern  Territory."  General  Wayne,  in  many  "council 
fires,"  explained  to  the  chiefs  of  the  numerous  tribes  the  terms 
of  the  treaties  made  at  Forts  Mclntosh  and  Harmer,  and  de 
manded  that  they  be  ratified  with  additional  concessions  and 
grants.  Many  of  the  replies,  in  the  figurative  language  of  the 
Indians,  are  eloquent  appeals  to  their  "Great  Father"  and  their 
"Elder  Brothers"  to  allow  them  to  possess  in  peace  the  land  of 
their  fathers;  that  they  were  not  represented  when  these 
treaties  were  made,  and  that  their  terms  had  not  been  observed 
by  their  white  brethren. 

It  was  the  same  old  story  of  injustice  and  wrong,  of  might 
against  right.  They  were  compelled  to  accept  the  terms  offered 
them.  The  result  was  the  cession  by  the  Indians  to  the  United 
States  of  25,000  square  miles  of  southern  and  eastern  Ohio  and 
many  other  tracts  west  of  Ohio.  The  Indians  were  to  receive 
in  return  $20,000  in  presents,  and  an  annuity  of  $9,500,  to  be 
distributed  among  the  tribes.  By  this  treaty  confidence  was 
restored  to  the  settlements,  and  the  tide  of  migration  was  re 
newed,  and  continued  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  War  of 
1812.  But  the  treaty  of  Greenville  did  not  put  an  end  to 
Indian  hostilities.  They  still  occupied  northwestern  Ohio,  and 
that  part  of  the  reserve  west  of  the  Cuyahoga  River.  Occa 
sional  aggressions  by  both  races  led  to  outrages  and  murder, 
usually  followed  by  encroachments  on  Indian  territory.  In 
1805  the  remainder  of  the  Western  Eeserve  was  ceded  by  treaty. 
In  1818  the  northwest  part  of  Ohio  was  purchased  by  the  United 


MR.    SHERMAN    AT   THE    AGE    OF   TWENTY-THREE. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  65 

States  by  treaty,  subject  to  certain  reservations,  all  of  which 
were  subsequently  ceded  to  the  United  States,  the  last  by  the 
Wyandots  in  1842,  when  the  remnant,  about  700  souls,  moved 
to  Kansas 

The  most  important,  and  by  far  the  most  dangerous,  con 
spiracy  of  Indians  since  the  treaty  of  Greenville  was  organized 
by  the  "Prophet,"  a  crazy  enthusiast  denounced  as  an  impostor 
and  accused  of  witchcraft,  and  his  brother,  Tecumseh,  a  war 
rior  of  approved  courage,  possessed  of  all  the  craft  of  the 
Indian,  with  remarkable  intelligence  and  comprehensive  views. 
They  united  most  of  the  tribes  who  had  participated  in  that 
treaty,  and  threatened  with  death  all  the  chiefs  who  were  con 
cerned  in  the  subsequent  treaties.  This  excited  the  attention 
of  General  Harrison,  then  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  In 
diana,  who,  in  1811,  after  many  ineffectual  conferences  with 
Tecumseh  and  the  "Prophet,"  organized  a  force  of  800  men 
and  marched  against  the  "Prophet's"  town,  in  what  is  now  Cass 
county,  Indiana.  The  battle  of  Tippecanoe  ensued,  in  which 
the  Indians  were  totally  defeated  and  the  town  burned.  The 
loss  of  the  troops  was  so  great  that  General  Harrison  made  a 
speedy  retreat.  The  war  with  Great  Britain  soon  followed,  and 
Tecumseh  entered  the  British  service.  He  participated  in  most 
of  the  battles  in  Ohio  and  Michigan  during  that  war,  and  was 
killed  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames  on  the  5th  of  October,  1813. 
With  him  ended  all  organized  Indian  hostilities  in  Ohio. 

Prior  to  1798  all  the  laws  governing  the  northwestern  terri 
tory  were  selected  from  the  laws  of  the  states  by  the  territorial 
judges  appointed  by  the  President.  In  that  year  it  was  ascer 
tained  that  the  territory  contained  5,000  white  male  inhab 
itants,  when  they  were  authorized,  as  a  matter  of  right,  to 
organize  and  elect  representatives  to  a  general  assembly,  who, 
with  a  legislative  council,  were  authorized  to  pass  laws,  subject 
to  the  veto  of  the  governor.  The  general  assembly  was  duly 
organized  on  the  16th  of  September,  1799,  and  was  remarkable 
for  the  ability  and  distinction  of  its  members,  most  of  whom 
had  been  soldiers  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  This  was  the  be 
ginning  of  home  rule  in  Ohio.  The  life  of  the  territorial  leg 
islature  was  brief.  Early  in  January,  1802,  a  census  was  taken 


66  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  inhabitants  in  the  eastern  division  of  the  Territory,  now 
the  State  of  Ohio,  by  which  it  was  found  that  it  contained 
45,028  persons.  Congress  promptly  authorized  the  people  to 
form  a  constitution  and  state  government.  This  authority  was 
speedily  acted  upon,  a  convention  of  thirty-five  members  was 
elected,  and  a  constitution  adopted  November,  1802,  without 
being  submitted  to  the  people. 

This  constitution  remained  unaltered  in  a  single  particular 
for  fifty  years.  It  was  regarded  at  the  time,  and  ever  since,  as 
a  model  framework  of  state  government,  clear  and  brief  in  its 
provisions,  but  comprehensive  enough  to  meet  the  necessities 
of  a  people  growing  in  population  from  45,000  to  1,980,329  in 
1850.  The  present  constitution  of  Ohio  was  framed  by  a  con 
vention,  which  met  at  Columbus,  on  the  6th  of  May,  1850,  and 
adjourned  on  the  10th  of  March,  1851.  This  constitution  was 
ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  people,  and  is  still  in  force. 

The  decennial  growth  of  the  population  of  Ohio  is  here 
shown : 

1802 45,028 

1810 230,760 

1820 •      .       .  381,295 

1830 937,903 

1840 1,519,467 

1850 1,980,329 

1860 2,339,511 

1870 2,665,260 

1880 3,198,062 

1890 3,672,316 

In  1802  Ohio  was  the  eighteenth  in  rank  among  her  sister 
states;  in  1810  the  thirteenth;  in  1820  the  fifth;  in  1830  the 
fourth;  in  1840  the  third,  and  so  continued  until  the  recent 
census,  when  the  marvelous  growth  of  Chicago  placed  Illinois 
in  advance  of  Ohio.  This  remarkable  growth  was  accompanied 
by  rapid  changes  in  the  habits  and  conditions  of  the  people. 
Within  a  century  they  had  their  struggle  with  the  Indians; 
then  their  contest  with  nature  in  a  new  country  covered  by 
forests — the  "age  of  the  pioneers;"  then  the  period  of  internal 
improvements,  when  roads  and  canals  and  means  of  trans 
portation  were  the  great  objects  of  desire;  then  the  marvelous 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  67 

development  of  railroads,  followed  by  manufactures.  These 
changes,  following  in  succession,  are  the  most  striking  fea 
tures  of  the  history  of  Ohio.  I  have  already  referred  to  the 
pioneers  who  planted  the  first  settlement,  who  bore  the  brunt 
of  Indian  warfare,  and  firmly  founded  free  institutions  in 
Ohio. 

After  this  period,  and  the  organization  of  the  state  govern 
ment,  the  great  migration  to  Ohio  commenced  which,  within  a 
century,  was  destined  to  extend  across  the  continent.  The 
settler  was  generally  poor,  bringing  all  his  earthly  possessions, 
with  wife  and  children,  in  a  covered  wagon,  slowly  traversing 
difficult  roads  to  the  new  and  only  land,  then  open  to  settle 
ment.  But  the  land  was  cheap,  the  title  clear,  the  soil  good, 
and  all  were  on  the  same  footing,  willing  to  help  each  other. 
The  task  before  him  was  discouraging.  He  found  his  quarter- 
section  in  the  unbroken  forest,  its  boundary  blazed  on  the 
trees  by  the  surveyor,  and  all  around  him  a  wilderness.  His 
first  work  was  to  erect  a  rough  cabin  of  logs  for  a  shelter ;  his 
next  to  clear  an  opening  for  a  crop.  Every  new  settler  was  a 
welcome  neighbor,  though  miles  away.  The  mail,  the  news 
paper,  the  doctor  and  the  preacher  were  long  in  coming.  In 
this  solitary  contest  with  nature  the  settler  had  often  to  rely 
upon  his  gun  for  food,  upon  simple  remedies  for  new  and 
strange  diseases,  and  upon  the  hope  that  his  crop  would  be 
spared  from  destruction  by  wild  beasts. 

This  was  the  life  of  the  early  settler  in  every  county  in 
Ohio,  as  each  in  its  turn  was  organized  and  opened  to  settle 
ment.  A  life  so  hard,  was  yet  so  attractive  that  many 
pioneers,  when  a  few  neighbors  gathered  around  them,  pre 
ferred  to  sell  their  clearings  and  push  further  into  the  wilder 
ness.  In  the  meantime  the  older  settlements  attracted 
newcomers.  Mechanics  and  tradesmen  came  among  them. 
Then  towns  sprang  up,  and  incipient  cities,  with  corner  lots 
and  hopeful  speculations,  tempted  eastern  capitalists  to  invest 
their  money  in  Ohio. 

Ohio,  in  these  early  days,  was  the  only  outlet  of  the  popu 
lation  of  the  northern  and  middle  states.  Emigrants  from  the 
south,  following  lines  of  latitude,  went  into  Kentucky  and 


68  RECOLLECTIONS 

Tennessee.  The  great  west,  with  its  vast  prairies  and  plains, 
was  not  then  accessible.  Had  it  been  so,  the  forests  of  Ohio 
might  have  been  left  in  solitude  for  many  years  to  come. 
During  all  this  period,  which  we  may  properly  call  the  pioneer 
stage,  the  settlers  had  no  market  for  their  produce,  except  to 
supply  the  demand  of  incoming  immigrants.  Grain  and  fruit 
would  not  bear  the  expense  of  transportation.  The  only  way 
to  obtain  ready  money  was  to  convert  corn  and  grain  into 
hogs,  horses  and  cattle,  which  were  driven  on  the  hoof  to 
Pittsburg  and  eastern  cities.  But  little  money  circulated, 
and  that  was  chiefly  irredeemable  bank  notes.  The  clothing  of 
the  people  was  mainly  of  linsey-woolsey,  home-made.  The 
spinning  wheel,  big  and  little,  was  to  be  found  in  every  house 
hold.  Settlers  near  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  Eiver,  and  its 
tributaries,  had  the  advantage  of  floating  their  surplus  prod 
ucts  in  rough  barges  down  the  Ohio  to  New  Orleans  for  a 
market,  so  that  the  southern  part  of  the  state  advanced 
rapidly,  while  the  northern  part  was  still  in  the  possession  of 
the  Indians. 

When  the  Indian  title  was  extinguished  settlers  came  from 
Pennsylvania  into  the  counties  immediately  west  of  it,  which 
are  still,  in  the  habits  of  the  people,  in  the  location  of  houses 
and  barns  and  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  the  precise  counter 
part  of  the  region  from  which  the  settlers  came.  The  "Con 
necticut  Reserve"  was  slowly  filled  by  the  northern  route  of 
the  lakes,  almost  exclusively  from  New  England,  and  the 
habits  and  customs  of  that  region  were  transported  to  their 
new  homes,  so  that  the  "  Western  Reserve  "  to-day  is  a  striking 
type  of  old  Connecticut  in  habits,  and  with,  the  same  ideas. 
The  lakes  became  the  highway  of  commerce,  and  the  inhabit 
ants  of  the  interior  carried  their  surplus  grain  and  prod 
ucts  in  long  lines  of  wagons  to  the  new  towns  along  the 
lake  shore,  where  it  was  exchanged  for  the  necessaries  of  life 
and  enough  money  to  pay  taxes.  All  trade  in  the  interior 
was  by  barter  with  merchants,  who  became  the  bankers  of 
the  people. 

The  construction  of  the  Erie  Canal,  and  the  introduction  of 
steamboats  on  the  rivers  and  lakes,  was  the  beginning  of  a 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  69 

great  revolution.  Then  followed  in  Ohio  the  era  of  internal 
improvement  by  the  construction  of  two  lines  of  canal  across 
the  state,  one  from  Cleveland,  on  Lake  Erie,  to  Portsmouth,  on 
the  Ohio  River,  and  the  other  from  Toledo,  on  Maumee  Bay,  to 
the  city  of  Cincinnati,  with  the  lateral  canal  to  Pittsburg,  and 
the  improvement  of  the  Muskingum  River  by  locks  and  canals. 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  then  a  young  attorney  at  Cincinnati,  in 
his  introduction  to  his  compilation  of  the  laws  of  the  state, 
published  in  1833,  thus  describes  the  effect  of  these  improve 
ments  upon  the  prosperity  of  Ohio: 

"  They  have  afforded  to  the  farmer  of  the  interior  an  easy  access  to 
market,  and  have  enhanced  the  value  of  his  farm  and  his  productions.  They 
have  facilitated  intercourse  between  different  sections  of  the  state,  and  have 
thus  tended  to  make  the  people  more  united,  as  well  as  more  prosperous. 
They  have  furnished  to  the  people  a  common  object  of  generous  interest 
and  satisfaction.  They  have  attracted  a  large  accession  of  population  and 
capital.  And  they  have  made  the  name  and  character  of  Ohio  well-known 
throughout  the  civilized  world,  as  a  name  and  character  of  which  her  sons 
may  be  justly  proud." 

This  period  of  prosperity  continued  for  twenty  years,  when, 
in  1846,  a  still  greater  revolution  was  introduced  by  the  build 
ing  of  railroads.  The  first  object  of  this  was  to  furnish 
cheaper  transportation  of  the  produce  of  the  farmer  to  the 
Ohio  River  and  Lake  Erie.  The  first  railroads  were  from  the 
interior,  north  and  south.  They  were  little  better  than  tram 
ways,  supported  by  cross-ties  with  longitudinal  stringpieces 
covered  with  thin  strips  of  iron.  The  carriages  were  propelled 
by  feeble  engines,  and  it  was  thought  a  matter  of  great 
importance  when,  by  this  new  motive  power,  a  bushel  of 
wheat  could  be  transported  from  the  interior  to  distances  of 
from  fifty  to  a  hundred  miles  for  from  six  to  ten  cents.  While 
a  young  attorney,  I  thought  it  a  grievous  injustice  that  my 
client,  one  of  the  new  railroad  companies,  was  compelled  by 
a  jury  to  pay  $2,000  for  the  right-of-way  over  twenty  miles  of 
farm  land.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  railroads  were  to  be 
so  successful  that  they  would  supersede  for  the  transportation 
of  persons  and  passengers  all  kinds  of  water  transportation, 
and  that  lines  running  long  distances  east  and  west  would 


70  RECOLLECTIONS 

have  the  benefit  of  the  through  travel  and  traffic.  In  rapid 
succession  several  lines  of  railroad  were  built  from  the  eastern 
cities  across  the  state  to  the  northwest,  west  and  southwest. 
Within  twenty  years  from  the  first  construction  of  railways 
they  had  almost  superseded  all  former  modes  of  communica 
tion,  and  had  reduced  the  rates  of  travel  and  transportation  to 
less  than  one-half  of  the  former  rates. 

After  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  the  construction  of  rail 
roads  rapidly  increased,  so  that  in  1890  the  total  miles  of  rail 
way  track  in  Ohio  was  10,464,  and  the  valuation  for  taxes  was 
$102,950,642,  a  development  in  a  single  branch  of  industry  far 
greater  than  in  any  other.  This  improvement  led  to  the 
adoption  of  a  system  of  free  turnpikes  in  most  of  the  counties 
in  Ohio,  constructed  by  local  taxation,  so  that  now  Ohio  is  as 
well  supplied  with  well-constructed  turnpikes  and  railroads  as 
any  state  in  the  Union,  and  perhaps,  as  well  as  many  European 
states. 

Another  great  change  in  the  industry  of  the  people  of  Ohio 
rapidly  followed  the  construction  of  railroads.  Manufacturing 
establishments  of  almost  every  kind  were  rapidly  constructed, 
mostly  since  the  war. 

It  appears  by  censuses,  prior  to  1890,  that  in  1850  the  total 
value  of  manufactures  of  Ohio  was  $62,692,279  ;  in  1860  it  was 
$121,000,000;  in  1870  it  was  $269,713,610;  in  1880  it  was  $348,- 
298,300.  In  1890  it  was  over  $500,000,000.  During  the  single 
year  1889  there  were  incorporated  over  400  new  companies 
with  a  capital  stock  of  $25,584,500.  Almost  every  article 
needed  for  use  by  the  people  is  thus  produced  at  home,  and 
great  quantities  of  machinery,  especially  of  farming  machines 
of  every  variety,  are  exported  to  every  state  in  the  Union  and 
to  many  foreign  countries.  The  manufacturing  industry  has 
thus  become  second  only  to  that  of  agriculture,  and  it  is  be 
lieved  that,  under  the  great  impetus  given  by  our  protective 
laws,  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  value  of  manufac 
tured  products  will  be  equal  to,  or  greater  than,  the  productions 
of  the  farm. 

The  most  striking  result  of  the  change  in  the  industries  of 
Ohio  is  the  rapid  increase  of  c4ty  population,  compared  with 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


71 


farming  population.    The  following  table  will  show  the  popu 
lation  of  twenty  cities,  by  the  censuses  of  1850  and  1890 : 

1850.  1890. 

Akron 3,266  27,601 

Canton 2,603  26,189 

Chillioothe 7,100  11,288 

Cincinnati 115,435  296,908 

Columbus      ........     17,882  88,150 

Cleveland 17,034  261,353 

Dayton 10,977  61,220 

Findlay 1,256  18,553 

Hamilton 3,210  17,565 

Ironton 10,939 

Lima 757  15,987 

Mansfield 3,557  13,473 

Newark 3,654  15,286 

Portsmouth 4,011  12,394 

Sandusky 5,087  18,471 

Springfield 5,108  31,895 

Steubenville 6,140  13,394 

Tiffin 2,718  10,801 

Toledo 3,829  81,434 

Zanesville 7,929  21,009 


221,553       1,053,910 

While  the  aggregate  population  of  Ohio  has  increased  185 
per  cent,  since  1850,  that  of  the  cities  named  has  increased  475 
per  cent. 

The  growth  of  cities  and  manufactures  has  been  accom 
panied  by  the  discovery  and  development  of  a  diversity  of 
mineral  resources  of  great  and  increasing  value. 

The  mining  of  coal  was  insignificant  in  1850,  while  the 
product  of  coal  in  1890  is  estimated  at  exceeding  12,000,000  tons. 

Recently  petroleum  was  discovered  near  Marietta  and  Lima, 
places  in  Ohio  remote  from  each  other,  thus  supplying  a  new 
element  for  commerce  and  a  new  agent  for  manufactures.  Its 
properties  and  innumerable  uses  have  already  been  tested  in 
Pennsylvania.  The  annual  supply  by  the  census  of  1890  was 
12,471,466  barrels,  second  only  to  that  of  Pennsylvania,  and  has 
not  yet  reached  its  maximum. 


72  RECOLLECTIONS 

About  the  same  period  came  the  discovery  of  natural  gas  at 
Findlay,  in  Hancock  and  surrounding  counties.  This  subtle 
and  mysterious  creation  of  nature  has  been  applied  locally  as 
fuel  for  manufactures,  and  as  light  and  heat  in  many  cities 
and  towns.  The  duration  of  its  supply,  however,  cannot  be 
determined. 

The  lakes  on  the  north  and  the  river  on  the  south  secure  to 
the  people  of  Ohio  cheap  water  transportation  for  the  importa 
tion  and  exportation  of  raw  materials  and  finished  products, 
while  the  physical  features  of  the  country  north  and  south  of 
Ohio,  in  a  measure,  compelled  the  construction  of  the  great 
routes  of  railway  over  its  soil. 

From  the  beginning  Ohio  has  taken  a  leading  part  in  fur 
nishing  facilities  for  education  to  the  rising  generation.  In 
early  days,  when  the  population  was  sparse  and  scattered,  day 
schools  were  established,  by  voluntary  effort,  in  counties,  towns 
and  neighborhoods  where  the  population  was  sufficient  to 
justify  it.  At  an  early  period  the  State  of  Ohio  established  the 
common-school  system,  by  which  every  child  between  the  ages 
of  seven  and  fourteen  years  is  furnished  with  the  rudiments  of 
a  good  education.  Some  of  these  schools  have  been  so  far  ad 
vanced  that  in  them  any  child  showing  proficiency  can  secure, 
without  cost,  an  education  fully  equal  to  that  furnished  by  the 
colleges  of  the  country  forty  years  ago.  The  amount  expended 
in  1890  for  the  support  of  public  schools  was  $11,407,499.  The 
number  of  teachers  employed  was  19,526.  The  number  of 
persons  enrolled  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twenty-one  was 
1,123,985.  The  number  of  scholars  who  attended  was  797,439. 
The  average  attendance  was  549,269.  The  excellence  of  the 
system  of  common  schools  in  Ohio  is  admitted  on  all  hands  to 
be  equal  to  that  of  any  other  state  or  section. 

The  charitable  institutions  of  the  state,  including  children's 
homes,  are  equal  to  the  best  in  any  country  in  the  world. 

The  building  of  churches  and  places  of  public  worship  com 
menced  with  the  first  settlement  in  Ohio,  and  has  kept  pace 
fully  with  the  growth  of  population.  In  every  community, 
great  or  small,  churches  are  open  for  the  worship  of  the  Al 
mighty  God.  The  broadest  toleration  is  not  only  permitted, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  73 

but  favored,  by  a  universal  public  sentiment.  Every  denomi 
nation  of  Christians  who  number  enough  to  make  a  congrega 
tion  can  readily  secure  a  house  of  worship,  not  only  by  gifts 
from  its  members,  but  by  contributions  made  by  other  profess 
ing  Christians.  The  same  charity  is  extended  to  Jews  and 
Gentiles  professing  any  creed  or  having  any  form  of  worship. 

The  standing,  ability  and  influence  of  the  men  engaged  in 
the  professions  in  Ohio  will  compare  favorably  with  any  in  the 
Union,  and  especially  is  this  true  of  the  lawyers  of  this  state. 
Many  of  the  lawyers  who  engaged  in  the  fervent  discussions 
which  led  to  the  Eevolution  and  then  participated  in  the  war, 
thrown  upon  their  own  resources  after  the  war,  were  among 
the  early  founders  of  the  new  settlements  in  Ohio.  They 
chiefly  framed  the  first  laws  of  the  state.  Judge  Burnet,  one 
of  them,  had  intrusted  to  him  the  preparation  of  most  of  the 
laws  of  the  territorial  government.  The  principal  lawyers  ap 
peared  in  the  constitutional  convention  and  in  the  legislatures 
subsequent,  and  contributed  more  than  their  share  in  ingraft 
ing  upon  our  statutes  the  republican  principles  and  ideas  found 
in  the  first  constitution  and  laws  of  the  state.  They  shared 
with  other  settlers  in  all  the  hardships  of  pioneer  life.  In 
numerable  anecdotes  of  their  voyages  through  the  forests  of 
southern  and  eastern  Ohio,  and  the  swamps  of  northwestern 
Ohio,  are  preserved  among  the  traditions  of  the  bar. 

It  was  the  habit  in  those  early  days  for  the  principal  law 
yers  of  the  state  to  follow  the  judges  in  their  rounds  from 
county  to  county,  attending  the  courts  and  aiding  local  at 
torneys  in  the  trial  of  important  causes.  They  rode  on  horse 
back,  with  their  clothing  and  books  in  their  saddlebags,  and, 
where  a  better  lodging  could  not  be  found,  camped  in  the 
woods  by  the  roadside.  The  early  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  some  of  whom  were  transferred  to  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  rode  in  the  same  manner  on  their  circuit, 
administering  justice  impartially,  but  firmly,  for  the  salary 
of  $1,000  a  year,  only  raised  to  $100  a  month  about  the  year 
1820.  The  doctors  and  preachers  shared  the  general  life  and 
condition  and  the  same  homely  fare  as  their  patients  and 
hearers. 


74  RECOLLECTIONS 

A  life  like  this  developed  individual  character  and  pro 
duced  many  men  of  odd  characteristics,  strange  manners  and 
peculiar  dress  and  conversation.  The  almost  universal  use  of 
whisky  during  the  pioneer  period  in  the  family  circle  and  in 
social  life,  and  the  habit  of  treating  and  drinking,  led  to 
many  wild  scenes  and  fights,  but,  unlike  their  brethren  of 
the  south,  the  contestants  commonly  were  content  with  the 
weapons  nature  gave  them.  It  was  not  unusual,  when  a 
quarrel  arose,  to  gather  around  them,  form  a  circle  and  give 
them  fair  play  and  a  free  fight.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
in  those  early  days  many  rude  scenes  and  fights  and  violence 
of  many  kinds  occurred,  and  such  crimes  were  indulged  with 
more  charity  than  now  prevails.  But  it  is  equally  true  that 
thefts  and  the  meaner  crimes  were  more  rare  than  now, 
and  when  disclosed  were  punished  with  greater  severity  than 
acts  of  violence.  The  stealing  of  a  horse  was  considered  a 
worse  crime  than  manslaughter  without  malice  or  premedi 
tation. 

But  all  these  habits  and  ideas  have  been  greatly  changed 
for  at  least  fifty  years.  The  habit  of  drinking  spirituous  liquor 
at  the  homestead,  in  the  family  circle,  or  on  the  farm,  has 
almost  entirely  ceased.  As  a  rule,  it  is  confined  to  saloons 
and  bar-rooms,  mostly  in  the  cities  and  large  towns,  and  a  "  free 
fight"  in  the  presence  of  spectators  could  not  now  occur  in 
any  community  in  the  state.  The  enforcement  of  the  criminal 
laws  is  as  certain  as  in  any  other  community.  The  discipline 
of  penitentiaries  and  reformatories  and  houses  of  correction  is 
founded  upon  the  best  examples  of  such  institutions  in  the 
older  states,  and  the  most  civilized  countries  of  Europe. 

There  is  one  other  quality  developed  by  the  people  of  Ohio 
which  will  be  readily  conceded  by  all.  The  people  from  the 
earliest  days  were  born  politicians,  vigorous  in  the  defense  of 
their  opinions,  and  firm  in  the  maintenance  of  all  their  rights. 
The  events  in  their  history  developed  a  military  instinct 
which  led  them  to  take  an  active  part  whenever  their  country 
became  involved  in  war.  In  the  pioneer  age  nearly  every 
able-bodied  man  served  either  in  Indian  wars  or  in  the  War  of 
1812.  In  the  Mexican  War  the  State  of  Ohio  furnished  her 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  75 

full  quota  of  soldiers,  and  tendered  thousands  more.  In  the 
political  contests  that  preceded  the  Civil  War  the  lines 
between  the  two  parties  were  sharply  drawn,  though  when 
war  was  commenced  by  the  firing  upon  Fort  Sumter  the  peo 
ple  were  practically  united  for  its  prosecution  until  the  Union 
was  restored  by  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  Confed 
erate  armies.  Questions  arose  involving  individual  rights 
upon  which  the  Democratic  party  was  divided,  but  it  is  due 
to  history  to  say  that  in  the  great  struggle  for  national  life 
the  people  of  Ohio,  without  distinction  of  party,  with  few 
individual  exceptions,  were  on  the  side  of  the  Union. 

The  share  taken  by  the  several  states  in  the  Civil  War  is 
familiar  to  all.  Invidious  comparisons  ought  not  to  be  made. 
It  will  be  conceded  that  Ohio  did  its  full  part  in  this  supreme 
contest.  She  furnished  to  the  Union  army  319,659  soldiers,  or 
more  than  one-tenth  of  the  national  armies,  out  of  a  then 
population  of  2,339,000,  some  of  whom  served  in  every  con 
siderable  battle  of  the  war.  She  furnished  from  among  her 
sons  the  leading  commanders  of  the  Union  army,  and  a  long 
list  of  distinguished  officers  who  were  conspicuous  in  every 
battle  of  the  war.  The  war  Governors  of  Ohio  were  con 
spicuous  in  their  zeal  and  ability  in  organizing  recruits,  and  in 
care  and  attention  to  their  comfort  and  wants.  The  people  of 
Ohio,  both  men  and  women,  contributed  freely  in  many  ways 
for  the  relief  of  the  sick  and  wounded  during  the  war,  and 
after  its  close  provided  homes  for  needy  soldiers,  and  for  the 
children  of  those  who  fell. 

I  have  carefully  refrained  from  mentioning  the  names  of 
the  many  illustrious  citizens  of  Ohio  who  contributed  most 
to  the  organization,  growth  and  development  of  that  state  and 
of  the  United  States,  lest  I  omit  others  equally  worthy  of 
honorable  mention.  The  Governors  of  Ohio  have  been  selected 
for  conspicuous  service  to  the  state,  or  to  the  United  States, 
and,  though  the  powers  of  that  officer,  under  the  constitution 
of  Ohio,  are  not  so  great  as  in  many  of  the  states,  they  were 
distinguished  for  ability,  integrity  and  high  personal  char 
acter.  The  roll  of  statesmen  who  have  served  Ohio  in  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 


76  RECOLLECTIONS 

includes  many  of  commanding  influence  in  the  national  coun 
cils,  two  of  whom  have  been  Presidents  of  the  United  States, 
two  Chief  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
and  many  others  have  occupied  seats  as  Justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  as  heads  of  departments  of  the  executive 
branch  of  the  government,  and  Representatives  of  the  highest 
rank  in  out  diplomatic  service. 

It  is  not  intended  to  make  a  comparison  of  the  merits  of 
individuals  or  parties,  nor  of  Ohio  with  other  states,  old  or 
new.  I  concede  that  all  the  states,  old  or  new,  have  con 
tributed  to  the  strength  of  the  republic,  the  common  hope  and 
pride  of  all  American  citizens.  Local  or  state  pride  is  entirely 
consistent  with  the  most  devoted  loyalty  to  the  Union.  All  I 
have  sought  is  to  present  truthfully  a  mere  outline  of  the 
history  and  resources  of  a  state  carved  within  a  century  out  of 
a  wilderness,  having  at  the  beginning  no  inhabitants  but 
savage  men  and  wild  beasts,  no  mark  of  civilization  except 
that  made  by  an  extinct  race  leaving  no  name  or  date  or 
history,  and  now  converted  into  the  peaceful  home  of  four 
millions  of  human  beings,  possessed  of  a  full  share  of  property 
and  wealth,  a  soil  rich  and  fertile,  well  cultivated  by  independ 
ent  farmers,  yielding  more  than  the  entire  production  of  all 
the  colonies  that  rebelled  against  Great  Britain,  and  producing 
by  varied  industries  and  developed  resources  more  than  all  the 
states  produced  when  the  constitution  was  adopted. 

In  intelligence,  means  of  education,  temperance,  order  and 
religious  observance,  Ohio  may  fairly  take  its  place  among  the 
most  favored  communities  in  the  world.  It  is  a  type  of  what 
can  be  accomplished  under  favorable  circumstances  by  a  free 
people  under  a  free  government,  where  each  citizen  enjoys  the 
full  and  undisputed  possession  of  equal  rights  and  opportuni 
ties.  Ohio  commenced  its  existence  on  the  western  border 
line  of  civilization  on  the  continent.  The  center  of  population 
has  already  passed  its  borders,  so  that  it  now  takes  its  place, 
not  in  the  west,  but  in  the  east.  The  new  communities  that 
have  been  founded  in  the  west  are  largely  composed  of  the 
sons  and  daughters  of  Ohio,  who,  following  the  example  of 
their  ancestors,  seek  new  fields  for  enterprise  and  industry. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  77 

I  have  observed  that  wherever  I  traveled  in  the  west,  however 
remote  the  place,  I  found  the  "Ohio  man"  well  advanced 
among  his  fellow-citizens,  and  actively  contributing  his  full 
share  to  the  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  community  in  which 
he  lived,  but  retaining  his  love  for  his  native  state,  and  always 
proud  to  say  he  was  born  in  Ohio. 

S.-7 


CHAPTER  IV. 
ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR  AND  EARLY  POLITICAL  LIFE. 

Law  Partnership  with  my  Brother  Charles  — Changes  in  Methods  of  Court  Practice  — 
Obtaining  the  Right-of-Way  for  a  Railroad  —  Excitement  of  the  Mexican  War 
and  its  Effect  on  the  Country  — My  First  Visit  to  Washington— At  a 
Banquet  with  Daniel  Webster — New  York  Fifty  Years  ago— Mar 
riage  with  Margaret  Cecilia  Stewart— Beginning  of  My  Political 
Life  —  Belief  in  the  Doctrine  of  Protection  —  Democratic 
and   Whig   Conventions  of   1852  —  The   Slavery 
Question  —  My  Election  to  Congress  in  1854. 

AFTER  I  was  admitted  to  the  bar  I  felt  the  natural  ela 
tion  of  one  who  had  reached  the  end  of  a  long  journey 
after  weary  waiting.    I  spent  two  or  three  weeks  in 
visiting  my  relatives  in  Dayton  and  Cincinnati,  attend 
ing  the  courts  in  those  cities,  where  I  observed  closely  the  con 
duct  of  judges  and  lawyers  in  the  trial  of  cases,  and  returned 
to  Mansfield  full  of  confidence,  and  with  a  better  opinion  of 
myself  than  I  have  entertained  since. 

The  first  object  I  sought  to  accomplish  was  the  removal  of 
my  mother  and  her  two  unmarried  daughters,  Susan  and 
Fannie,  from  Lancaster  to  Mansfield.  At  this  time  all  her  sons 
were  settled  at  homes  distant  from  Lancaster,  and  her  other 
daughters  were  married  and  scattered.  By  an  arrangement 
between  my  brothers,  Charles  and  Tecumseh,  and  myself,  I  was 
to  keep  house  with  mother  in  charge,  Susan  and  Fannie  as 
guests.  This  family  arrangement  was  continued  until  Susan 
and  I  were  married  and  mother  died. 

To  return  to  my  admission  to  the  bar.  I  felt  that  I  was 
now  a  man.  I  had  heretofore  banked  mainly  on  the  treasures 
of  hope.  My  brother,  Charles  Sherman,  admitted  me  as  an 
equal  partner  in  his  lucrative  practice,  and  thus  I  gained  a 
foot-hold  in  the  profession.  Fortunately  for  me,  his  timidity 
required  me  to  attend  stoutly  contested  cases  brought  to  us. 
The  old  distinction  between  law  and  equity  proceedings  was 
then  preserved,  and  Charles  was  a  very  good  equity  counselor. 

(78) 


CHARLES  T.  SHERMAN, 

EIDEST  BROTHER  OF  SENATOR  AND  GENERAL  SHERMAN. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  79 

With  this  line  of  distinction  between  us  we  never  had  any  dif 
ficulty  in  arranging  our  business,  or  in  dividing  our  labor.  He 
was  then  agent  and  attorney  for  New  York  and  eastern  cred 
itors,  the  confidential  adviser  of  our  leading  business  men,  and 
the  counselor  of  a  very  interesting  sect,  then  quite  numerous 
in  Richland  county,  called  Quakers,  or  Friends,  who  could  not 
conscientiously  take  the  usual  oath,  but  in  witnessing  all  nec 
essary  legal  papers,  and  in  contests,  made  their  affirmations. 
There  was,  therefore,  left  to  me  the  pleadings,  oral  or  written, 
and  the  struggle  of  debate  and  trial.  The  practice  of  the  bar 
in  Ohio  had  greatly  changed  from  that  of  the  early  decades  of 
this  century.  As  I  have  stated,  the  judges,  in  the  earlier 
decades,  accompanied  by  leading  lawyers,  mounted  on  horses, 
went  from  county  to  county  and  disposed  of  the  docket.  The 
local  lawyers  had  but  little  to  do.  Now  all  this  is  changed. 
Each  county  has  its  bar  and  its  leading  lawyers,  and  only  when 
the  case  is  of  great  importance  a  "foreign"  lawyer  is  called  in. 
The  change  has  been  caused  by  the  abnormal  growth  of  popu 
lation.  In  1830  the  total  population  of  the  state  was  only 
938,000,  that  of  many  of  the  counties  being  very  small.  In 
1850  the  population  had  more  than  doubled,  amounting  to 
1,980,000.  In  1890  it  was  3,672,000,  well  distributed  among 
the  counties  according  to  their  capacity  for  supporting  this 
increase. 

Other  remarkable  changes  have  also  taken  place  during  the 
same  period.  The  entire  mode  of  conducting  business  in  early 
days  has  been  abandoned.  Cash  payments  and  short  accounts 
have  taken  the  place  of  barter  and  credit.  The  Ohio  banking 
law  of  1846,  followed  and  superseded  by  the  national  banking 
act  of  1863,  produced  a  radical  change  in  the  forms,  credit  and 
solvency  of  paper  money,  and,  more  than  any  other  cause,  has 
encouraged  the  holding  of  small  savings  of  money  in  savings 
banks  and  like  institutions.  These  favorable  conditions  tended 
to  limit  credits,  to  encourage  savings,  and  to  change  the 
vocation  and  habits  of  lawyers. 

Change  in  methods  have  also  affected  the  legal  profession. 
The  adoption  of  a  code  of  laws,  and  of  new  and  simple  plead 
ings,  rendered  useless  half  the  learning  of  the  old  lawyers, 


80  RECOLLECTIONS 

driving  some  of  them  out  of  practice.  I  knew  one  in  Mans 
field  who  swore  that  the  new  code  was  made  by  fools,  for  fools, 
and  that  he  never  would  resort  to  it.  I  believe  he  kept  his 
word,  except  when  in  person  he  was  plaintiff  or  defendant. 
Yet,  the  code  and  pleadings  adopted  in  New  York  have  been 
adopted  in  nearly  all  the  states,  and  will  not  be  changed  except 
in  the  line  of  extension  and  improvement. 

These  reforms,  and  the  many  changes  made  in  the  organi 
zation  of  our  state  and  federal  courts,  have  to  a  considerable 
extent  lessened  the  fees  and  restricted  the  occupation  of  law 
yers.  But  it  can  be  said  that  the  leading  members  of  the  legal 
profession  proposed  and  adopted  these  reforms,  and  always  ad 
vocated  any  legislation  that  tended  to  simplify  and  cheapen 
litigation  and  at  the  same  time  protect  life,  property  or 
reputation. 

While  these  causes  were  operating  against  lawyers,  agents 
of  nature,  hitherto  unknown,  undiscovered,  and  wonderful, 
were  being  developed,  which  were  to  completely  revolutionize 
the  methods  of  travel,  the  transportation  of  goods,  and  the 
modes  of  production,  thus  opening  new  fields  for  the  employ 
ment  of  lawyers.  Instead  of  assault  and  battery  cases,  suits 
for  slander  and  the  collection  of  debts,  the  attention  of  law 
yers  was  directed  to  the  development  of  railroads,  banking 
institutions  and  other  corporations. 

The  construction  of  railroads  caused  a  most  remarkable 
revolution  in  the  habits  and  industries  of  our  people.  The 
first  built  in  Ohio  ran  from  Lake  Erie  or  the  Ohio  River,  north 
or  south  into  the  center  of  the  state.  Among  them  was  the 
Sandusky  &  Mansfield  road,  originally  a  short  line  from  San- 
dusky  to  Monroeville,  intended  to  be  run  by  horse  power.  It 
was  soon  changed  to  a  steam  road,  the  power  being  furnished 
by  a  feeble,  wheezing  engine,  not  to  be  compared  with  the  loco 
motive  of  to-day.  It  was  then  extended  to  Mansfield,  and  sub 
sequently  to  Newark,  but  was  not  completed  until  1846.  It 
was  built  of  cross-ties  three  feet  apart,  connected  by  string 
pieces  of  timber  about  six  by  eight  inches  in  dimensions,  and  a 
flat  iron  bar  two  and  one-half  inches  wide  and  five-eighths  of 
an  inch  thick.  The  worthlessness  and  danger  of  such  a  railroad 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  81 

was  soon  demonstrated  by  innumerable  accidents  caused  by 
the  spreading  of  rails,  the  "  snaking  "of  the  flat  bars  of  iron 
through  the  cars,  and  the  feebleness  of  the  engines.  Both  road 
and  engines  soon  had  to  be  replaced.  In  every  case  which  I 
recall  the  original  investment  in  the  early  railroads  was  lost. 

It  was  thought  when  the  first  railroad  from  Sandusky  to 
Mansfield  was  completed  that  the  road  would  save  the  farmer 
five  or  six  cents  a  bushel  on  his  wheat  in  its  transit  to  the  lake, 
and  yield  a  handsome  profit  to  the  stockholders  of  the  railroad. 
That  was  the  great  benefit  anticipated.  No  one  then  thought 
of  the  movement  by  railroad,  over  vast  distances,  of  grain, 
stock,  and  merchandise,  but  regarded  the  innovation  as  a  sub 
stitute  for  the  old  wagon  trains  to  the  lake. 

The  construction  of  this  railroad  was  considered  at  that 
time  a  great  undertaking.  It  was  accomplished  mainly  by  the 
leading  business  men  of  Mansfield,  but  the  road  turned  out  to 
be  a  very  bad  investment,  bankrupting  some  and  crippling 
others.  I  was  employed  by  the  company  to  collect  the  stock 
and  to  secure  by  condemnation  the  right-of-way  from  Ply 
mouth  to  Mansfield.  Much  of  the  right-of-way  was  freely 
granted  without  cost  by  the  owners  of  the  land.  As  the  chief 
benefit  was  to  inure  to  the  farmers,  it  was  thought  to  be  very 
mean  and  stingy  for  one  of  them  to  demand  money  for  the 
right-of-way  through  his  farm.  I  went  over  the  road  from 
Mansfield  to  Plymouth  with  a  company  of  five  appraisers,  all 
farmers,  who  carefully  examined  the  line  of  the  railroad,  and 
much  to  my  mortification,  assessed  in  the  aggregate  for  twenty 
miles  of  railway  track,  damages  to  the  amount  of  $2,000.  I 
honestly  thought  this  an  exorbitant  award,  but  the  same  dis 
tance  could  not  be  traversed  now  at  a  cost  for  right-of-way  for 
ten  times  that  sum. 

The  present  admirable  roads  in  Ohio  have  been  built  mainly 
by  the  proceeds  of  bonds  based  upon  a  right-of-wray. 

In  the  meantime  other  railroads  of  much  greater  impor 
tance  were  being  built,  and  the  direction  of  the  roads,  instead 
of  being  north  and  south,  was  from  east  to  west,  to  reach  a 
business  rapidly  developing  west  of  Ohio  of  far  greater  impor 
tance  than  the  local  traffic  of  that  state. 


82  RECOLLECTIONS 

Among  the  most  valuable  of  these  railroads  was  the 
Pittsburg,  Ft.  Wayne  &  Chicago,  now  a  part  of  the  system  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Kailroad  Company,  by  which  it  is  leased. 
This  road  was  built  in  sections  by  three  different  corporations, 
subsequently  combined  by  authority  of  the  legislatures  of 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois.  The  first  section 
was  the  Pittsburg  &  Ohio  railroad  from  Pittsburg  to  Crest 
line,  twelve  miles  west  of  Mansfield. 

There  is  perhaps  a  no  more  remarkable  material  develop 
ment  in  the  history  of  mankind  than  that  of  railroads  in  the 
United  States  since  1845.  The  number  of  miles  of  such  roads  is 
now  171,804.72,  the  actual  cost  of  which  with  equipment 
amounting  to  $9,293,052,143.  The  value  of  these  railroads  and 
their  dependent  warehouses  and  stations  is  probably  greater 
to-day  than  was  the  value  of  the  entire  property  of  the  United 
States  in  1840. 

Contemporaneous  with  railroads  came,  the  telegraph,  the 
cable,  and  the  telephone.  The  first  telegraph  wire  was  strung 
between  Baltimore  and  Washington  in  1844.  The  first  tele 
graph  line  through  the  State  of  Ohio  was  from  Cleveland 
via  Mansfield  to  Columbus  and  Cincinnati,  and  was  established 
in  1848.  At  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  supreme  court  at 
Mansfield  in  that  year,  Judge  Hitchcock,  who  presided,  asked 
me  the  road  to  Mt.  Gilead,  in  Morrow  county,  a  county  then 
recently  created.  I  pointed  to  the  telegraph  wire  stretched  on 
poles,  and  told  him  to  follow  that.  The  old  judge,  who  had 
been  on  the  supreme  bench  for  over  twenty  years  was  quite 
amused  at  the  direction  given.  He  laughed  and  said  he  had 
been  mislead  by  guideboards  all  his  life,  and  now  he  was  glad 
to  be  guided  by  a  wire. 

The  development  and  changes,  soon  after  my  admission  to 
the  bar,  turned  somewhat  the  tide  of  my  hopes  and  expecta 
tions.  Our  firm  soon  lost  the  business  of  collecting  debts  for 
eastern  merchants  by  the  establishment  of  numerous  and  safe 
banks  under  the  state  act  of  1846.  Several  of  the  old  banks, 
especially  those  at  Wooster,  Norwalk,  and  Massillon  had  ut 
terly  failed,  and,  I  believe,  paid  no  part  of  their  outstanding 
notes.  The  new  banks,  founded  upon  a  better  system,  one  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  83 

which  was  at  Mansfield,  rapidly  absorbed  the  collection  of 
eastern  merchants  from  the  part  of  Ohio  in  which  we  lived. 
This  loss  was,  however,  more  than  made  good  by  our  employ 
ment  as  attorneys  for  the  several  railroads  through  Richland 
county.  My  brother  gradually  withdrew  from  his  business  in 
Mansfield,  and  became  the  general  attorney  for  the  Pittsburg, 
Ft.  Wayne  &  Chicago  Railroad. 

In  the  meantime  I  had  taken  a  junior  part  in  the  trial  of 
several  cases  in  which  I  was  greatly  favored  by  Mr.  Stewart, 
the  most  eminent  member  of  his  profession  at  Mansfield.  He 
gave  me  several  opportunities  for  testing  my  qualities  before 
a  jury,  so  that  I  gradually  gained  confidence  in  myself  as  a 
speaker. 

My  Uncle  Parker  was  then  judge  of  the  court  of  common 
pleas.  So  far  from  favoring  me  on  account  of  my  relation  to 
him,  he  seemed  to  me  to  wish  to  demonstrate  his  impartiality 
by  overruling  my  pleadings  or  instructing  the  jury  against  me. 
1  am  quite  sure  now  that  this  was  fanciful  on  my  part,  for  he 
was  universally  regarded  as  being  an  excellent  example  of  a 
just  judge  without  favor  or  partiality. 

During  the  early  period  of  practice  at  the  bar  I  studied  my 
cases  carefully  and  had  fair  success.  I  settled  more  cases  by 
compromises,  however,  than  I  tried  before  a  jury.  I  got  the 
reputation  of  being  successful  by  full  preparation  and  a  thor 
ough  knowledge  of  the  facts  and  law  of  the  case.  In  address 
ing  a  jury  I  rarely  attempted  flights  of  oratory,  and  when  I 
did  attempt  them  I  failed.  I  soon  learned  that  it  was  better  to 
gain  the  confidence  of  a  jury  by  plain  talk  than  by  rhetoric. 
Subsequently  in  public  life  I  preserved  a  like  course,  and  once, 
though  I  was  advised  by  Governor  Chase  to  add  a  peroration  to 
my  argument,  I  did  not  follow  his  advice.  While  I  defended 
many  persons  for  alleged  crimes  I  never  but  once  prosecuted  a 
criminal.  My  old  friend,  Mr.  Kirkwood,  was  the  prosecuting 
attorney  of  the  county,  and  I  renewed  with  him  my  "  moot 
court "  experience  in  frequent  contests  between  real  parties. 

During  this  period  I  became  a  member  of  the  order  of 
Odd  Fellows  in  Mansfield.  I  took  an  active  interest  in  the 
order,  and  was  at  one  time  Noble  Grand  of  the  lodge.  I  have 


84  RECOLLECTIONS 

continued  ever  since  to  pay  my  dues,  but  have  not  been  able  to 
attend  the  meetings  regularly  for  some  years.  I  have  always 
thought,  without  any  reference  to  its  supposed  secrecy,  that  it 
is  an  association  of  great  value,  especially  in  bringing  young 
men  under  good  social  influences  with  men  of  respectable  char 
acter  and  standing. 

Among  the  political  incidents  of  this  period  I  recall  the 
excitement  that  grew  out  of  the  Mexican  War.  The  general 
feeling  among  all  classes,  and  the  universal  feeling  among  the 
Whigs  was,  that  the  Mexican  War  was  purposely  and  unjustly 
entered  upon  to  extend  the  institution  of  slavery.  There  is, 
now,  no  doubt  that  such  was  the  object  of  the  war.  After  the 
battles  at  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma  a  call  was  made 
upon  the  people  of  Ohio  for  two  regiments  of  volunteers. 
These  were  raised  without  much  difficulty,  one  being  placed 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Thomas  L.  Hamer,  the  other  under 
my  old  commander,  Col.  Samuel  R.  Curtis.  I  was  somewhat 
tempted  to  enter  the  service,  though  I  did  not  believe  in  the 
justice  of  the  war.  My  old  friend,  Gen.  McLaughlin,  raised  a 
company  in  Mansfield,  and  my  comrade  on  the  Muskingum  Im 
provement,  James  M.  Love,  raised  one  in  Coshocton,  and  Col. 
Curtis  was  to  command  the  regiment.  My  brother,  William 
Tecumseh,  then  captain  in  the  regular  army,  was  eager  to  go 
into  the  war.  He  had  been  stationed  at  Pittsburg,  on  recruit 
ing  service,  but  during  the  excitement  visited  us  at  Mansfield, 
and  chafed  over  the  delay  of  orders  to  join  the  troops,  then 
under  General  Taylor.  No  doubt  his  impatience  led  him  to  be 
assigned  to  the  expedition  around  Cape  Horn  to  occupy  Cali 
fornia,  this,  greatly  to  his  regret,  keeping  him  out  of  the  war 
with  Mexico. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  merits  of  this  war  in  the 
beginning,  its  fruits  were  undoubtedly  of  immense  value  to 
this  country.  Without  this  war  California  might,  like  other 
provinces  of  Mexico,  have  remained  undeveloped.  In  the  pos 
session  of  the  United  States  its  gold  and  silver  have  been 
discovered  and  mined,  and,  together  with  all  the  vast  interior 
country  west  of  the  Mississippi,  it  has  been  developed  with  a 
rapidity  unexampled  in  history. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  85 

In  the  winter  of  1846-7, 1  for  the  first  time  visited  the  cities 
of  Washington,  New  York  and  Boston.  I  rode  in  a  stage 
coach  from  Mansfield  to  the  national  road  south  of  Newark, 
and  thence  over  that  road  by  stages  to  Cumberland,  the  rail 
roads  not  having  yet  crossed  the  mountains.  From  Cumber 
land  I  rode  in  cars  to  Baltimore,  occupying  nearly  a  day.  From 
Baltimore  I  proceeded  to  Washington. 

On  my  arrival  I  went  to  the  National  Hotel,  then  the  most 
popular  hotel  in  Washington,  where  many  Senators  and  Mem 
bers  lodged.  I  found  there,  also,  a  number  of  charming  young 
ladies  whose  company  was  much  more  agreeable  to  me  than 
that  of  the  most  distinguished  statesmen.  We  had  hops,  balls 
and  receptions,  but  I  recall  very  few  public  men  I  met  at  that 
time.  Mr.  Vinton,  then  the  veteran  Member  from  Ohio, 
invited  me  to  join  for  a  few  days  his  mess;  he  was  then  board 
ing  in  a  house  nearly  opposite  the  hotel,  kept  by  an  Italian 
whose  name  I  cannot  recall.  He  was  a  famous  cook.  The 
mess  was  composed  entirely  of  Senators  and  Members,  one  of 
the  former  being  Mr.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky.  I  was  delighted 
and  instructed  by  the  free  and  easy  talk  that  prevailed,  a  mix 
ture  of  funny  jokes,  well-told  stories  and  gay  and  grave  dis 
cussions  of  politics  and  law. 

My  stay  at  the  capital  was  brief  as  I  wished  to  go  to  New 
York  and  Boston.  In  New  York  I  received  from  a  relative  a 
letter  of  introduction  to  Benj.  R.  Curtis,  then  an  eminent 
lawyer,  and  latterly  a  more  eminent  justice  of  the  supreme 
court.  When  I  presented  my  letter  I  was  received  very  kindly 
and  after  a  brief  conversation  he  said  he  was  able  to  do  me  a 
favor,  that  he  had  a  ticket  to  a  grand  banquet  to  be  attended 
by  the  leading  men  of  Boston  at  Plymouth  Rock,  on  the  anni 
versary  of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  and  that  Daniel 
Webster  would  preside.  I  heartily  thanked  him,  and  on  the 
next  day,  prompt  on  time,  I  entered  the  train  at  Boston  for 
Plymouth.  When  I  arrived  at  the  hotel,  which  is  also  a 
station-house  of  the  railway,  I  did  not  know  a  single  person  in 
the  great  assemblage.  In  due  time  we  were  ushered  into  the 
dining  hall  where  the  banquet  was  spread.  There  was  no 
mistaking  Webster.  He  sat  in  the  center  of  a  cross  table  with 


86  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  British  minister  on  his  right  and  Jeremiah  Mason  on  his 
left.  At  the  other  end  of  the  room  sat  Abbott  Lawrence  and 
other  distinguished  men.  The  residue  of  the  guests,  mer 
chants,  poets,  and  orators  of  Massachusetts,  filled  every  seat  at 
the  tables.  I  sat  some  way  down  on  the  side  and  introduced 
myself  to  my  neighbors  on  the  right  and  left,  but  my  eye  was 
on  Webster,  from  whom  I  expected  such  lofty  eloquence  as  he 
alone  could  utter. 

Much  to  my  surprise,  when  the  time  came  for  the  oratory 
to  commence,  Mr.  Lawrence  acted  as  toast  master.  We  had 
stories,  songs,  poetry  and  oratory,  generally  good  and  appropri 
ate,  but  not  from  Webster.  And  so  the  evening  waned. 
Webster  had  been  talking  freely  with  those  about  him.  He 
displayed  none  of  the  loftiness  associated  wTith  his  name.  He 
drank  freely.  That  was  manifest  to  everyone.  His  favorite 
bottle  was  one  labeled  "brandy."  We  heard  of  it  as  being 
"more  than  a  hundred  years  old."  It  did  not  travel  down  to 
us.  Webster  was  plainly  hilarious.  At  this  time  the  conduc 
tor  appeared  at  a  side  door  and  announced  that  in  fifteen 
minutes  the  cars  would  start  for  Boston.  Then  Webster  arose 
—with  difficulty — he  rested  his  hands  firmly  on  the  table  and 
with  an  effort  assumed  an  erect  position.  Every  voice  was 
hushed.  He  said  that  in  fifteen  minutes  we  would  separate, 
nevermore  to  meet  again,  and  then,  with  glowing  force  and 
eloquence,  he  contrasted  the  brevity  and  vanity  of  human  life 
with  the  immortality  of  the  events  they  were  celebrating, 
which  century  after  century  would  be  celebrated  by  your 
children  and  your  children's  children  to  the  latest  generation. 

I  cannot  recall  the  words  of  his  short  but  eloquent  speech, 
but  it  made  an  impress  on  my  mind.  If  his  body  was  affected 
by  the  liquor,  his  head  was  clear  and  his  utterance  perfect. 
I  met  Mr.  Webster  afterwards  on  the  cars  and  in  Washington. 
I  admired  him  for  his  great  intellectual  qualities,  but  I  do  not 
wonder  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  did  not  choose 
him  for  President. 

Soon  after  the  national  Whig  convention  of  1852,  of  which 
I  was  a  member,  I  heard  this  story  told  by  his  secretary.  In  the 
evening,  when  Mr.  Webster  was  at  his  well-known,  residence 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  87 

on  Louisiana  Avenue,  near  Sixth  street,  he  was  awaiting  the 
ballots  in  the  convention.  When  it  came  by  the  telegraph, 
"Scott  159,  Fillmore  112,  Webster  21,"  he  repeated  it  in  his 
deep  tones  and  said:  "How  will  this  read  in  history?"  He 
did  not  like  either  Scott  or  Fillmore,  and  was  disappointed  in 
the  votes  of  southern  members.  To  be  third  in  such  a  contest 
wounded  his  pride.  He  died  before  the  year  closed.  He  was, 
perhaps,  the  greatest  man  of  intellectual  force  of  his  time,  but 
he  had  faults  which  the  people  could  not  overlook.  Another 
incident  about  Mr.  Webster,  and  the  house  in  which  he  lived, 
may  not  be  without  interest.  On  New  Year's  day  of  1860,  Mr. 
Corwin,  Mr.  Colfax  and  myself  made  the  usual  calls  together. 
Among  the  many  visits  we  made,  was  one  on  a  gentleman 
then  living  in  that  house.  As  we  entered,  Mr.  Coi-win  met 
an  old  well-trained  negro  servant  who  had  been  a  servant  of 
Mr.  Webster  in  this  house.  I  noticed  that  Mr.  Corwin  lost  his 
usual  gayety,  and  as  we  left  the  house  he  turned  to  us,  and, 
with  deep  emotion,  asked  that  we  leave  him  at  his  lodg 
ings;  that  his  long  associations  with  Mr.  Webster,  especially 
his  meetings  with  him  in  that  house  during  their  association 
as  members  of  the  cabinet  of  Fillmore,  unfitted  him  to  enjoy 
the  usual  greetings  of  the  day.  I  felt  that  the  emotion  of 
such  a  man  as  Corwin  was  the  highest  possible  compliment 
to  the  memory  of  Daniel  Webster. 

From  Boston  I  returned  to  New  York.  There,  in  the 
families  of  two  brothers  of  my  mother,  both  then  living,  I 
had  a  glimpse  of  New  York  society.  With  Mr.  Scott,  the  son- 
in-law  of  my  uncle,  James  Hoyt,  I  made  nearly  one  hundred 
of  the  usual  New  Year's  visits,  then  customary  in  New  York. 
This  custom  I  am  told  has  been  abandoned,  but  the  New  York 
of  to-day  is  quite  different  from  the  New  York  of  1847.  It 
still  retained  some  of  the  knickerbocker  customs  of  the  olden 
time.  The  site  of  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  was  then  a  stone- 
yard  where  grave  stones  were  cut.  All  north  of  Twenty-third 
street,  now  the  seat  of  plutocracy,  was  then  sparsely  occupied 
by  poor  houses  and  miserable  shanties,  and  the  site  of  Central 
Park  was  a  rough,  but  picturesque  body  of  woodland,  glens 
and  rocky  hills,  with  a  few  clearings  partly  cultivated.  Even 


gg  RECOLLECTIONS 

then  the  population  of  New  York  was  about  400,000,  or  more 
than  three-fold  that  of  any  city  in  the  United  States, 
and  twenty-fold  that  of  Chicago.  Now  New  York  contains 
2,000,000  inhabitants,  and  Chicago,  according  to  recent  reports, 
about  1,700,000.  Many  cities  now  exist  containing  over 
100,000  inhabitants,  the  sites  of  which,  in  that  year,  were 
within  the  limits  of  Indian  reservations. 

From  New  York  I  returned  to  Washington.  Many  inci 
dents  recur  to  me  but  they  were  of  persons  now  dead  and 
gone,  the  memory  of  whom  will  not  be  recalled  by  the  present 
generation.  Mr.  Polk  was  then  President.  He  was  a  plain 
man,  of  ordinary  ability  and  more  distinguished  for  the  great 
events  that  happened  during  his  presidency  than  for  anything 
he  did  himself.  I  attended  one  of  his  receptions.  His  wife 
appeared  to  better  advantage  than  he.  I  then  saw  Mr.  Douglas 
for  the  first  time.  I  think  he  was  still  a  Member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  had  attained  a  prominent 
position  and  was  regarded  as  a  rising  man.  I  wished  very 
much  to  see  Henry  Clay,  the  great  favorite  of  the  Whigs  of 
that  day,  but  he  was  not  then  in  public  life. 

There  was  nothing  in  Washington  at  that  time  to  excite 
interest,  except  the  men  and  women  in  public  or  social  life. 
The  city  itself  had  no  attractions  except  the  broad  Potomac 
River  and  the  rim  of  hills  that  surrounded  the  city.  It  then 
contained  about  30,000  inhabitants.  Pennsylvania  avenue  was 
a  broad,  badly  paved,  unattractive  street,  while  all  the  other 
streets  were  unpaved  and  unimproved.  All  that  part  of  the 
city  lying  north  of  K  street  and  west  of  Fourteenth  street, 
now  the  most  fashionable  part  of  the  city,  was  then  a  dreary 
waste  open,  like  all  the  rest  of  the  city,  as  free  pasturage  for 
cows,  pigs,  and  goats.  It  was  a  city  in  name,  but  a  village  in 
fact.  The  contrast  between  Washington  then  and  now  may 
be  referred  to  hereafter. 

Upon  my  return  from  the  east  in  February,  1847,  I  actively 
resumed  the  practice  of  the  law.  I  was  engaged  in  several  im 
portant  trials,  but  notably  one  at  Mount  Vernon.  Ohio,  where 
the  contesting  parties  were  brothers,  the  matter  in  dispute  a 
valuable  farm,  and  the  chief  witness  in  the  case  the  mother  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  89 

both  the  plaintiff  and  defendant.  It  was,  as  such  trials  are  apt 
to  be,  vigorously  contested  with  great  bitterness  between  the 
parties.  Columbus  Delano  was  the  chief  counsel  for  the  plain 
tiff,  and  I  was  his  assistant.  I  remember  the  case  more  espe 
cially  because  during  its  progress  I  was  attacked  by  typhoid 
fever.  I  returned  home  after  the  trial,  completely  exhausted, 
and  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1847,  found  myself  in  a  raging  fever, 
which  continued  more  than  two  months  before  I  was  able  to 
rise  from  the  bed,  and  then  I  was  as  helpless  as  a  child.  I  was 
unable  to  walk,  and  was  lifted  from  the  house  into  the  carriage 
to  get  the  fresh  air,  and  continued  under  disability  until 
October,  when  I  was  again  able  to  renew  my  business. 

During  my  practice  thus  far,  I  had  been  able  to  accumulate 
in  property  and  money  more  than  ten  thousand  dollars.  I  had, 
in  addition  to  my  practice,  engaged  in  a  profitable  business 
with  Jacob  Emminger,  a  practical  mechanic,  in  the  manufac 
ture  of  doors,  blinds  and  other  building  materials.  We  acquired 
valuable  pine-lands  in  Michigan  and  transported  the  lumber  to 
our  works  at  Mansfield.  We  continued  this  business  until  I 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  March,  1877,  when  I 
sold  out  my  interest  and  also  abandoned  the  practice  of  the  law. 

I  spent  the  winter  of  1847-8  at  Columbus,  where  I  made 
many  acquaintances  who  were  of  great  service  to  me  in  after 
life,  and  had  a  happy  time  also  with  the  young  ladies  I  met 
there.  Columbus  was  then  the  headquarters  of  social  life  for 
Ohio.  It  had  a  population  then  of  about  fifteen  thousand,  with 
few  or  no  manufactures.  It  has  now  a  population  of  more 
than  one  hundred  thousand,  the  increase  being  largely  caused 
by  the  great  development  of  the  numerous  railroads  centering 
there,  and  of  the  coal  and  iron  mines  of  the  Hocking  Valley. 
It  was  also  the  natural  headquarters  of  the  legal  profession, 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio,  then  under  the  old  constitution, 
and  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  holding  their 
sessions  there. 

On  the  first  day  of  August,  1848,  my  grandmother,  Eliza 
beth  Stoddard  Sherman,  died  at  Mansfield  at  the  residence  of 
her  daughter,  Mrs.  Parker.  Her  history  and  characteristics 
have  already  been  referred  to.  She  was  to  our  family  the 


90  RECOLLECTIONS 

connecting  link  between  the  Kevolutionary  period  and  our 
times.  She  had  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  burning  of  the  princi 
pal  towns  of  Connecticut  by  the  British  and  Tories,  of  the  trials 
and  poverty  that  followed  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  of  the  early 
political  contests  between  the  Federalists  and  Republicans,  of 
the  events  of  the  War  of  1812,  and  of  her  journey  to  Ohio  in 
1816.  She  -maintained  a  masterly  care  of  her  children  and 
grandchildren.  She  was  the  best  type  I  have  known  of  the 
strong-willed,  religious  Puritan  of  the  Connecticut  school,  and 
was  respected,  not  only  by  her  numerous  grandchildren,  but  by 
all  who  knew  her. 

My  brother-in-law,  Thomas  W.  Bartley,  was  District  Attor 
ney  of  the  United  States  during  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Polk,  and,  as  he  expected  a  change  would  be  made  by  the 
incoming  administration  of  Taylor,  he  advised  me  to  become  a 
candidate  for  his  place,  as  that  was  in  the  line  of  my  profes 
sion.  I  told  him  I  doubted  if  my  experience  of  the  bar  would 
justify  me  in  making  such  an  application,  but  he  thought 
differently.  1  wrote  to  Mr.  Ewing  upon  the  subject  and  he 
answered  as  follows : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Dec.  31,  1848. 
John  Sherman,  Esq.,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : —  I  believe  you  would  be  able  to  perform  the  duties  of 
District  Attorney,  but  your  youth  would  be  an  objection  to  your  appoint 
ment,  and  in  competition  with  one  so  long  known,  and  so  highly  estimated, 
as  Mr.  Goddard  is  both  professionally  and  politically,  would  probably  make 
your  prospects  but  little  encouraging.  If  you  conclude  to  withdraw  your 
name,  signify  the  fact  and  the  reason  by  letter  to  Mr.  Goddard  and  it  may 
be  of  use  to  you  hereafter.  I  am,  with  great  regard, 

Yours,  T.  EWING. 

I  complied  with  his  advice,  though  Mr.  Goddard,  I  think, 
declined  and  Mr.  Mason  was  appointed. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  the  same  month  I  was  married  to  Mar 
garet  Cecilia  Stewart,  the  only  child  of  Judge  Stewart,  whom  I 
had  known  since  my  removal  to  Mansfield.  She  had  been  care 
fully  educated  at  the  Female  College  at  Granville,  Ohio,  and  at 
the  Patapsco  Institute,  near  Baltimore,  Maryland.  After  the 
usual  wedding  tour  to  Niagara  Falls,  Montreal  and  Saratoga, 
we  settled  in  Mansfield,  and  I  returned  to  my  profession, 
actively  pursuing  it  until  elected  a  Member  of  Congress. 


I   UNIVER* 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  91 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  follow  my  professional  life  into 
further  detail.  I  shall  not  have  occasion  to  mention  that  subject 
again.  Sufficient  to  say  that  I  was  reasonably  successful  therein. 
During  this  period  Henry  C.  Hedges  studied  law  with  my  brother 
and  myself,  and  when  admitted  to  the  bar  became  my  partner. 
Mr.  Stewart  was  elected  by  the  legislature  a  judge  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas,  and  after  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitu 
tion  of  1851,  he  was  elected  by  the  people  to  the  same  office. 

I  had  determined  in  the  fall  of  1853  to  abandon  Mansfield 
and  settle  in  Cleveland,  then  rapidly  growing  in  importance  as 
the  leading  city  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state.  I  went  so 
far  as  to  establish  an  office  there  and  place  in  it  two  young 
lawyers,  nominally  my  partners,  but  the  great  political  currents 
of  that  time  soon  diverted  me  from  the  practice  of  the  law 
into  the  political  contests  that  grew  out  of  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise. 

"The  direful  spring  of  woes  unnumbered." 

Before  entering  upon  an  account  of  my  political  life  it 
seems  appropriate  for  me  to  state  my  political  bias  and  posi 
tion.  I  was  by  inheritance  and  association  a  Whig  boy,  with 
out  much  care  for  or  knowledge  of  parties  or  political  principles. 
No  doubt  my  discharge  from  the  engineer  corps  by  a  Democratic 
Board  of  Public  Works  strengthened  this  bias.  I  shouted  for 
Harrison  in  the  campaign  of  1840.  In  1842  I  was  enthusiastic 
for  "Tom  Corwin,  the  wagon-boy,"  the  Whig  candidate  for 
Governor  of  Ohio.  In  that  canvass  Governor  Corwin  addressed 
a  great  meeting  at  Mansfield.  I  heard  his  speech,  and  was  full 
of  enthusiasm.  Mr.  Corwin  was  certainly  the  greatest  popular 
orator  of  his  time.  His  face  was  eloquent,  changeable  at  his 
will.  With  a  look  he  would  cause  a  laugh  or  a  tear.  He  would 
move  his  audience  at  his  pleasure.  I  vividly  remember  the 
impression  he  made  upon  me,  though  I  cannot  recall  anything 
he  said.  At  the  close  of  the  meeting  1  was  requested  by  the 
committee  in  charge  to  take  Mr.  Corwin  in  a  buggy  to  Bucyrus. 
This  I  cheerfully  did.  I  noticed  that  Mr.  Corwin  was  very 
glum  and  silent,  and  to  cheer  him  up  I  spoke  of  his  speech  and 
of  the  meeting.  He  turned  upon  me,  and  with  some  show  of 

S.-8 


92  RECOLLECTIONS 

feeling,  said  that  all  the  people  who  heard  him  would  remember 
only  his  jokes,  and  warned  me  to  keep  out  of  politics  and  at 
tend  to  my  law.  He  told  me  that  he  knew  my  father,  and  was 
present  at  his  death  at  Lebanon,  where  he,  Mr.  Corwin,  lived. 
And  then,  brightening  up,  he  gave  me  an  interesting  account  of 
the  early  settlement  of  Ohio,  and  of  the  bar  and  bench,  and  of 
his  early  life  as  a  wagon  boy  in  Harrison's  army.  His  sudden 
fit  of  gloom  had  passed  away.  I  do  not  recall  any  circum 
stance  that  created  a  deeper  impression  on  my  mind  than  this 
interview  with  Mr.  Corwin.  His  advice  to  keep  out  of  politics 
was  easy  to  follow,  as  no  one  could  then  dream  of  the  possi 
bility  of  a  Whig  being  elected  to  office  in  Richland  county, 
then  called  "the  Berks  of  Ohio."  Mr.  Corwin  was  defeated  at 
that  election. 

I  took  but  little  part  in  the  campaign  of  1844,  when  Mr. 
Clay  was  a  candidate  for  President,  but  I  then  made  my  first 
political  speech  to  a  popular  audience  and  cast  my  first  vote. 
The  meeting  was  held  at  Plymouth,  and  Honorable  Joseph  M. 
Root,  the  Whig  candidate  for  Congress,  was  to  be  the  orator. 
For  some  reason  Mr.  Root  was  delayed,  and  I  was  pressed  into 
service.  Of  what  I  said  I  have  not  the  remotest  recollection, 
but  my  audience  was  satisfied,  and  I  was  doubly  so,  especially 
when  Mr.  Root  came  in  sight.  After  that  I  made  a  few  neigh 
borhood  speeches  in  support  of  the  Whig  candidate  for  gov 
ernor,  Mr.  Mordecai  Bartley,  a  gentleman  who  for  several  years 
had  lived  in  Mansfield,  but  had  long  since  retired  from  public 
office  after  eight  years'  service  in  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives.  Mr.  Bartley  received  147,738  votes,  Mr.  Tod, 
Democrat,  146,461  votes  and  Mr.  King,  Third  Party,  8,411  votes; 
so  close  were  parties  divided  in  Ohio  in  1844. 

At  this  time  I  had  but  two  definite  ideas  in  respect  to  the 
public  policy  of  the  United  States.  One  was  a  hearty  belief  in 
the  doctrine  of  protection  to  American  industries,  as  advocated 
by  Mr.  Clay,  and,  second,  a  strong  prejudice  against  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  which  was  more  or  less  committed  to  the  annexa 
tion  of  Texas,  and  the  extension  of  slavery.  I  shared  in  the 
general  regret  at  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay  and  the  election  of  Mr. 
Polk.  I  took  some  part  in  the  local  canvasses  in  Ohio  prior  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  93 

1848,  but  this  did  not  in  the  least  commit  me  to  active  political 
life.  I  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  national  Whig  con 
vention,  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  1848,  to  nominate  a  presidential 
candidate.  I  accepted  this  the  more  readily  as  it  gave  me  an 
opportunity  to  see  my  future  wife  at  her  school  at  Patapsco, 
and  to  fix  our  engagement  for  marriage  upon  her  return  home. 
The  chief  incident  of  the  convention  was  the  struggle  between 
the  friends  of  General  Scott  and  General  Taylor. 

When  the  convention  was  being  organized,  Colonel  Collyer, 
chairman  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  said  there  was  a  young  gen 
tleman  in  that  convention  who  could  never  hope  to  get  an 
office  unless  that  convention  gave  him  one,  and  nominated  me 
for  secretary  of  the  convention.  Mr.  Defrees  said  there  was  a 
delegate  from  Indiana  in  the  same  condition  and  moved  that 
Schuyler  Colfax  be  made  assistant  secretary.  We  then 
marched  together  to  the  platform  and  commenced  our  political 
life,  in  which  we  were  to  be  closely  associated  for  many  years. 

The  nomination  of  General  Taylor,  cordially  supported  by 
me,  was  not  acceptable  to  all  the  Whigs  of  Ohio.  The  hostility 
to  slavery  had  grown  chiefly  out  of  the  acquisition  of  Texas  as 
a  slave  state.  An  anti-slavery  party  headed  in  Ohio  by  Salmon 
P.  Chase  cast  35,354  votes  for  Van  Buren.  General  Taylor  was 
defeated  in  Ohio  mainly  by  this  defection,  receiving  138,360 
votes.  General  Cass  received  154,775  votes.  General  Cass  re 
ceived  the  vote  of  Ohio,  but  General  Taylor  was  elected  Presi 
dent,  having  received  a  majority  of  the  electoral  vote. 

General  Taylor  proved  a  very  conscientious  and  acceptable 
President.  His  death,  on  the  ninth  day  of  July,  1850,  pre 
ceded  the  passage  of  the  compromise  measures  of  Henry  Clay, 
commonly  known  by  his  name.  They  became  laws  with  the 
approval  of  Millard  Fillmore. 

It  was  my  habit  during  this  period  to  attend  the  annual 
state  conventions  of  the  Whig  party,  not  so  much  to  influence 
nominations  as  to  keep  up  an  acquaintance  with  the  principal 
members  of  my  party.  I  had  not  the  slightest  desire  for  pub 
lic  office  and  never  became  a  candidate  until  1854.  In  the 
state  convention  of  1850  I  heartily  supported  the  nomination 
of  General  Scott  for  President,  at  the  approaching  election  of 


94  RECOLLECTIONS 

1852.  In  this  convention  an  effort  was  made  to  nominate  me 
for  attorney-general  in  opposition  to  Henry  Stanbery.  I 
promptly  declined  to  be  a  candidate,  but  received  a  number  of 
votes  from  personal  friends,  who,  as  they  said,  wanted  to  intro 
duce  some  young  blood  into  the  Whig  party. 

I  then  began  seriously  to  study  the  political  topics  of  the 
day.  I  was  classed  as  a  conservative  Whig,  and  heartily  sup 
ported  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  not  upon  their 
merits,  but  as  the  best  solution  of  dangerous  sectional  divi 
sions.  Prior  to  this  time  I  do  not  remember  to  have  given  any 
study,  except  through  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  to  the  great 
national  questions  that  divided  the  political  parties. 

In  the  spring  of  1852  I  was  designated  by  the  state  conven 
tion  as  a  delegate  at  large  in  association  with  Honorable  Sam 
uel  F.  Vinton  to  the  national  Whig  convention  of  that  year. 
I  was  an  earnest  advocate  of  General  Scott,  and  rejoiced  in  his 
nomination.  Here,  again,  the  slavery  question  was  obtruded 
into  national  politics.  The  clear  and  specific  indorsement  of 
the  compromise  measures,  though  supported  by  a  great  major 
ity,  divided  the  Whig  party  and  led  to  the  election  of  Franklin 
Pierce.  In  this  canvass  I  took  for  the  first  time  an  active  part. 
I  was  designated  as  an  elector  on  the  Scott  ticket.  I  made 
speeches  in  several  counties  and  cities,  but  was  recalled  at 
Wooster  by  a  telegram  stating  that  my  mother  was  danger 
ously  ill.  Before  I  could  reach  home  she  was  dead.  This  event 
was  wholly  unexpected,  as  she  seemed,  when  I  left  home,  to  be 
in  the  best  of  health.  She  had  accompanied  her  daughter,  Mrs. 
Bartley,  to  Cleveland  to  attend  the  state  fair,  and  there,  no 
doubt,  she  was  attacked  with  the  disease  of  which  she  died.  I 
took  no  further  part  in  the  canvass. 

I  wish  here  to  call  special  attention  to  the  attitude  of  the 
two  great  parties  in  respect  to  the  compromise  measures.' 

The  Democratic  national  convention  at  Baltimore  was  held 
on  the  first  of  June,  1852.  The  resolutions  of  that  convention 
in  reference  to  slavery  were  as  follows: 

"  12.  Resolved,  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  constitution  to 
interfere  with,  or  control,  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  states,  and 
that  such  states  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything  appertaining 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  95 

to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the  constitution;  that  all  efforts  of 
the  Abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  ques 
tions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calculated 
to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all  such 
efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people, 
and  endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to 
be  countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

"  13.  Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  is  intended 
to  embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress,  and,  there 
fore,  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national  plat 
form,  will  abide  by,  and  adhere  to,  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known 
as  the  compromise  measures  settled  by  the  last  Congress,  *  the  act  for  re 
claiming  fugitives  from  service  labor,1  included;  which  act,  being  designed 
to  carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the  constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity 
thereto,  be  repealed,  nor  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

"  14.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at 
renewing  in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question, 
under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made." 

The  Whig  convention,  which  met  at  Baltimore  on  the  16th 
of  June,  1852,  declared  as  follows:— 

"8.  That  the  series  of  acts  of  the  32nd  Congress,  the  act  known  as  The 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  included,  are  received  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  Whig 
party  of  the  United  States  as  a  settlement  in  principle  and  substance  of  the 
dangerous  and  exciting  questions  which  they  embrace,  and  so  far  as  they 
are  concerned,  we  will  maintain  them,  and  insist  upon  their  strict  enforce 
ment,  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  further 
legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the  laws  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other  —  not  impairing  their  present  efficiency; 
and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  the  question  thus  settled  as  dan 
gerous  to  our  peace,  and  will  discountenance  all  efforts  to  continue  or 
renew  such  agitation  whenever,  wherever  or  however  the  attempt  may  be 
made,  and  wre  will  maintain  the  system  as  essential  to  the  nationality  of  the 
Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  these  platforms  do  not  essentially 
differ  from  each  other.  Both  declare  in  favor  of  acquiescence  in 
the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  The  Democratic  party 
more  emphatically  denounces  any  renewal  in  Congress,  or  out 
of  it,  of  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  under  whatever 
name,  shape  or  color,  the  attempt  may  be  made.  The  Whig 
platform,  equally  positive  in  its  acquiescence  in  the  settle 
ment  made,  known  as  the  compromise  measures,  declared  its 


96 


RECOLLECTIONS 


purpose  to:  "Maintain  them,  and  to  insist  upon  their  strict 
enforcement  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the 
necessity  of  further  legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of 

the  laws." 

It  would  seem  that  under  these  platforms  both  parties  were 
committed.to  acquiescence  in  existing  laws  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery,  and  to  a  resistance  of  all  measures  to  change  or  mod 
ify  them. 

I  took  quite  an  active  part  in  this  canvass  and  wrote  to  Mr. 
Seward,  then  the  great  leader  of  the  Whig  party,  inviting  him 
to  attend  a  mass  meeting  in  Richland  county,  to  which  I 
received  the  following  reply : 

AUBURN,  Sept.  20,  1852. 
JOHN  SHERMAN,  ESQ.,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

DEAR  SIR  : —  I  have  the  honor  of  receiving  your  letter  urging  me  to 
accept  the  invitation  of  the  Whig  central  committee  to  address  a  mass 
meeting  in  Richland  county,  Ohio,  on  the  second  of  October.  I  appreciate 
fully  the  importance  of  the  canvass  in  which  we  are  engaged,  and  I  have  some 
conception  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  Whigs  of  Ohio.  I  wish,  therefore,  that 
it  was  in  my  power  to  comply  with  the  wishes,  expressed  in  several  quarters, 
by  going  among  them  to  attempt  to  encourage  them  in  their  noble  and 
patriotic  efforts,  but  it  is  impossible.  Public  and  professional  engagements 
have  withdrawn  me  from  my  private  affairs  during  the  past  two  years,  and 
the  few  weeks  of  interval  between  the  last  and  the  next  session  of  Congress 
are  equally  insufficient  for  the  attention  my  business  requires  and  for  the 
relaxation  of  public  labors  which  impaired  health  demands.  I  am,  dear  sir, 
with  great  respect,  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

The  election  of  1852  resulted  in  the  overwhelming  defeat  of 
General  Scott,  and  the  practical  annihilation  of  the  Whig 
party.  Franklin  Pierce  received  244  electoral  votes,  and  Gen 
eral  Scott  but  42. 

The  triumphant  election  of  Mr.  Pierce,  on  the  platform 
stated,  justified  the  expectation  that  during  his  term  there 
would  be  no  opening  of  the  slavery  controversy  by  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  If  that  party  had  been  content  with  the  com 
promise  of  1850,  and  had  faithfully  observed  the  pledges  in  its 
platform,  there  would  have  been  no  Civil  War.  Conservative 
Whigs,  north  and  south,  would  have  united  with  conservative 
Democrats  in  maintaining  and  enforcing  existing  laws.  The 


S 


4*~. 


-4 


di<^^  <t«~2 


* 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  97 

efforts  of  the  opponents  of  slavery  and  of  aggressive  pro- 
slavery  propagandists  would  have  been  alike  ineffective.  The 
irrepressible  conflict  would  have  been  indefinitely  postponed. 
Yet,  as  will  appear  hereafter,  the  leaders  of  the  33rd  Congress 
of  both  parties,  and  mainly  on  sectional  lines,  openly  and  fla 
grantly  violated  the  pledges  of  their  party,  and  renewed  a 
contest  that  was  only  closed  by  the  most  destructive  Civil  War 
of  modern  times,  and  by  the  abolition  of  slavery.  As  this 
legislation  brought  me  into  public  life,  I  wish  to  justify  my 
statement  by  the  public  records,  with  all  charity  to  the  authors 
of  the  measures  who  no  doubt  did  not  anticipate  the  baleful 
events  that  would  spring  from  them,  nor  the  expanded  and 
strengthened  republic  which  was  the  final  result.  "Man  pro 
poses,  but  God  disposes." 

When  the  33rd  Congress  met,  on  the  6th  day  of  December,  1853, 
the  tariff  issue  was  practically  in  abeyance.  The  net  ordinary 
receipts  of  the  government  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 
1853,  were  $61,587,031.68.  The  net  ordinary  expenditures  of  the 
government  for  the  same  year,  including  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  were  $47,743,989.09,  leaving  a  surplus  of  revenue  over 
expenditures  of  $13,843,042.59,  of  which  $6,833,072.65  was  ap 
plied  to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  leaving  in  the  treas 
ury,  unexpended,  about  $7,000,000.00.  The  estimates  for  future 
years  were  equally  favorable  to  the  public  credit.  The  financial 
and  political  condition  of  the  United  States  was  never  more 
prosperous  than  when  this  Congress  met.  The  disturbance  of 
this  condition  can  be  attributed  only  to  the  passage  of  the  act 
to  organize  the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas  approved 
by  President  Franklin  Pierce,  May  30,  1854.  The  32nd  section 
of  that  act  contained  this  provision:— 

"That  the  constitution  and  all  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are 
locally  inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  within  the  said 
Territory  of  Kansas  as  elsewhere  within  the  United  States,  except  the  eighth 
section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union, 
approved  March  sixth,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty,  which,  being  inconsis 
tent  with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
states  and  territories,  as  recognized  by  the  legislation  of  eighteen  hundred 
and  fifty,  commonly  called  the  compromise  measures,  is  hereby  declared 
inoperative  and  void ;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not 


98  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  legislate  slavery  into  any  territory  or  state,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom, 
but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States:  Provided,  That  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  con 
strued  to  revive  or  put  in  force  any  law  or  regulation  which  may  have 
existed  prior  to  the  act  of  sixth  of  March,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty, 
either  protecting,  establishing,  prohibiting  or  abolishing  slavery." 

This  act  contained  a  similar  clause  relating  to  Nebraska. 

To  understand  the  effect  of  this  provision  it  is  necessary  to 
review  the  status  of  slavery  in  the  United  States  under  the 
constitution  and  existing  laws. 

The  articles  of  Confederation  make  no  mention  of  slavery 
or  slaves.  During  and  after  the  Revolution  the  general  feel 
ing  was  that  slavery  would  be  gradually  abolished  by  the 
several  states.  In  the  Ordinance  of  1787  for  the  government 
of  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  northwest  of  the  Ohio 
River,  it  was  expressly  provided  that: 

"  There  shall  be  no  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said  terri 
tory,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall 
have  been  duly  convicted;  provided,  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into 
the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  of  the 
original  states,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to 
the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as  aforesaid." 

This  provision  applied  to  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  that  was  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Continental 
Congress. 

The  constitution  of  the  United  States  did  not  mention 
either  slaves  or  slavery.  Its  two  provisions  relating  to  the 
subject  were  the  following: 

"  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  states  now 
existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress 
prior  to  the  year  one  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty 
may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each 
person."  .  . 

"  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  state,  under  the  laws  thereof, 
escaping  into  another  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim 
of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due," 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  99 

The  first  clause  quoted  was  intended  to  enable  Congress  to 
prohibit  the  introduction  of  slaves  after  the  year  1808,  and  this 
was  promptly  done.  The  second  provision  was  intended  to 
authorize  the  recapture  of  slaves  escaping  from  their  owners 
to  another  state.  It  was  the  general  expectation  of  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  that  under  its  provisions  slavery 
would  be  gradually  abolished  by  the  acts  of  the  several  states 
where  it  was  recognized. 

The  first  great  controversy  that  grew  out  of  slavery  was 
whether  Missouri  should  be  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  slave 
state,  and  whether  slavery  should  exist  in  the  western  terri 
tories. 

The  following  provision  became  part  of  the  law  of  March 
6,  1820,  approved  by  President  James  Monroe,  and  known  as 
the  compromise  measure  of  that  year : 

"  That,  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States  under 
the  name  of  '  Louisiana,'  which  lies  north  of  36  cleg.  30  min.  north  latitude, 
not  included  within  the  limits  of  the  state  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery 
and  involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be  and  is  hereby, 
forever  prohibited:  Provided,  always.  That  any  person  escaping  into  the 
same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  other  state  or 
territory  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed,  and 
conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service,  as  aforesaid." 

This  compromise  measure  fixed  the  boundary  line  between 
free  and  slave  states  in  all  the  territories  then  belonging  to 
the  United  States.  Slavery  was  thus  forever  prohibited  within 
the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  This  happy  solution 
was  regarded  as  something  more  than  a  mere  enactment  of 
Congress.  It  was  a  territorial  division  between  the  two  great 
sections  of  our  country,  acquiesced  in  by  both  without  question 
or  disturbance  for  thirty-four  years.  The  memorable  contro 
versy  that  arose  in  the  31st  Congress  in  1850  in  respect  to  the 
territory  acquired  from  Mexico  did  not  in  the  least  affect  or 
relate  to  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  The  subject- 
matter  of  the  several  bills  originally  embraced  in  Mr.  Clay's 
report  of  the  committee  of  thirteen,  defined  the  northern 
boundary  of  the  State  of  Texas  on  the  line  of  36  deg.  30  min. 


1QO  RECOLLECTIONS 

north  latitude,  provided  for  the  addition  of  the  State  of  Cali 
fornia,  for  territorial  governments  for  New  Mexico  and  Utah, 
and  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves. 

In  the  resolution  annexing  -Texas  to  the  United  States 
there  is  this  express  recognition  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
line: 

"  New  states  of  convenient  size,  not  exceeding  four  in  number,  in  addi 
tion  to  said  State  of  Texas,  and  having  sufficient  population,  may  hereafter, 
by  the  consent  of  said  state,  be  formed  out  of  the  territory  thereof,  which 
shall  be  entitled  to  admission  under  the  provisions  of  the  Federal  constitu 
tion;  and  such  states  as  may  be  formed  out  of  that  portion  of  said  territory 
lying  south  of  36  deg.  30  min.  north  latitude,  commonly  known  as  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  line,  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  the  people  of  each  state  asking  admission  may  desire." 

The  convention  providing  for  the  admission  of  California 
expressly  stipulated  by  a  unanimous  vote  that  slavery  should 
be  forever  prohibited  in  that  state.  The  bill  providing  for  a 
territorial  government  for  New  Mexico,  the  great  body  of  the 
territory  of  which  lay  south  of  the  parallel  of  latitude  36  deg. 
30  min.,  provided,  "That,  when  admitted  as  a  state,  the  said 
territory,  or  any  portion  of  the  same,  shall  be  received  into  the 
Union,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  constitution  may 
prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission." 

The  act  organizing  the  Territory  of  Utah,  lying  entirely 
north  of  the  37th  degree  of  latitude,  contains  no  provision 
recognizing  the  right  of  the  people  of  that  territory  to  permit 
slavery  within  its  borders.  The  situation  of  the  state  and  its 
population  precluded  the  possibility  of  establishing  slavery 
within  its  borders. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  by  the  compromise  measures  of 
1820  and  1850,  the  existence  or  prohibition  of  slavery  was  fixed 
by  express  laws,  or  by  conditions  which  it  was  fondly  believed 
defined  the  limits  of  slavery,  and  thus  set  at  rest  the  only 
question  that  threatened  the  union  of  the  states.  This  settle 
ment  was  indorsed  and  ratified  by  the  two  great  parties  in 
their  national  platforms  of  1852,  with  the  solemn  pledge  of 
both  parties  that  they  would  resist  the  re-opening  of  these 
questions. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  101 

The  Senate  of  the  33rd  Congress  was  composed  of  36  Demo 
crats,  20  Whigs  and  2  Free  Soilers.  The  House  was  composed 
of  159  Democrats,  71  Whigs,  and  4  Free  Soilers,  with  Franklin 
Pierce  as  President  of  the  United  States. 

I  need  not  narrate  the  long  struggle  in  both  Houses  over  the 
bill  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  It  was 
a  direct  invitation  for  a  physical  struggle  between  the  north 
and  south  for  the  control  of  these  territories,  but  it  finally 
passed  on  the  30th  of  May,  1854. 

This  act  repealed  in  express  terms  the  Missouri  Compromise 
of  1820,  and  falsely  stated  the  terms  of  the  compromise 
measures  of  1850,  which,  as  I  have  shown,  had  no  reference 
whatever  to  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  It  re 
opened,  in  the  most  dangerous  form,  the  struggle  between 
freedom  and  slavery  in  the  western  territories,  and  was  the 
congressional  beginning  of  the  contest  which  culminated  in 
the  War  of  the  Rebellion. 

It  is  difficult,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  describe  the  effect 
of  the  act  of  1854  upon  popular  opinion  in  the  northern  states. 
The  repeal  was  met  in  Ohio  by  an  overwhelming  sentiment  of 
opposition.  All  who  voted  for  the  bill  were  either  refused  a 
nomination  or  were  defeated  by  the  people  at  the  polls. 
Party  lines  were  obliterated.  In  every  congressional 
district  a  fusion  was  formed  of  Democrats,  Whigs  and  Free 
Soilers,  and  candidates  for  Congress  were  nominated  solely 
upon  the  issues  made  by  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill. 

I  had  carefully  observed  the  progress  of  the  bill,  had  read 
the  arguments  for  and  against  it,  and  was  strongly  convinced 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  every  patriotic  citizen  to  oppose  its 
provisions.  The  firm  resolve  was  declared  by  the  state  con 
vention  of  Ohio,  composed  of  men  of  all  parties,  that  the 
institution  of  slavery  should  gain  no  advantage  by  this  act  of 
perfidy.  It  was  denounced  as  a  violation  of  a  plain  specific 
pledge  of  the  public  faith  made  by  acts  of  Congress  in  1820 
and  in  1850.  With  this  feeling  there  ran  current  a  conviction 
that  the  measure  adopted  was  forced  by  southern  domination, 
and  yielded  to  by  ambitious  northern  dough-faces  anxious  to 
obtain  southern  support. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

Unfortunately  the  drift  of  parties  was  on  sectional  lines. 
The  whole  south  had  become  Democratic,  so  that  a  united 
south,  acting  in  concert  with  a  few  members  from  the  north, 
could  control  the  action  of  Congress.  I  believe  that  a  feeling 
did  then  prevail  with  many  in  the  south,  that  they  were  supe 
rior  to  men  of  the  north,  that  one  southern  man  could  whip 
four  Yankees,  that  their  institution  of  slavery  naturally  pro 
duced  among  the  masters,  men  of  superior  courage,  gentlemen 
who  could  command  and  make  others  obey.  Whether  such  a 
feeling  did  exist  or  not,  it  was  apparent  that  the  political  lead 
ers  in  the  south  were,  as  a  rule,  men  of  greater  experience, 
were  longer  retained  in  the  service  of  their  constituents,  and 
held  higher  public  positions  than  their  associates  from  the 
north.  Besides,  they  had  in  slavery  a  bond  of  union  that  did 
not  tolerate  any  difference  of  opinion  when  its  interests  were 
involved.  This  compact  power  needed  the  assistance  only  of  a 
few  scattered  members  from  the  north  to  give  it  absolute  con 
trol.  But  now  the  south  was  to  meet  a  different  class  of 
opponents.  There  had  been  growing  all  over  the  north,  es 
pecially  in  the  minds  of  religious  people,  a  conviction  that 
slavery  was  wrong.  The  literature  of  the  day  promoted  this 
tendency.  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  aroused 
the  combative  feeling  of  the  north  until  it  became  general 
among  all  parties  and  sects.  Still,  the  north  recognized  the 
legal  existence  of  slavery  in  the  south,  and  did  not  propose  to 
interfere  with  it,  and  was  entirely  content  to  faithfully  observe 
the  obligations  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  including 
those  for  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves.  A  smaller,  but  very 
noisy  body  of  men  and  women  denounced  the  constitution  as 
"  a  covenant  with  hell  and  a  contract  with  the  devil."  A  much 
larger  number  of  conservative  voters  formed  themselves 
into  a  party  called  the  Free  Soil  party,  who,  professing  to 
be  restrained  within  constitutional  limits,  yet  favored  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  territories  and  District  of  Colum 
bia.  They  invoked  the  moral  influence  and  aid  of  the 
government  for  the  gradual  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the 
states.  "  Liberty  is  National,  Slavery  is  Sectional,"  was  their 
motto. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  103 

The  strong  controlling  feeling  of  the  great  body  of  the 
Whigs  and  of  the  Democrats  of  the  north,  who  opposed  the 
Nebraska  and  Kansas  law  was  that  the  law  was  a  violation  of 
existing  compromises,  designed  to  extend  slavery  over  free  ter 
ritory,  that  it  ought  to  be  repealed,  but,  if  repeal  was  imprac 
ticable,  organized  effort  should  be  made  to  make  both 
territories  free  states.  "  Slavery  shall  gain  no  advantage  over 
freedom  by  violating  compromises,"  was  the  cry  of  a  new 
party,  as  yet  without  a  name. 

It  was  on  this  basis  in  the  summer  of  1854,  I  became  a  can 
didate  for  Congress.  Jacob  Brinkerhoff  and  Thomas  H.  Ford, 
both  residents  of  Richland  county,  Ohio,  and  gentlemen  of 
experience  and  ability,  were  also  candidates,  but  we  agreed  to 
submit  our  pretensions  to  a  convention  in  that  county,  and  I 
was  selected  by  a  very  large  majority.  A  district  convention 
was  held  at  Shelby,'  in  July.  Mr.  James  M.  Eoot,  for  several 
terms  a  Member  of  Congress,  was  my  chief  competitor,  but  I 
was  nominated,  chiefly  because  I  had  been  less  connected  with 
old  parties  and  would  encounter  less  prejudice  with  the  dis 
cordant  element  of  a  new  party. 

\l  made  a  thorough  canvass  through  the  district,  composed 
of  the  counties  of  Huron,  Erie,  Richland  and  Morrow.  I  vis 
ited  and  spoke  in  every  town  and  township  in  the  district. 
William  ^D.  Lindsley,  a  Member  of  the  33rd  Congress,  was  my 
competitoj7  He  was  a  farmer,  of  popular  manners,  but  defect 
ive  education.  When  first  a  candidate  a  letter  of  his  was 
published  in  which  he  spelled  the  word  "  corn  "  "  korne."  The 
Whig  newspapers  ridiculed  him  for  his  faulty  spelling,  but 
Democrats,  who  were  offended  at  this  criticism  said  they  would 
show  the  Whigs  how  to  plant  corn,  and  the  incident  proved  a 
benefit  rather  than  an  injury  to  Lindsley.  He  had  been  elected 
to  Congress  in  1852  against  a  popular  Whig  by  a  majority  of 
754.  He  had  voted  against  the  Nebraska  bill,  but  had  cast  one 
vote  that  opened  the  way  to  the  consideration  of  that  bill, 
which  action  was  made  the  subject  of  criticism.  This  did  not 
enter  as  a  national  element  in  the  canvass.  The  real  issue 
was  whether  the  Democrats  and  Free  Soilers  would  vote 
for  a  Whig.  Among  the  Free  Soilers  I  was  regarded  as  too 


104  RECOLLECTIONS 

conservative  on  the  slavery  question.  They  were  not  content 
with  the  repeal  of  the  offensive  provisions  of  the  Nebraska 
act,  but  demanded  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  all  the  terri 
tories  and  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  This  feeling  was  very 
strong  in  the  important  county  of  Huron. 

When  I.  spoke  in  North  Fairfield  I  was  interrupted  by  the 
distinct  question  put  to  me  by  the  pastor  of  the  church  in 
which  I  spoke,  and  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  whether  I  would 
vote  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
I  knew  this  was  a  turning  point,  but  made  up  my  mind  to  be 
frank  and  honest,  whatever  might  be  the  result.  I  answered 
that  I  would  not,  that  the  great  issue  was  the  extension  of 
slavery  over  the  territories.  I  fortified  myself  by  the  opinions 
of  John  Q.  Adams,  but  what  I  said  fell  like  a  wet  blanket  on 
the  audience.  I  understood  that  afterwards,  in  a  church  meet 
ing,  the  preacher  commended  my  frankness  and  advised  his 
people  to  vote  for  me. 

This  canvass,  more  than  any  other,  assumed  a  religious 
tone,  not  on  sectarian,  but  on  moral  grounds.  Our  meetings 
were  frequently  held  in  churches,  and  the  speaker  was  invited 
to  the  pulpit,  with  the  Bible  and  hymn-book  before  him,  and 
frequently  with  an  audience  of  men,  women  and  children, 
arranged  as  for  religious  worslirjxj 

The  probable  course  of  Democrats  opposed  to  the  Nebraska 
bill  was  more  a  matter  of  doubt.  They  were  in  the  main 
content  with  Mr.  Lindsley  and  voted  for  him.  But  out  of  the 
general  confusion  of  parties  there  arose  what  was  known  as 
the  "Know-nothing"  order,  or  American  party,  opposed  to  the 
Catholics,  and  to  free  immigration.  It  was  a  secret  organiza 
tion,  with  signs  and  grips.  There  were  perhaps  one  thousand 
of  them  in  my  district,  composed  about  equally  of  Democrats 
and  Whigs.  They  were  indifferent,  or  neutral,  on  the  political 
issue  of  the  day. 

The  result  of  the  election  in  October  was  against  the 
Democratic  party  in  Ohio.  Every  Democratic  candidate  for 
Congress  was  defeated.  Twenty-one  Members,  all  opposed 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  but  differing  in 
opinion  upon  other  questions,  were  elected  to  Congress.  The 


THE  STATE  OF  OHIO,  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE. 


ef- 


fa  6c/  dctcu/tb    a/jft&x/,  at  tncs  ^dp  o-/  (&autni'6eM 


OF  TH£  ^P* 

d   UNIVERS,    y  ^ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  105 

composition  of  the  delegation  was  somewhat  peculiar,  as  the 
party  had  no  name,  and  no  defined  principles  except  upon  the 
one  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery.  On  the  day  of  elec 
tion  everyone  was  in  doubt.  JMr.  Kirkwood,  who  supported 
Mr.  Lindsley,  told  me  it  was  the  strangest  election  he  had  ever 
seen,  that  everyone  brought  his  ticket  in  his  vest  pocket,  and 
there  was  no  electioneering  at  the  pollsTf  He  expressed  his 
opinion,  but  not  with  much  confidence,  tEat  Mr.  Lindsley  was 
elected.  When  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was  found  that  I 
had  2,823  majority,  having  carried  every  county  in  the  district. 
Eichland  county,  in  which  I  lived,  for  the  first  time  cast  a 
majority  adverse  to  the  Democratic  party,  I  receiving  a 
majority  of  over  300  votes. 

During  the  summer  of  1855,  the  elements  of  opposition  to 
the  administration  of  President  Pierce  organized  as  the  Repub 
lican  party.  County  conventions  were  generally  held  and 
largely  attended.  The  state  convention  met  at  Columbus  on 
the  13th  day  of  July,  1855.  It  was  composed  of  heterogeneous 
elements,  every  shade  of  political  opinion  being  represented. 
Such  antipodes  as  Giddings,  Leiter,  Chase,  Brinkerhoff,  and 
Lew  Campbell  met  in  concert.  The  first  question  that 
troubled  the  convention  was  the  selection  of  a  president.  It 
was  thought  impolitic  to  take  one  who  had  been  offensively 
conspicuous  in  one  of  the  old  parties.  The  result  was  that 
I  was  selected,  much  to  my  surprise,  and,  for  a  time,  much  to 
my  chagrin.  Mr.  Allison,  since  a  distinguished  Member  of  the 
United  States  Senate,  was  elected  secretary  of  the  convention. 
I  had  never  presided  over  any  assembly  excepting  an  Odd 
Fellows'  lodge.  When  I  assumed  the  chair  I  no  doubt  soon 
exposed  my  inexperience.  A  declaration  of  principles  was 
formulated  as  follows: 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  people  who  constitute  the  supreme  power  in  the 
United  States,   should  guard   with  jealous   care   the   rights   of  the   several 
states,  as  independent  governments.     No  encroachment  upon  their  legislative 
or  judicial  prerogatives  should  be  permitted  from  any  quarter. 

2.  JResolved,  That  the  people  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  mindful  of  the  bless 
ings  conferred  upon  them  by  the  "  Ordinance  of  Freedom,"  whose  anniver 
sary  our  convention  this  day  commemorates,  should  establish  for  their  polit 
ical  guidance  the  following  cardinal  rules: 


106  RECOLLECTIONS 

(1).  We  will  resent  the  spread  of  slavery  under  whatever  shape  or  color 
it  may  be  attempted. 

(2).  To  this  end  we  will  labor  incessantly  to  render  inoperative  and  void 
that  portion  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill  which  abolishes  freedom  in  the 
territory  withdrawn  from  the  influence  of  slavery  by  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  of  1820 ;  and  we  will  oppose  by  every  lawful  and  constitutional 
means,  the  extension  of  slavery  in  any  national  territory,  and  the  further 
increase  of  slavery  territory  or  slave  states  in  this  republican  confederacy. 

3.  Resolved^  That  the  recent  acts  of  violence  and  Civil  War  in  Kansas, 
incited   by  the  late  Vice  President   of  the  United   States,   and   tacitly   en 
couraged  by  the  Executive,  command  the  emphatic  condemnation  of  every 
citizen. 

4.  Resolved,  That  a  proper  retrenchment  in  all  public  expenditures,  a 
thoroughly  economical  administration  of  our  state  government,  a    just  and 
equal  basis  of  taxation,  and  single  districts  for  the  election  of  members  of 
the    legislature,  are  reforms  called  for  by  a  wise   state  policy   and  justly 
demanded  by  the  people. 

5.  Resolved,  That    a   state  central  committee,    consisting    of   five,    be 
appointed  by  this  convention,  and  the  said  committee,  in  addition  to  its  usual 
duties,  be  authorized  to  correspond  with  committees  of  other  states  for  the 
purpose  of  agreeing  upon  a  time  and  place  for  holding  a  national  convention 
of  the  Republican  party  for  the  nomination  of  President  and  Vice  President. 

Joshua  R.  Giddings  was  the  solitary  member  of  the  com 
mittee  opposed  to  the  resolutions,  not,  he  said,  because  he 
objected  to  the  resolutions  themselves,  but  he  thought  they 
were  a  little  too  tender.  They  were  not  strong  enough  for  the 
old  guard  and  still  they  were  better  than  none.  If  it  offended 
his  brother  to  eat  meat  he  would  eat  no  more  while  time 
lasted.  He  was  opposed  to  this  milk  for  babes.  He  dis 
agreed  with  his  colleagues,  but  had  had  the  misfortune  to 
disagree  with  people  before.  He  was  used  to  disagreement 
and  hoped  everybody  would  vote  for  the  platform. 

Lewis  D.  Campbell  said  his  friend  from  Ashtabula  wanted 
to  make  an  issue  with  Frank  Pierce.  He  did  not  wish  to  raise 
an  issue  with  the  dead.  He  hoped  everybody  would  vote  for  the 
platform.  He  did  not  consider  the  resolutions  milk  for  babes, 
but  strong  meat. 

The  platform  was  adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

The  real  contention  was  upon  the  nomination  of  governor. 
Salmon  P.  Chase  was  nominated,  but  there  was  difference  of 
opinion  concerning  his  somewhat  varied  political  associations 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  107 

and  some  criticism  of  them.  In  1845  he  had  projected  what  was 
called  a  liberty  convention.  In  1848  he  had  been  a  member 
of  the  Free  Soil  convention  held  at  Buffalo  and  since  1849  had 
been  a  Senator  of  the  United  States.  Thomas  H.  Ford,  my 
townsman,  was  nominated  as  lieutenant  governor,  as  the 
representative  of  the  Whig  party.  Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  also  of 
Mansfield,  was  nominated  as  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  He 
had  been  a  Member  of  Congress  from  1843  to  1847  as  a  Demo 
crat,  but  early  took  decided  ground  against  the  extension  of 
slavery.  He  was  the  reputed  author  of  what  is  known  as  the 
"  Wilmot  Proviso." 

On  the  8th  day  of  August  this  famous  proviso  was  offered 
as  an  amendment  to  a  bill  authorizing  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  employ  $3,000,000  in  negotiations  for  a  peace 
with  Mexico,  by  purchase  of  territory,  by  David  Wilmot,  of 
Pennsylvania,  a  Member  of  the  House.  "That,  as  an  express 
fundamental  condition  to  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from 
the  Republic  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States,  neither  slavery 
nor  involuntary  servitude  should  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said 
territory. "  This  proviso  was  adopted  by  the  House,  but  was 
rejected  by  the  Senate.  It  was  the  basis  of  the  organization 
known  as  the  Free  Soil  party  of  1848,  and  of  the  Republican 
party  in  1856. 

The  other  candidates  on  the  ticket  were  fairly  distributed. 

The  canvass  of  1855  was  conducted  mainly  by  Senator 
Chase  and  Colonel  Ford.  I  participated  in  it  to  some  extent, 
but  was  chiefly  engaged  in  closing  my  business  in  preparation 
for  the  approaching  session  of  Congress.  The  result  of  the 
election  was  as  follows:  Chase,  146,770  votes;  Medill,  131,019; 
Allen  Trimble,  24,276. 

The  election  of  Senator  Chase,  upon  a  distinctly  Republican 
platform,  established  the  fact  that  the  majority  of  the  voters  of 
Ohio  were  Republicans  as  defined  by  the  creed  of  that  party. 

In  the  summer  of  1855  I  made  my  first  trip  to  Iowa,  accom 
panied  by  Amos  Townsend  and  James  Cobean.  At  that  time 
Iowa  was  a  far-off  state,  thinly  populated,  but  being  rapidly 
settled.  We  passed  through  Chicago,  which  at  that  time  con 
tained  a  population  of  about  50,000.  The  line  of  railroad 


JOS  RECOLLECTIONS 

extended  to  the  Mississippi  River.  From  thence  we  traveled  in 
a  stage  to  Des  Moines,  now  the  capital  of  Iowa,  but  then  a 
small  village  with  about  1,000  inhabitants.  The  northern  and 
western  parts  of  the  state  were  mostly  unsold  public  lands,  open 
to  entry.  My  three  brothers,  James,  Lampson  and  Hoyt,  were 
living  in  Des  Moines.  James  was  a  merchant  in  business. 
Lampson  was  the  editor  and  proprietor  of  a  newspaper,  and 
Hoyt  was  actively  engaged  in  the  purchase  and  sale  of  land. 
With  Hoyt  for  guide  we  drove  in  a  carriage  as  far  north  as 
Fort  Dodge,  where  a  new  land  office  had  been  recently  estab 
lished.  The  whole  country  was  an  open  plain  with  here  and 
there  a  cabin,  with  no  fences  and  but  little  timber.  We 
arrived  at  Fort  Dodge  on  Saturday  evening,  intending  to  spend 
some  time  there  in  locating  land.  The  tavern  at  which  we 
stopped  was  an  unfinished  frame  building  with  no  plastering, 
and  sash  without  glass  in  the  windows.  On  the  next  day,  Sun 
day,  Cobean  invited  us  to  join  him  in  drinking  some  choice 
whisky  he  had  brought  with  him.  We  did  so  in  the  dining- 
room.  While  thus  engaged  the  landlady  came  to  us  and  told 
Cobean  that  she  was  not  very  well,  and  would  be  glad  if  he 
would  give  her  some  whisky.  He  handed  her  the  bottle,  and  she 
went  to  the  other  end  of  the  room  and  there  poured  out  nearly 
a  glass  full  and  drank  it.  Cobean  was  so  much  alarmed  lest 
the  woman  should  become  drunk  that  he  insisted  upon  leaving 
the  town  immediately,  and  we  acquiesced  and  left.  After 
wards  we  learned  that  she  became  very  drunk,  and  the  land 
lord  was  very  violent  in  denouncing  us  for  giving  her  whisky, 
but  we  got  outside  the  county  before  the  sun  went  down.  I 
had  frequent  occasion  to  be  in  Fort  Dodge  afterwards,  but 
heard  nothing  more  of  the  landlord  or  his  wife. 

The  road  to  Council  Bluffs  from  Des  Moines  was  over  a 
high  rolling  prairie  with  scarcely  any  inhabitants.  The 
village  of  Omaha,  opposite  Council  Bluffs,  contained  but  a  few 
frame  houses  of  little  value.  The  settlement  of  Iowa  and  Ne 
braska  after  this  period  is  almost  marvelous.  Iowa  now  (1895), 
contains  over  2,000,000  and  Nebraska  over  1,200,000  people. 
The  twelve  states  composing  the  north  central  division  of  the 
United  States  contained  5,403,595  inhabitants  in  1850,  and  now 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  109 

number  over  24,000,000,  or  more  than  quadruple  the  number  in 
1850,  and  more  than  the  entire  population  of  the  United  States 
in  that  year.  I  have  frequently  visited  these  states  since,  and 
am  not  surprised  at  their  wonderful  growth.  I  believe  there 
is  no  portion  of  the  earth's  surface  of  equal  area  which  is  sus 
ceptible  of  a  larger  population  than  that  portion  of  the  United 
States  lying  north  of  the  Ohio  Eiver,  and  between  the  Alle 
gheny  Mountains  and  the  Missouri  River. < 


CHAPTER  V. 
EARLY  DAYS  IN  CONGRESS. 

My   First    Speech    in   the   House  —  Struggle    for    the    Possession    of    Kansas  — 

Appointed 'as  a  Member   of  the   Kansas   Investigating   Committee  — The 

Invasion    of   March    30th,    1855  —  Exciting   Scenes   in  the  Second 

District  of  Kansas  —  Similar   Violence   in   Other  Territorial 

Districts — Return  and  Report  of  the  Committee— No 

Relief  Afforded  the  People  of  Kansas  — Men  of 

Distinction  in  the  34th  Congress— Long 

Intimacy  with  Schuyler  Coif  ax. 

IN  1854  the  Whig  party  had  disappeared  from  the  roll  of 
parties  in  the  United  States.  It  was  a  bad  name  for  a 
good  party.  English  in  its  origin,  it  had  no  significance 
in  American  politics.  The  word  "  Democratic,"  as  applied 
to  the  opposing  party,  was  equally  a  misnomer.  The  word 
"  Democracy,"  from  which  it  is  derived,  means  a  government 
of  the  people,  but  the  controlling  power  of  the  Democratic 
party  resided  in  the  southern  states,  where  a  large  portion  of 
the  people  were  slaves,  and  the  ruling  class  were  slaveholders, 
and  the  name  was  not  applicable  to  such  a  people.  The  Repub 
lican  party  then  represented  the  progressive  tendency  of  the 
age,  the  development  of  the  country,  the  opposition  to  slavery 
and  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  It  was  about  to  engage  in 
a  political  contest  for  the  administration  of  the  government. 
It  was  in  the  minority  in  the  Senate,  and  had  but  a  bare  plu 
rality  in  the  House.  It  had  to  contest  with  an  adverse  Execu 
tive  and  Supreme  Court,  with  a  well-organized  party  in  posses 
sion  of  all  the  patronage  of  the  government,  in  absolute  con 
trol  of  the  slaveholding  states,  and  supported  by  strong  minor 
ities  in  each  of  the  free  states. 

This  was  the  condition  of  parties  when  the  34th  Congress 
met  in  the  old  halls  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives  on  the  3rd  of  December,  1855.  The  Senate  was  composed 
of  43  Democrats  and  17  Republicans.  There  were  four  vacan 
cies.  The  House  was  composed  of  97  Republicans,  82  Demo 
crats,  and  45  classed  as  Third  Party  men,  mostly  as  Americans. 

(110) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Eight  Members  were  absent,  and  not  yet  classified.  An  unu 
sual  proportion  of  the  Members  were  new  in  public  life,  the 
result  of  the  revolution  of  parties  caused  by  the  Nebraska  bill. 
The  Senate  was  already  organized  with  Mr.  Bright,  of  Indiana, 
as  president  pro  tempore. 

The  first  duty  of  the  House  was  to  elect  a  speaker,  a  major 
ity  of  the  Members  present  being  necessary  to  a  choice.  The 
balloting  for  speaker  continued  until  February  2,  1856,  when 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks  was  elected  under  the  plurality  rule. 
During  these  two  months  the  House  was  without  a  speaker, 
and  also  without  rules  except  the  general  principles  of  parlia 
mentary  law.  The  clerk  of  the  last  House  of  Kepresentatives 
presided.  Innumerable  speeches  were  made,  some  of  them 
very  long,  but  many  brief  ones  were  made  by  the  new  Mem 
bers  who  took  the  occasion  to  air  their  oratory.  Timothy 
Day,  one  of  my  colleagues,  a  cynical  bachelor  and  proprietor 
of  the  Cincinnati  "Commercial,"  who  sat  by  my  side,  was  con 
stantly  employed  in  writing  for  his  paper.  When  a  new 
voice  was  heard  he  would  put  his  hand  to  his  ear,  listen  awhile 
and  then,  turning  impatiently  to  his  writing,  would  say  to  me: 
''Another  dead  cock  in  the  pit."  This  cynical  suppression  of 
a  new  Member  rather  alarmed  me,  but  on  the  9th  of  January, 
as  appears  from  the  "Globe,"  I  ventured  to  make  a  few  re 
marks.  When  I  sat  down  I  turned  to  Mr.  Day  and  said:  "An 
other  dead  cock  in  the  pit."  He  relieved  me  by  saying:  "Not 
quite  so  bad  as  that."  The  first  speech  I  made  in  the  House 
contained  my  political  creed  at  the  time.  I  here  insert  a  para 
graph  or  two: 

"  I  desire  to  say  a  few  words ;  and  I  would  preface  them  with  the 
remark,  that  I  do  not  intend,  while  I  have  a  seat  in  this  House,  to  occupy 
much  of  its  time  in  speaking.  But  I  wish  to  state  now  why  I  have  voted, 
and  shall  continue  to  vote,  for  Mr.  Banks.  I  care  not  whether  he  is  a  mem 
ber  of  the  American  party  or  not.  I  have  been  informed  that  he  is,  and  I 
believe  that  he  is.  But  I  repeat  I  care  not  to  what  party  he  belongs.  I 
understood  him  to  take  this  position,  —  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  was  an  act  of  great  dishonor,  and  that  under  no  circumstances  what 
ever  will  he  —  if  he  have  the  power  —  allow  the  institution  of  human  slavery 
to  derive  any  benefit  from  that  repeal.  That  is  my  position.  I  have  been  a 
Whig,  but  I  will  yield  all  party  preferences.,  and  will  act  in  concert  with  men 


RECOLLECTIONS 

of  all  parties  and  opinions  who  will  steadily  aid  in  preserving  our  western 
territories  for  free  labor;  and  I  say  now,  that  I  never  will  vote  for  a  man  for 
speaker  of  this  house,  unless  he  convinces  me,  by  his  conduct  and  by  his  voice, 
that  he  never  will,  if  he  has  the  power  to  prevent  it,  allow  the  institution  of 
slavery  to  derive  any  advantage  from  repealing  the  compromise  of  1820. 

"I  believe  Mr.  Banks  will  be  true  to  that  principle,  and,  therefore,  I 
vote  for  him  without  regard  to  his  previous  political  associations,  or  to  his 
adherence  to  the  American  party.  I  vote  for  him  simply  because  he  has 
had  the  manliness  to  say  here,  that,  having  the  power,  he  will  resist  the 
encroachments  of  slavery,  even  by  opposing  the  admission  of  any  slave  state 
that  may  be  formed  out  of  the  territory  north  and  west  of  Missouri." 

Notwithstanding  the  promise  I  made  not  to  occupy  much 
of  the  time  of  the  House  in  speaking,  and  the  cynicism  of  my 
friend  Day,  I  did  partake  frequently  in  the  debate  on  the 
organization  of  the  House.  I  became  involved  in  a  contest 
with  Mr.  Dunn,  of  Indiana,  who  had  steadily  refused  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Banks  for  speaker,  to  which  I  deemed  proper  to 
refer.  He  said  he  was  not  to  be  deterred  from  performing  his 
duty,  as  he  understood  it,  by  the  criticisms  of  the  "neophyte" 
from  Ohio.  I  replied  at  considerable  length  and  with  some 
feeling.  In  my  reply  I  repeated  my  position  in  respect  to  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  declaring:  "If  the  repeal 
was  wrong  all  northern  and  southern  men  alike  ought  to  help 
to  reinstate  that  restriction.  Nothing  less  than  that  will  sat 
isfy  the  country;  and  if  it  is  not  done,  as  it  probably  will  not 
be,  we  will  maintain  our  position  of  resisting  the  admission  of 
Kansas  as  a  slave  state,  under  all  possible  circumstances." 

Later  on  in  the  debate  I  declared: 

"I  am  no  Abolitionist  in  the  sense  in  which  the  term  is  used;  I  have 
always  been  a  conservative  Whig.  I  was  willing  to  stand  by  the  compro 
mises  of  1820  and  1850;  but,  when  our  Whig  brethren  of  the  south  allow  this 
administration  to  lead  them  off  from  their  principles,  when  they  abandon  the 
position  which  Henry  Clay  would  have  taken,  forget  his  name  and  achieve 
ments,  and  decline  any  longer  to  carry  his  banner  —  they  lose  all  their  claims 
on  me.  And  I  say  now,  that  until  this  wrong  is  righted,  until  Kansas  is 
admitted  as  a  free  state,  I  cannot  act  in  party  association  with  them. 
Whenever  that  question  is  settled  rightly  I  will  have  no  disposition  to  dis 
turb  the  harmony  which  ought  to  exist  between  the  north  and  south.  I  do 
not  propose  to  continue  agitation  ;  I  only  appear  here  to  demand  justice,  — 
to  demand  compliance  with  compromises  fully  agreed  upon  and  declared  by 
law.  I  ask  no  more,  and  I  will  submit  to  no  less." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  113 

This  was  a  narrow  platform,  but  it  was  the  one  supported 
by  public  opinion.  I  believed  that  a  majority  of  the  Members 
called  Americans,  especially  those  from  the  south,  were  quite 
willing  that  Kansas  should  be  admitted  as  a  free  state,  but 
local  pride  prevented  such  a  declaration.  It  is  easy  to  perceive 
now  that  if  this  had  been  promptly  done  the  slavery  question 
would  have  been  settled  for  many  years.  But  that  opportunity 
was  permitted  to  pass  unused.  The  people,  both  north  and 
south,  were  thoroughly  aroused.  No  compromise  was  possible. 
The  contest  could  only  be  settled  by  the  force  of  superior  num 
bers.  That  was  the  logic  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  which  was  an 
appeal  to  the  people  of  both  sections,  already  greatly  excited, 
to  struggle  for,  and,  if  necessary,  to  fight  for  the  possession  of 
a  large  and  beautiful  territory.  It  forced  the  irrepressible 
conflict  in  the  most  dangerous  form. 

On  the  one  side  were  the  border  ruffians  of  Missouri,  here 
after  described,  backed  by  the  general  sentiment  of  the  south, 
and  actively  supported  by  the  administration  and  by  lead 
ing  Democrats  who  had  held  high  positions  in  the  public 
service.  On  the  other  side  were  a  large  number  of  free  state 
men  in  the  western  states,  who  looked  forward  to  the  open 
ing  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas  as  a  new  field  of  enterprise. 
They  were  quite  ready  to  fight  for  their  opinions  against 
slavery.  They  were  supported  by  a  general  feeling  of  resent 
ment  in  the  north,  caused  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise. 

Long  before  the  meeting  of  Congress  the  actual  struggle  for 
the  possession  of  Kansas  commenced.  After  the  passage  of  the 
Kansas  bill  we  had  reports  in  the  newspapers  of  gross  frauds 
at  pretended  elections  of  rival  legislatures,  of  murder  and  other 
crimes,  in  short,  of  actual  civil  war  in  Kansas  ;  but  the  accounts 
were  contradictory.  It  was  plainly  the  first  duty  of  Congress 
to  ascertain  the  exact  condition  of  affairs  in  that  territory. 
This  could  not  be  done  until  a  speaker  was  elected. 

On  the  24th  day  of  January,  1856,  President  Pierce  sent  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  still  unorganized,  a  message 
upon  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Kansas.  A  question  was  made 
whether  a  message  from  the  President  could  be  received  before 


U4  RECOLLECTIONS 

a  speaker  had  been  elected,  but  it  was  decided  that  the  message 
should  be  read.    The  first  paragraph  is  as  follows : 

"  Circumstances  have  occurred  to  disturb  the  course  of  governmental 
organization  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  produce  there  a  condition  of 
things  which  renders  it  incumbent  on  me  to  call  your  attention  to  the  sub 
ject,  and  urgently  to  recommend  the  adoption  by  you  of  such  measures  of 
legislation  as'the  grave  exigencies  of  the  case  appear  to  require." 

The  President  then  gave  his  exposition  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  that  territory.  This  exposition  was  regarded  as  a 
partisan  one  in  favor  of  the  so-called  pro-slavery  legislative 
assembly,  which  met  the  2nd  day  of  July,  1855.  He  recom 
mended  "that  a  special  appropriation  be  made  to  defray  any 
expense  which  may  become  requisite  in  the  execution  of  the 
laws  or  the  maintenance  of  public  order  in  the  Territory  of 
Kansas." 

This  was  regarded  as  a  threat  of  the  employment  of  the 
army  to  enforce  the  enactments  of  a  usurping  legislature. 
Congress  took  no  action  upon  the  message  until  after  the 
organization  of  the  House.  On  the  14th  of  January,  1856,  a 
motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Houston  that  the  message  of  the 
President,  in  reference  to  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  be  referred 
to  the  committee  of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union.  This 
motion  was  agreed  to.  No  further  action  was  taken  upon  the 
message,  but  it  remained  in  abeyance.  Congress  was  not  pre 
pared  to  act  without  full  information  of  the  actual  condition  of 
affairs  in  that  territory. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1856,  the  House  of  Representatives 
adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  offered  by  Mr.  Dunn,  of  Indiana, 
as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  of  the  Members  of  this  House,  to  be 
appointed  by  the  speaker,  shall  proceed  to  inquire  into  and  collect  evidence 
in  regard  to  the  troubles  in  Kansas  generally,  and  particularly  in  regard  to 
any  fraud  or  force  attempted,  or  practiced,  in  reference  to  any  of  the  elec 
tions  which  have  taken  place  in  said  territory,  either  under  the  law  organiz 
ing  said  territory,  or  under  any  pretended  law  which  may  be  alleged 
to  have  taken  effect  therein  since.  That  they  shall  fully  investigate  and 
take  proof  of  all  violent  and  tumultuous  proceedings  in  said  territory  at 
any  time  since  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  whether  engaged  in 
by  residents  of  said  territory,  or  by  any  person  or  persons  from  elsewhere 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  115 

going  into  said  territory  and  doing,  or  encouraging  others  to  do,  any  act  of 
violence  or  public  disturbance  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  the 
rights,  peace,  and  safety  of  the  residents  of  said  territory  ;  and  for  that  pur 
pose  said  committee  shall  have  full  power  to  send  for  and  examine  and  take 
copies  of  all  such  papers,  public  records,  and  proceedings,  as  in  their  judg 
ment  will  be  useful  in  the  premises  ;  and  also,  to  send  for  persons  and 
examine  them  on  oath,  or  affirmation,  as  to  matters  within  their  knowledge 
touching  the  matters  of  said  investigation  ;  and  said  committee,  by  their 
chairman,  shall  have  power  to  administer  all  necessary  oaths  or  affirmations 
connected  with  their  aforesaid  duties. 

"Resolved,  further,  That  said  committee  may  hold  their  investigations 
at  such  places  and  times  as  to  them  may  seem  advisable,  and  that  they  may 
have  leave  of  absence  from  the  duties  of  this  House  until  they  shall  have 
completed  such  investigation.  That  they  be  authorized  to  employ  one  or 
more  clerks,  and  one  or  more  assistant  sergeants-at-arms,  to  aid  them  in  their 
investigation  ;  and  may  administer  to  them  an  oath  or  affirmation  faithfully 
to  perform  the  duties  assigned  to  them  respectively,  and  to  keep  secret  all 
matters,  which  may  come  to  their  knowledge  touching  such  investigation  as 
said  committee  shall  direct,  until  the  report  of  the  same  shall  be  submitted 
to  this  House  ;  and  said  committee  may  discharge  any  such  clerk  p* 
assistant  sergeant-at-arms  for  neglect  of  duty  or  disregard  of  instructions  in 
the  premises,  and  employ  others  under  like  regulations. 

"Resolved,  further,  That  if  any  person  shall  in  any  manner  obstruct  or 
hinder  said  committee,  or  attempt  so  to  do,  in'  their  investigation,  or  shall 
refuse  to  attend  on  said  committee,  and  to  give  evidence  when,  summoned 
for  that  purpose,  or  shall  refuse  to  produce  any  papers,*book,  public  record, 
or  other  proceeding  in  their  possession  o»  control,  to^said  committee,  when  so 
required,  or  shall  make  any  disturbance  where.,  said  committee  are  holding 
their  sittings,  said  committee  may,  if  they* 'see  fit,  cause  any  and  every  such 
person  to  be  arrested  by  said  assistant  s^rgeant-at-arms,  and  brought  before 
this  House,  to  be  dealt  with  as  for  a  contempt. 

"Resolved,  further,  That  for  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  expenses  of 
said  commission,  there  be  and  hereby  is  appropriated  the  sum  of  ten  thou 
sand  (|10,000)  dollars,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  contingent  fund  of  this  House. 

"Resolved,  further,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  and  is 
hereby  requested  to  furnish  to  said  committee,  should  they  be  met  with  any 
serious  opposition  by  bodies  of  lawless  men  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties 
aforesaid,  such  aid  from  any  military  force  as  may,  at  the  time,  be  con 
venient  to  them,  as  may  be  necessary  to  remove  such  opposition,  and  enable 
said  committee,  without  molestation,  to  proceed  with  their  labors. 

"Resolved,  further,  That  when  said  committee  shall  have  completed  said 
investigation,  they  report  all  the  evidence  so  collected  to  this  House." 

On  the  25th  of  March,  1856,  the  speaker  appointed  Lewis 
D.  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  William  A.  Howard,  of  Michigan,  and 


RECOLLECTIONS 

Mordecai  Oliver,  of  Missouri,  as  the  special  committee  of  the 
House  under  the  above  resolution.  On  the  same  day  Mr.  Camp 
bell  requested  to  be  excused  from  the  committee  referred  to, 
and  I  was  appointed  by  the  speaker  in  his  place,  leaving  Mr. 
Howard  as  chairman. 

I  accepted  the  position  assigned  me  with  much  diffidence. 
I  knew  it  was  a  laborious  one,  that  it  would  take  me  away 
from  my  duties  in  the  House,  expose  me  to  a  great  deal  of 
fatigue  and  some  danger,  yet  I  felt  that  the  appointment  on  so 
important  a  committee  was  a  high  compliment  when  given  to 
a  new. Member,  and  at  once  made  preparations  for  the  task 
before  me. 

The  committee  organized  at  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the 
27th  of  March,  1856. 

Mrs.  Sherman  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  accompany  me. 
I  tried  to  frighten  her  from  going,  but  this  made  her  more 
resolute,  and  I  consented.  She  remained  with  or  near  us  dur 
ing  our  stay  in  Kansas  and  Missouri,  and  for  a  time  was  accom 
panied  by  Mrs.  Oliver,  a  charming  lady,  to  whom  we  were  much 
indebted  for  kindness  and  civility  where  most  of  her  sex  were 
unfriendly. 

The  investigation  continued  from  our  arrival  at  St.  Louis,  on 
the  12th  day  of  April,  1856,  until  our  Arrival  at  Detroit,  on  the 
17th  day  of  June  following,  and  was  conducted  in  all  respects 
like  a  judicial  trial.  The  testimony  taken  filled  an  octavo 
volume  of  1,188  pages. 

Mr.  Howard,  during  our  stay  in  Kansas,  was  not  in  very 
good  health,  but  he  never  relaxed  in  his  labor  until  the  testi 
mony  closed.  He  was  a  man  of  marked  ability,  a  good  lawyer, 
conservative  in  all  his  ideas  and  tendencies,  and  thoroughly 
fair  and  impartial.  At  his  request  I  accompanied  him,  with 
our  excellent  corps  of  assistants,  to  his  home  in  Detroit,  where 
his  health  so  failed  that  he  was  confined  to  his  bed  for  a  week. 
This  threw  upon  me  the  preparation  of  the  report.  The  reso 
lutions,  under  which  we  were  acting,  did  not  require  a  report 
from  the  committee,  but  only  required  a  report  of  all  the 
evidence  collected,  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  we 
felt  that  such  a  report  without  a  summary  of  the  evidence 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  117 

and  principal  facts  proven  would  not  be  satisfactory  to  the 
House. 

The  majority  and  minority  reports  contained  109  pages  of 
printed  matter  and  entered  into  full  details  as  to  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  that  territory,  and  of  every  election  held  therein. 
When  the  act  to  organize  the  Territory  of  Kansas  was  passed, 
May  30,  1854,  the  greater  portion  of  the  eastern  border  of  the 
territory  was  included  in  Indian  reservations  not  open  for  set 
tlements,  and  in  no  portion  were  there  more  than  a  few  white 
settlers.  The  Indian  population  of  the  territory  was  rapidly 
decreasing,  while  many  emigrants  from  different  parts  of  the 
country,  were  anxiously  waiting  the  extinction  of  the  Indian 
title,  and  the  establishment  of  a  territorial  government,  to 
seek  new  homes  on  the  fertile  prairies  which  would  be  opened 
to  settlement.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  if  the  free  condition 
of  Kansas  had  been  left  undisturbed  by  Congress,  that  territory 
would  have  had  a  rapid,  peaceful,  and  prosperous  settlement. 
Its  climate,  its  soil,  and  its  easy  access  to  the  older  settlements, 
would  have  made  it  the  favored  course  for  the  tide  of  emigra 
tion  constantly  flowing  to  the  west,  and  in  a  brief  period  it 
would  have  been  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  free  state,  with 
out  sectional  excitement.  If  so  organized,  none  but  the  kindest 
feelings  would  have  existed  between  its  citizens  and  those  of 
the  adjoining  State  of  Missouri.  Their  mutual  interests  and  in 
tercourse,  instead  of  endangering  the  harmony  of  the  Union, 
would  have  strengthened  the  ties  of  national  brotherhood. 

The  testimony  taken  by  the  committee  clearly  showed  that 
before  the  proposition  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  was 
introduced  into  Congress,  the  people  of  western  Missouri  were 
indifferent  to  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  territory,  and 
neither  asked  nor  desired  its  repeal. 

When,  however,  the  prohibition  was  removed  by  the  action 
of  Congress,  the  aspect  of  affairs  entirely  changed.  The  whole 
country  was  agitated  by  the  reopening  of  a  controversy  which 
conservative  men  in  different  sections  believed  had  been  set 
tled  in  every  state  and  territory  by  some  law  beyond  the 
danger  of  repeal.  The  excitement  which  always  accompanied 
the  discussion  of  the  slavery  question  was  greatly  increased  by 


118  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  hope,  on  the  one  hand,  of  extending  slavery  into  a  region 
from  which  it  had  been  excluded  by  law;  and,  on  the  other,  by 
a  sense  of  wrong  done  by  what  was  regarded  as  a  breach  of 
public  faith.  This  excitement  was  naturally  transferred  into 
the  border  counties  of  Missouri  and  the  territory,  as  settlers 
favoring  free  or  slave  institutions  moved  into  them. 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  organic  law  passed,  and  as  soon 
as  its  passage  could  be  known  on  the  border,  leading  citizens 
of  Missouri  crossed  into  the  territory,  held  "squatter  meetings," 
voted  at  elections,  committed  crimes  of  violence,  and  then  re 
turned  to  their  homes.  This  unlawful  interference  was  con 
tinued  in  every  important  stage  in  the  history  of  the  territory; 
every  election  was  controlled,  not  by  the  actual  settlers,  but  by 
the  citizens  of  Missouri;  and,  as  a  consequence,  every  officer  in 
the  territory,  from  constable  to  legislator,  except  those  ap 
pointed  by  the  President,  owed  his  position  to  non-resident 
voters.  None  were  elected  by  the  settlers,  and  no  political 
power  whatever,  however  important,  was  exercised  by  the 
people  of  the  territory. 

In  October,  1854,  the  Governor  of  Kansas,  A.  H.  Reeder,  and 
other  officers  appointed  by  the  President,  arrived  in  the  terri 
tory.  Settlers  from  all  parts  of  the  country  came  in  great 
numbers,  entering  their  claims  and  building  their  cabins.  The 
first  election  was  for  delegate  to  Congress  and  was  held  on  the 
29th  of  November,  1854.  The  governor  divided  the  territory 
into  seventeen  election  districts,  appointed  judges,  and  pre 
scribed  proper  rules  for  the  election.  The  report  of  the  com 
mittee  enters  into  full  details  as  to  this  election  and  all  sub 
sequent  thereto  in  each  district.  The  conduct  of  the  election 
in  the  second  district,  held  at  the  village  of  Douglas,  nearly 
fifty  miles  from  the  Missouri  line,  is  a  fair  specimen  of  all  the 
elections  in  Kansas.  The  report  says: 

"  On  the  second  day  before  the  election  large  companies  of  men  came 
into  the  district  in  wagons  and  on  horseback,  and  declared  that  they  were 
from  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  were  going  to  Douglas  to  vote.  On  the 
morning  of  the  election  they  gathered  around  the  house  where  the  election 
was  to  be  held.  Two  of  the  judges  appointed  by  the  governor  did  not 
appear,  and  other  judges  were  selected  by  the  crowd  ;  all  then  voted.  In 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  119 

order  to  make  a  pretense  of  right  to  vote,  some  persons  of  the  company  kept 
a  pretended  register  of  squatter  claims,  on  which  anyone  could  enter  his 
name,  and  then  assert  he  had  a  claim  in  the  territory.  A  citizen  of  the  dis 
trict,  who  was  himself  a  candidate  for  delegate  to  Congress  was  told  by  one 
of  the  strangers  that  he  would  be  abused,  and  probably  killed,  if  he  chal 
lenged  a  vote.  He  was  seized  by  the  collar,  called  a  damned  Abolitionist, 
and  was  compelled  to  seek  protection  in  the  room  with  the  judges.  About 
the  time  the  polls  were  closed  these  strangers  mounted  their  horses  and  got 
into  their  wagons  and  cried  out,  'All  aboard  for  Westport.'  A  number  were 
recognized  as  residents  of  Missouri,  and  among  them  was  Samuel  H.  Wood- 
son,  a  leading  lawyer  of  Independence.  Of  those  whose  names  are  on  the 
poll-books,  35  were  resident  settlers  and  226  were  non-residents." 

In  January  and  February,  1855,  the  governor,  A.  H.  Reeder, 
caused  a  census  to  be  taken  of  the  inhabitants  and  qualified 
voters  in  Kansas.  On  the  day  the  census  was  completed  he 
issued  his  proclamation  for  an  election  to  be  held  March  30, 
1855,  for  members  of  the  legislative  assembly  of  the  territory. 
The  proclamation  prescribed  the  boundaries  of  the  districts, 
the  places  for  polls,  the  names  of  judges,  the  apportionment 
of  members,  and  the  qualification  of  voters.  Had  it  been 
observed,  a  just  and  fair  election  would  have  reflected  the 
will  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  Before  the  election,  however, 
false  and  inflammatory  rumors  were  busily  circulated  among 
the  people  of  western  Missouri.  They  grossly  exaggerated  and 
misrepresented  the  number  and  character  of  the  emigration 
then  passing  into  the  territory.  By  the  active  exertions  of 
many  of  the  leading  citizens,  the  passions  and  prejudices  of 
the  people  of  that  state  were  greatly  excited.  Several  resi 
dents  of  Missouri  testified  to  the  character  of  the  reports  cir 
culated  among  and  credited  by  the  people.  These  efforts  were 
successful.  By  an  organized  movement,  which  extended  from 
Andrew  county,  in  the  north,  to  Jasper  county,  in  the  south, 
and  as  far  eastward  as  Boone  and  Cole  counties  (Missouri),  com 
panies  of  men  were  collected  in  irregular  parties  and  sent 
into  every  council  district  in  the  territory,  and  into  every  rep 
resentative  district  but  one.  The  men  were  so  distributed  as 
to  control  the  election  in  every  district.  They  went  to  vote, 
and  with  the  avowed  design  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  state. 

They  were  generally  armed  and  equipped,  carrying  with  them 
s.-io 


120  RECOLLECTIONS 

their  own  provisions  and   tents,   and   so   marched  into  the 
territory. 

As  this  election  was  for  a  legislature,  the  validity  of  which 
was  contested,  the  committee  took  great  pains  to  procure  testi 
mony  as  to  the  election  in  each  election  district.  The  election 
in  the  second  district  is  a  fair  specimen.  In  that  district,  on 
the  morning  of  the  election,  the  judges  appointed  by  the  gov 
ernor  appeared  and  opened  the  polls.  Their  names  were 
Harrison  Burson,  Nathaniel  Ramsay  and  Mr.  Ellison.  The 
Missourians  began  to  arrive  early  in  the  morning,  some  500  or 
600  of  them  in  wagons  and  carriages  and  on  horseback,  and 
under  the  lead  of  Samuel  J.  Jones,  then  postmaster  of  West- 
port,  Missouri,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  and  a  Mr.  Steeley,  of  Inde 
pendence,  Missouri.  They  were  armed  with  double-barreled 
guns,  rifles,  bowie-knives  and  pistols,  and  had  flags  hoisted. 
They  held  a  sort  of  informal  election  off  at  one  side,  at  first  for 
Governor  of  Kansas  Territory,  and  shortly  afterwards  announced 
Thomas  Johnson,  of  Shawnee  Mission,  elected  governor.  The 
polls  had  been  opened  but  a  short  time  when  Mr.  Jones  marched 
with  the  crowd  up  to  the  window  and  demanded  that  they  be 
allowed  to  vote,  without  swearing  as  to  their  residence.  After 
some  noisy  and  threatening  talk,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  ad 
dressed  the  crowd,  saying  they  had  come  there  to  vote ;  that 
they  had  a  right  to  vote  if  they  had  been  there  but  five  min 
utes,  and  he  was  not  willing  to  go  home  without  voting ;  this 
was  received  with  cheers.  Jackson  then  called  upon  them 
to  form  into  little  bands  of  fifteen  or  twenty,  which  they  did, 
and  went  to  an  ox-wagon  filled  with  guns,  which  were  dis 
tributed  among  them,  and  proceeded  to  load  some  of  them  on 
the  ground.  In  pursuance  of  Jackson's  request,  they  tied 
white  tape  or  ribbons  in  their  button  holes,  so  as  to  distinguish 
them  from  the  "Abolitionists."  They  again  demanded  that  the 
judges  resign.  Upon  their  refusing  to  do  so  they  smashed  in 
the  window,  sash  and  all,  presented  their  pistols  and  guns,  and 
at  the  same  time  threatened  to  shoot.  Some  one  on  the  outside 
cried  out  not  to  shoot,  as  there  were  pro-slavery  men  in  the 
house  with  the  judges.  They  then  put  a  pry  under  the  corner 
of  the  house,  which  was  built  of  logs,  lifted  it  up  a  few  inches, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  121 

and  let  it  fall  again,  but  desisted  upon  being  again  told  that 
there  were  pro-slavery  men  in  the  house.  During  this  time  the 
crowd  repeatedly  demanded  to  be  allowed  to  vote  without 
being  sworn,  and  Mr.  Ellison,  one  of  the  judges,  expressed  him 
self  willing,  but  the  other  two  judges  refused ;  thereupon  a 
body  of  men,  headed  by  Sheriff  Jones,  rushed  into  the  judges' 
room  with  cocked  pistols  and  drawn  bowie-knives  in  their 
hands,  and  approached  Burson  and  Ramsay.  Jones  pulled  out 
his  watch  and  said  he  would  give  them  five  minutes  to  resign 
in,  or  die.  When  the  five  minutes  had  expired  and  the  judges 
had  not  resigned,  Jones  now  said  he  would  give  them  another 
minute  and  no  more.  Ellison  told  his  associates  that  if  they  did 
not  resign  there  would  be  one  hundred  shots  fired  in  the  room 
in  less  than  fifteen  minutes,  and  then  snatching  up  the  ballot- 
box  ran  out  into  the  crowd,  holding  up  the  ballot-box  and 
hurrahing  for  Missouri.  About  that  time  Burson  and  Ramsay 
were  called  out  by  their  friends,  and  not  suffered  to  return.  As 
Mr.  Burson  went  out  he  put  the  ballot  poll-books  in  his  pocket 
and  took  them  with  him,  and  as  he  was  going  out  Jones 
snatched  some  papers  away  from  him,  and  shortly  afterwards 
came  out  himself,  holding  them  up,  crying,  "Hurrah  for 
Missouri ! "  After  he  discovered  they  were  not  the  poll-books 
he  took  a  party  of  men  with  him  and  captured  the  books  from 
a  Mr.  Umberger,  to  whom  Burson  had  given  them.  They  then 
chose  two  new  judges  and  proceeded  with  the  election.  They 
also  threatened  to  kill  the  judges  if  they  did  not  receive  their 
votes,  or  resign.  They  said  no  man  should  vote  who  would 
submit  to  be  sworn ;  that  they  would  kill  any  man  who  would 
offer  to  do  so.  Some  of  the  citizens  who  were  about  the  win 
dow,  but  had  not  voted  when  the  crowd  of  Missourians  marched 
up,  upon  attempting  to  vote  were  driven  back  by  the  mob, 
or  driven  off.  One  of  them,  Mr.  I.  M.  Mace,  was  asked  if 
he  would  take  the  oath,  and  upon  his  replying  that  he  would 
if  the  judges  required  it,  he  was  dragged  through  the  crowd 
away  from  the  polls,  amid  cries  of  "kill  the  damned  nigger- 
thief,"  "cut  his  throat,"  "tear  his  heart  out,"  etc.  After  they 
got  into  the  outside  of  the  crowd  they  stood  around  him  with 
cocked  revolvers  and  drawn  bowie-knives,  one  man  putting 


122  RECOLLECTIONS 

a  knife  to  his  breast  so  that  it  touched  him,  another  holding  a 
cocked  pistol  to  his  ear,  while  another  struck  at  him  with 
a  club. 

The  Missourians  declared  they  had  a  right  to  vote,  if  they 
had  been  in  the  territory  but  five  minutes.  Some  said  they 
had  been  hired  to  come  there  and  vote,  and  got  a  dollar  a  day, 
"and  by  God  they  would  vote  or  die  there."  They  said  the 
30th  day  of  March  was  an  important  day,  as  Kansas  would  be 
made  a  slave  state  on  that  day.  They  began  to  leave  in  the 
direction  of  Missouri  in  the  afternoon,  after  they  had  voted, 
leaving  some  thirty  or  forty  around  the  house  where  the  elec 
tion  was  held,  to  guard  the  polls  till  after  the  election  wras  over. 
The  citizens  of  the  territory  were  not  armed,  except  those  who 
took  part  in  the  mob,  and  a  large  portion  of  them  did  not 
vote.  Three  hundred  and  forty-one  votes  were  polled  there 
that  day,  of  which  but  some  thirty  were  citizens.  A  protest 
against  the  election  was  prepared  and  sent  to  the  governor. 

A  similarly  organized  and  conducted  election  was  held  in 
each  of  the  other  districts  of  the  territory,  varying  only  in 
degrees  of  fraud  and  violence.  In  the  fifteenth  district  it  was 
proven  that  several  hundred  Missourians  appeared  and  voted. 
Several  speeches  were  made  at  the  polls,  and  among  those  who 
spoke  was  Major  Oliver,  one  of  our  committee.  He  urged  all 
persons  to  use  no  harsh  words  and  expressed  a  hope  that  noth 
ing  would  be  said  or  done  to  wound  the  feelings  of  the  most 
sensitive  on  the  other  side,  giving  some  reasons,  based  on  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  why  they  should  vote,  but  he  himself 
did  not  vote.  The  whole  number  of  votes  cast  in  that  district 
was  417.  The  number  of  legal  voters  was  about  80.  Of  the 
names  on  the  poll-book  but  62  were  on  the  census  roll.  But  a 
small  portion,  estimated  at  one-fourth  of  the  legal  voters,  voted. 

The  validity  of  the  so  called  pro-slavery  legislature  rested 
upon  this  election.  It  is  hardly  necessary  at  this  late  day 
to  say  that  such  a  legislative  body  could  not  rightly  assume 
or  lawfully  exercise  legislative  functions  over  any  law-abiding 
community.  Their  enactments  were,  by  every  principle  of  law 
and  right,  null  and  void.  The  existence  of  fraud  at  the  elec 
tion  was  admitted  by  every  one,  but  it  was  defended  on  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  123 

ground  that  the  New  England  Emigrant  Aid  Society  had 
imported  a  great  number  of  emigrants  into  Kansas  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  making  that  territory  a  free  state.  This  claim  was 
thoroughly  investigated  and  the  organization  and  history  of 
the  society  examined.  The  only  persons  who  emigrated  into 
the  territory  under  the  auspices  of  this  company  in  1855,  prior 
to  the  election  in  March,  was  a  party  of  169  persons  who  came 
under  the  charge  of  Charles  Robinson,  and  of  whom  sixty- 
seven  were  women  and  children.  They  came  as  actual 
settlers,  intending  to  make  their  homes  in  the  territory,  and 
for  no  other  purpose.  Some  of  them  returned,  but  most  of 
them  became  settlers.  A  few  voted  at  the  election  in  Law 
rence  but  the  number  was  small.  The  names  of  these  emi 
grants  were  ascertained  and  thirty-seven  of  them  were  found 
upon  the  poll-books.  .  This  company  of  peaceful  emigrants, 
moving  with  their  household  goods,  was  distorted  into  an 
invading  horde  of  pauper  Abolitionists,  who  were,  with  others 
of  a  similar  character,  to  control  the  domestic  institutions  of 
the  territory,  and  then  overturn  those  of  a  neighboring  state. 
The  invasion  of  March  30  left  both  parties  in  a  state  of 
excitement,  tending  directly  to  produce  violence.  The  suc 
cessful  party  was  lawless  and  reckless,  while  assuming  the 
name  of  the  "Law  and  Order"  party.  The  Free  State  party,  at 
first  surprised  and  confounded,  was  greatly  irritated,  but  soon 
resolved  to  prevent  the  success  of  the  invasion.  In  some 
districts,  protests  were  sent  to  the  governor;  in  others  such 
action  was  prevented  by  threats,  in  others  by  want  of  time, 
and  in  others  by  the  belief  that  a  new  election  would  bring 
a  new  invasion.  About  the  same  time,  all  classes  of  men  com 
menced  carrying  deadly  weapons  about  their  persons.  Under 
these  circumstances,  a  slight  or  accidental  quarrel  produced 
unusual  violence.  Lawless  acts  became  frequent  and  passed 
unpunished.  This  unhappy  condition  of  the  public  mind  was 
further  increased  by  acts  of  violence  in  western  Missouri, 
where,  in  April,  a  newspaper,  called  the  "Parkville  Luminary," 
was  destroyed  by  a  mob,  and  numerous  acts  of  violence  and 
homicides  committed.  Some  innocent  persons  were  unlaw 
fully  arrested  and  others  ordered  to  leave  the  territory.  The 


124  RECOLLECTIONS 

first  one  notified  to  leave  was  William  Phillips,  a  lawyer  of 
Leavenworth,  and  upon  his  refusal  the  mob  forcibly  seized 
him,  took  him  across  the  river,  carried  him  several  miles  into 
Missouri,  and  then  tarred  and  feathered  him,  shaving  one  side 
of  his  head  and  committing  other  gross  indignities  upon  his 
person.  Judge  Lecompte,  chief  justice  of  the  territory,  Colonel 
L.  N.  Burns,  of  Weston,  Missouri,  and  others,  took  part  in  and 
made  speeches  at  a  bitterly  partisan  meeting,  the  tendency 
of  which  was  to  produce  violence  and  disorder. 

After  the  most  careful  examination  of  the  poll-books  and 
I  the  testimony  taken,  we  were  convinced  beyond  all  doubt  that 
the  election  of  the  30th  of  March,  1855,  was  utterly  void.  It 
was  the  result  of  an  organized  invasion  from  the  State  of 
Missouri,  a  lawless  seizure  of  the  conduct  of  the  election,  and 
the  open  voting  by  thousands  of  persons  who  neither  resided 
in  nor  pretended  to  be  inhabitants  of  Kansas.  Not  content 
with  voting  they  made  false  returns  of  votes  never  cast,  and 
excluded  legal  voters  because  they  were  "Abolitionists." 

A  more  wanton  and  shameless  overthrow  of  popular  rights 
cannot  be  found  in  history. 

The  so-called  legislative  assembly,  thus  elected,  met  at 
Pawnee,  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1855.  It  attempted  to  make  laws 
for  Kansas,  and  to  that  end  adopted,  in  substance,  the  laws  of 
the  State  of  Missouri  in  gross  as  the  laws  for  the  territory, 
but,  to  retain  its  power,  it  provided  that  every  officer  of  the 
territory,  executive  and  judicial,  was  to  be  appointed  by  the 
legislature,  or  by  some  officer  appointed  by  it. 

The  legality  of  this  legislature  was  denied  by  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  who  never  acquiesced  in  or  obeyed  its 
enactments,  thus  taking  the  only  course  open  to  them  to  secure 
a  lawful  government. 

While  the  alleged  legislative  assembly  was  in  session,  a 
movement  was  instituted  to  form  a  state  government,  and 
apply  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  state.  The  first  step 
taken  by  the  people  of  the  territory,  in  consequence  of  the 
invasion  of  March  30,  1855,  was  the  circulation,  for  signature, 
of  a  graphic  and  truthful  memorial  to  Congress.  Every  alle 
gation  in  this  memorial  was  sustained  by  the  testimony.  No 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  125 

further  step  was  taken,  as  it  was  hoped  that  some  action  by 
the  general  government  would  protect  them  in  their  rights. 
When  the  alleged  legislative  assembly  proceeded  to  construct 
the  series  of  enactments  referred  to,  the  settlers  were  of 
opinion  that  submission  to  them  would  result  in  entirely 
depriving  them  of  the  rights  secured  to  them  by  the  organic 
law. 

Their  political  condition  was  freely  discussed  in  the  terri 
tory  during  the  summer  of  1855.  Several  meetings  were  held 
in  reference  to  holding  a  convention  to  form  a  state  govern 
ment,  and  to  apply  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  state. 
Public  opinion  gradually  settled  in  favor  of  such  an  applica 
tion  to  the  Congress  to  meet  in  December,  1855.  The  first  gen 
eral  meeting  was  held  in  Lawrence,  on  the  15th  of  August, 
1855.  Other  meetings  were  held  in  various  parts  of  the  terri 
tory,  which  indorsed  the  action  of  the  Lawrence  meeting,  and 
delegates  were  selected  in  compliance  with  its  recommenda 
tion.  An  election  was  called  by  a  proclamation  addressed  to 
the  legal  voters  of  Kansas,  requesting  them  to  meet  at  their 
several  precincts  at  the  time  and  places  named  in  the  procla 
mation,  then  and  there  to  cast  their  ballots  for  members  of  a 
constitutional  convention,  to  meet  at  Topeka,  on  the  fourth 
Tuesday  of  October. 

Elections  were  held  at  the  time  and  places  designated,  and 
the  returns  were  sent  to  the  executive  committee. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  proclaimed  by  the  executive 
committee,  and  the  members  elect  were  required  to  meet  on 
the  23rd  of  October,  1855,  at  Topeka.  In  pursuance  of  this 
proclamation  and  direction  the  constitutional  convention  met 
at  the  time  and  place  appointed,  and  framed  a  state  constitu 
tion.  A  memorial  to  Congress  was  also  prepared,  praying  the 
admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  state  under  that  con 
stitution.  The  convention  also  provided  that  the  question  of 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  other  questions,  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  people,  and  required  the  executive  committee  to 
take  the  necessary  steps  for  that  purpose. 

Accordingly,  an  election  was  held  on  the  15th  day  of  De 
cember,  1855,  in  compliance  with  the  proclamation  issued  by 


126  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  executive  committee  who  then  issued  a  proclamation  recit 
ing  the  results  of  the  election  of  the  15th  of  December,  and  at 
the  same  time  provided  for  an  election,  to  be  held  on  the  15th 
day  of  January,  1856,  for  state  officers  and  members  of  the 
general  assembly  of  the  State  of  Kansas.  The  election  was 
accordingly  held  in  several  election  precincts,  the  returns  of 
which  were  sent  to  the  executive  committee  who  announced 
the  result  by  a  proclamation. 

Thus,  when  we  arrived  in  Kansas,  two  rival  governments 
were  in  existence,  one  the  result  of  fraud  and  force,  the  other 
confessedly  incomplete,  being  without  executive  power  or 
recognition.  Congress  alone  could  settle  the  controversy  by 
recognizing  one  or  the  other.  Its  action  and  its  failure  to  act 
will  be  stated  further  on. 

A  brief  narrative  of  incidents  while  the  committee  was  in 
Kansas  may  be  of  interest. 

We  arrived  by  steamer  at  a  place  called  Westport  Landing, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Kansas  River.  As  I  remember  the  place 
it  was  a  mere  hamlet,  composed  of  three  dwellings,  a  store,  a 
tavern  and  a  blacksmith  shop.  We  passed  over  the  high 
rolling  prairie,  where  but  a  few  and  scattered  cabins  then 
existed,  but  which  now  is  the  site  of  Kansas  City,  a  beautiful 
city  of  90,000  inhabitants.  About  six  miles  from  the  landing 
we  entered  Westport,  the  headquarters  of  the  Santa  Fe  trade. 
This  important  trade  in  1854  was  conducted  with  "prairie 
schooners,"  wagons  of  great  dimensions  rudely  but  strongly 
built,  each  hauled  by  four  or  six  mules  or  Indian  ponies,  and 
all  driven  by  as  rough  a  set  of  men  of  mixed  color,  tribe  and 
nativity  as  could  be  found  anywhere  in  the  world.  Their 
usual  dress  was  a  broad  brimmed  felt  hat,  a  flannel  shirt, 
home-spun  trousers,  without  suspenders,  and  heavy  cowhide 
boots  outside  of  their  trousers,  with  a  knife  or  pistols,  or  both, 
in  their  belts  or  boots.  They  were  properly  classed  as  border 
ruffians,  and  as  a  rule  were  whisky  soaked. 

The  contrast  of  this  region  between  then  and  now  is  a 
marked  evidence  of  the  wonderful  change  that  has  been  made 
within  a  single  generation.  I  have  several  times  visited  Kan 
sas  City  and  its  environs  since  1856.  I  have  noted  the  change 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  127 

at  each  visit!  The  rolling  prairie  has  been  checkered  with 
streets  and  avenues,  and  the  squares  and  suburbs  are  dotted 
all  over  with  residences,  stores  and  workshops.  The  landing, 
once  a  single  pier,  now  extends  miles  along  the  Missouri  River. 
The  border  ruffians  have  disappeared  with  the  Indians  and 
"greasers,"  and  have  been  replaced  by  an  active,  intelligent 
and  prosperous  community. 

Mrs.  Sherman  and  myself  started  in  advance  for  Lawrence 
in  an  open  buggy  drawn  by  one  horse,  and  were  told  to  follow 
the  trail,  and  this  we  had  no  difficulty  in  doing.  We  passed 
through  one  or  more  Indian  reservations,  over  as  beautiful  a 
country  as  the  sun  shines  upon,  but  without  house  or  habita 
tion,  except  Indian  huts.  We  arrived  at  Lawrence,  a  town 
less  than  two  years  old,  and  were  cordially  received.  The 
people  there  were  fearing  a  raid  by  the  "  border  ruffians,"  but 
this  was  fortunately  postponed  until  our  departure  for  Leaven- 
worth. 

The  committee  proceeded  immediately  to  take  testimony. 
Governor  Reeder  acted  in  behalf  of  the  Free  State  side,  and 
General  Whitfield  in  behalf  of  the  pro-slavery  side,  this  being 
the  conceded  line  of  demarcation  between  the  opposing  fac 
tions.  The  town  was  in  embryo,  nothing  finished,  and  my 
wife  and  I  were  glad  to  have  a  cot  in  a  room  in  the  unfinished 
and  unoccupied  "Free  State  Hotel,"  soon  after  burned  to  the 
ground  by  Jones,  the  marshal  of  Kansas,.or  his  deputies.  There 
was  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  witnesses  or  testimony,  but,  as  a 
rule,  the  witnesses  on  one  side  would  only  testify  in  Lawrence, 
and  those  on  the  other  in  Lecompton  or  Leavenworth.  They 
were  like  soldiers  in  hostile  armies,  careful  to  keep  outside  of 
the  enemy's  camp. 

Dr.  Robinson,  afterwards  Governor  Robinson,  was  then  by 
far  the  ablest  and  bravest  leader  of  the  Free  State  cause.  His 
history  of  the  Kansas  conflict  is  the  most  interesting  yet  pub 
lished.  When  the  committee  visited  Lecompton  to  take  testi 
mony,  it  was  a  surprise  to  us  that  he  not  only  offered,  but 
insisted  upon  going  to  that  place,  the  headquarters  and  capital 
of  the  pro-slavery  party.  It  was  then  scarcely  a  hamlet,  and 
its  existence  depended  entirely  upon  the  success  of  that  party. 


128  RECOLLECTIONS 

Dr.  Kobinson  and  I  rode  together  into  the  place.  It  was  easy 
to  see  that  he  was  not  a  welcome  visitor.  Everyone  but  the 
committee  carried  arms.  Several  murders  and  affrays  had  re 
cently  occurred,  in  regard  to  which  we  had  taken  evidence. 
Here  we  had  access  to  the  poll-books  of  the  contested  elections, 
and  met  on^  friendly  terms  with  the  officers  of  the  territory, 
the  chief  of  whom  were  Judge  Lecompte,  chief  justice  of  the 
territory,  after  whom  the  town  had  been  named,  and  Jones, 
the  marshal  of  the  United  States.  Governor  Shannon  was,  I 
think,  also  there  for  a  time.  The  quarters  for  lodging  were 
even  more  limited  here  than  in  Lawrence.  I  slept  in  a  cot 
side  by  side  with  the  one  occupied  by  Judge  Lecompte,  who, 
though  a  terror  to  the  Free  State  men,  seemed  to  me  to  be  a 
good  humored  gentleman,  more  violent  in  his  words  than  in 
his  acts.  We  had  no  unpleasant  incident  while  there,  though 
such  had  been  prophesied  at  Lawrence. 

From  Lecompton  the  committee  went  to  Topeka,  then 
quite  a  small  village,  now  a  city  of  33,009  inhabitants.  It  was 
already  ambitious  to  become  the  Free  State  capital  of  Kansas, 
by  reason  of  its  central  position.  There  was  then  no  settle 
ment  of  any  importance  west  of  Topeka.  Some  testimony 
was  taken,  but  we  soon  returned  to  Lawrence,  and  from  thence 
went  to  Leavenworth.  A  large  part  of  the  distance  between 
these  places  was  an  Indian  reservation.  Mrs.  Sherman  and  I 
rode  over  it  in  a  buggy,  and  found  no  white  man's  habitation 
on  the  way.  Its  great  value  and  fertility  was  easily  perceived, 
and  it  is  now  well  settled  by  an  active  and  prosperous  popula 
tion  of  white  men.  On  the  road  .we  met  an  Indian  seated  near 
his  wigwam,  with  a  gun  in  his  hand,  and  for  a  moment  I  feared 
that  he  might  use  it.  He  uttered  some  Indian  gibberish,  which 
we  construed  as  an  invitation  to  enter  his  hut.  We  tied  our 
horse,  entered,  and  found  no  one  there  but  an  old  squaw.  I 
gave  the  Indian  some  silver  which  he  greedily  took,  but  indi 
cated  by  his  motions  that  he  wanted  a  drink  of  whisky,  but 
this  I  was  not  able  to  give  him. 

Leavenworth  was  a  new  town  near  Fort  Leavenworth,  the 
then  western  military  post  of  the  army  of  the  United  States. 
We  placed  ourselves  in  communication  with  Colonel  Sumner, 


MR.   SHERMAN    AT  THE    AGE   OF  THIRTY-FIVE. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  129 

then  in  command,  but  we  had  no  occasion  to  summon  his  official 
aid,  though  authorized  by  the  resolutions  under  which  we  were 
acting  to  call  for  such  assistance  from  any  military  force 
which  was  at  the  time  convenient  to  us.  However,  our  meet 
ings  there  were  more  disturbed  than  at  any  other  place.  The 
trouble  commenced  at  Lawrence  shortly  after  our  arrival  at 
Leavenworth.  A  company  of  about  700  armed  men,  the  great 
body  of  whom  were  not  citizens  of  the  territory,  were  marched 
into  the  town  of  Lawrence  under  Marshal  Donaldson  and 
Sheriff  Jones,  officers  claiming  to  act  under  the  law,  and  they 
then  bombarded  and  burned  to  the  ground  a  valuable  hotel 
and  one  private  house,  and  destroyed  two  printing  presses  and 
material.  The  posse,  being  released  by  the  officers,  proceeded 
to  sack,  pillage  and  rob  houses,  stores,  trunks,  even  taking  the 
clothing  of  women  and  children.  The  people  of  Leavenworth 
were  much  alarmed,  as  threats  were  made  to  clean  out  the 
"Black  Republican  Committee"  at  Leavenworth.  No  attempt 
of  that  kind  was  made.  Later  on,  Dr.  Robinson  was  arrested 
on  a  steamboat  on  the  way  with  his  wife  to  St.  Louis.  We 
had  confided  to  him  a  copy  of  the  testimony  taken,  to  be  deliv 
ered  to  Mr.  Banks,  speaker  of  the  House.  We  believe  that  a 
knowledge  of  that  fact  caused  the  arrest,  but,  fortunately,  Mrs. 
Robinson,  who  had  the  testimony  safely  secured  in  her  cloth 
ing,  was  allowed  to  proceed  to  Washington.  Dr.  Robinson  was 
taken  back  to  Leavenworth  and  placed  in  prison,  where  I 
called  upon  him,  but  was  rudely  threatened,  and  was  only 
allowed  to  speak  to  him  in  the  presence  of  the  jailor. 

We  were  frequently  threatened  through  anonymous  letters. 
On  one  occasion,  upon  going  in  the  morning  to  the  committee 
room,  I  found  tacked  on  the  door  a  notice  to  the  "  Black  Re 
publican  Committee  "  to  leave  Kansas  "upon  penalty  of  death." 
I  cut  it  from  the  door  and  called  upon  a  bystander  to  testify  to 
the  contents  and  the  place  from  which  it  was  taken. 

On  one  Sunday  morning,  while  sitting  in  my  lodging,  a  very 
rough  looking  man  entered,  and  I  indicated  to  Mr.  W.  Blair 
Lord,  our  stenographer,  to  take  down  what  he  said.  With 
many  oaths  and  imprecations  he  told  us  that  he  had  been 
robbed  by  ruffians  of  his  horses  and  wagon  a  few  miles  from 


130  RECOLLECTIONS 

Leavenworth;  that  he  had  offered  to  fight  them,  but  they  were 
cowards ;  that  he  was  born  in  Richland  county,  Ohio,  near 
Mansfield,  and  he  wanted  me  to  help  him  get  his  traps.  I 
knew  his  family  as  famous  fighters.  I  asked  him  if  he  would 
swear  to  his  story.  He  said  he  would,  and  Mr.  Lord  read  it  to 
him,  oaths  and  all,  from  his  stenographic  notes.  He  stared  at 
Lord  and  demanded  " Where  in  hell  did  you  get  that?"  He 
was  handed  the  stenographic  notes  and,  after  looking  at  them, 
he  exclaimed:  "Snakes,  by  God;  but  it  is  all  true!"  Whether 
he  got  his  outfit  and  traps  I  never  knew. 

The  evidence  at  Leavenworth  being  closed,  the  committee 
returned  to  Westport,  Missouri.  While  we  were  there  we  saw 
an  armed  and  organized  body  of  residents  of  Missouri  march 
across  the  line  into  Kansas  to  retaliate,  as  we  were  told,  the 
murder  of  five  pro-slavery  men  at  Osawatamie.  While  they 
were  marching  into  Westport  from  the  east,  Governor  Shan 
non,  in  obedience  to  the  summons  of  the  committee,  came  into 
Westport  from  the  territory,  and  in  his  presence  they  filed  off 
in  regular  array  into  the  territory.  It  was  difficult  to  ascer 
tain  the  precise  causes  of  these  murders,  but  it  was  shown  that 
they  were  in  retaliation  for  those  of  certain  Free  State  men, 
one  of  whom  was  the  son  of  John  Brown,  later  the  famous 
leader  of  the  attack  on  the  fort  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  who  had 
acted  for  the  committee  in  summoning  witnesses  to  Lawrence. 
The  testimony  in  respect  to  these  murders  was  vague,  and  the 
murderers  were  not  identified.  Two  years  afterwards  I  met 
John  Brown  in  Chicago,  and  asked  him  about  the  murder  of 
the  pro-slavery  men  at  Osawatamie;  he  replied  with  spirit  that 
they  were  not  murdered,  but  that  they  had  been  arrested,  tried 
by  a  jury,  convicted  and  executed.  The  arrest,  trial  and  exe 
cution  must  have  been  done  during  one  night.  He  did  not  dis 
close  the  names  of  the  executioners,  but  his  cool  statement 
was  a  striking  picture  of  the  scenes  then  enacted  in  Kansas  by 
both  sides ;  both  appealed  to  the  law  of  force  and  crime,  and 
crime  was  justified  by  crime. 

The  evidence  taken  at  Westport  closed  the  investiga 
tion  and  Mr.  Howard  and  I  returned  to  Detroit,  as  already 
stated. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  131 

The  report  was  approved  by  Mr.  Howard,  and  presented  by 
him  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  July  1,  1856,  as  a  ques 
tion  of  privilege.  The  reception  of  it  gave  rise  to  much  de 
bate,  but  in  the  end  I  was  permitted  on  the  same  day  to  read 
it.  The  minority  report  of  Mr.  Oliver  was  presented  July  11  of 
that  year.  No  action  was  taken  on  the  reports,  but  they  were 
widely  published. 

On  July  31,  1856, 1  made  a  speech  on  the  Kansas  contested 
election  between  General  Whitfield  and  Governor  Reeder,  dur 
ing  which  I  was  drawn  into  a  discussion  with  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  of  Georgia,  and  Mr.  Oliver,  of  Missouri,  in  which  the 
general  questions  involved  in  the  Kansas  controversy  were 
fully  debated.  I  closed  with  this  language : 

"  The  worst  evil  that  could  befall  our  country  is  civil  war,  but  the  out 
rages  in  Kansas  cannot  be  continued  much  longer  without  producing  it.  To 
our  southern  brethren  I  especially  appeal.  In  the  name  of  southern  rights, 
crimes  have  been  committed,  and  are  being  committed,  which  I  know  you 
cannot  and  do  not  approve.  These  have  excited  a  feeling  in  the  northern 
states  that  is  deepening  and  strengthening  daily.  It  may  produce  acts  of 
retaliation.  You  are  in  a  minority  and,  from  the  nature  of  your  institutions, 
your  relative  power  is  yearly  decreasing.  In  excusing  this  invasion  from 
Missouri  —  in  attempting  to  hold  on  to  an  advantage  obtained  by  force  and 
fraud  —  you  are  setting  an  example  which,  in  its  ultimate  consequences,  may 
trample  your  rights  under  foot.  Until  these  wrongs  are  righted,  you  must 
expect  northern  men  to  unite  to  redress  them.  It  may  not  be  this  year, 
but,  as  sure  as  there  is  a  God  in  heaven,  such  a  union  will  be  effected  ;  and 
you  will  gain  nothing  by  sustaining  northern  agitators  in  violating  the  com 
promise  of  your  fathers." 

On  July  28,  1856,  I  offered,  as  an  amendment  to  the  army 
appropriation  bill,  the  following  proviso : 

"Provided,  nevertheless,  That  no  part  of  a  military  force  of  the  United 
States  herein  provided  for,  shall  be  employed  in  aid  of  the  enforcement  of 
the  enactments  of  the  alleged  legislative  assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas, 
recently  assembled  at  Shawnee  Mission,  until  Congress  shall  have  enacted 
either  that  it  was  or  was  not  a  valid  legislative  assembly,  chosen  in  con 
formity  with  the  organic  law,  by  the  people  of  said  territory.  And  Provided, 
That  until  Congress  shall  have  passed  on  the  validity  of  the  said  legislative 
assembly  of  Kansas,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President  to  use  the  military 
force  in  said  territory  to  preserve  the  peace,  suppress  insurrection,  repel 


132  RECOLLECTIONS 

invasion,  and  protect  persons  and  property  therein,  and  upon  the  national 
highways  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  from  unlawful  seizures  and  searches.  And 
be  it  further  provided,  That  the  President  is  required  to  disarm  the  present 
organized  militia  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  and  recall  all  the  United  States 
arms  therein  distributed,  and  to  prevent  armed  men  from  going  into  said 
territory  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  or  aid  in  the  enforcement  or  resistance 
of  real  or  pretended  laws." 

After  long  debate,  this  was  agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  80  yeas  to 
47  nays.  The  deliberate  purpose  of  a  majority  of  the  House 
was  to  prevent  any  further  support  of  the  Lecompton  terri 
torial  legislature.  This  amendment,  however,  was  disagreed 
to  by  the  Senate  and  referred  to  a  committee  of  conference. 
On  the  18th  of  August,  the  last  day  of  the  session,  the  disagree 
ment  continued  and  the  conference  report  was  taken  up  for 
action.  A  motion  was  made  that  the  House  insist  upon  its 
amendments  and  agree  to  another  committee  of  conference. 
This  was  defeated,  but  no  definite  action  was  taken,  as  a  ma 
jority  of  the  House  was  opposed  to  a  further  conference,  and 
so  the  army  bill  failed. 

•  On  the  same  day  the  President,  by  proclamation,  convened 
the  two  Houses  in  extra  session  to  meet  on  the  21st  day  of 
August,  three  days  later.  The  President,  in  his  message,  urged 
Congress  to  recede  from  the  Kansas  proviso  to  the  army  bill. 
The  Eepublicans  of  the  House  were  determined  to  insist  upon 
that  proviso,  and,  by  repeated  votes,  refused  to  withdraw  it  or 
to  reconsider  it,  but,  after  a  session  of  nine  days,  the  House 
finally  yielded,  but  only  after  the  Senate  had  agreed  to  an 
amendment,  which  contained  the  substance  of  the  proviso 
offered  by  me,  as  follows: 

"Provided,  That  no  part  of  the  military  force  of  the  United  States,  for 
the  support  of  which  appropriations  are  made  by  this  act,  shall  be  employed 
in  aid  of  the  enforcement  of  any  enactment  heretofore  passed  by  the  bodies 
claiming  to  be  the  territorial  legislature  of  Kansas." 

This  amendment  was  agreed  to  and  thus,  in  the  final  strug 
gle,  while  no  effective  measures  to  relieve  the  people  of  Kansas 
from  the  tyranny  imposed  upon  them  were  adopted,  the  decla 
ration  was  made  that  the  military  force  of  the  United  States 
should  not  be  used  to  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  any  enactment 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  133 

theretofore  passed  by  bodies  claiming  to  be  the  territorial 
legislature  of  Kansas. 

Thus  it  appears  that  during  this  long  and  wearisome  session 
(for  in  fact  the  two  were  but  one),  I  was  almost  exclusively 
occupied  in  a  futile  effort  to  restore  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  Kansas,  according  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  but  the 
struggle  made  was  fruitful  in  good.  It  strengthened  the  Free 
State  sentiment  in  Kansas,  it  aroused  public  sentiment  in  the 
north,  and  drove  the  south  to  adopt  new  and  strange  theories 
which  led  to  divisions  in  the  Democratic  party  and  its  disrup 
tion  and  overthrow  in  1860.  The  compromise  made  was  un 
derstood  to  be  the  work  of  Mr.  Seward,  and,  though  not  satis 
factory  to  the  Republicans  of  the  House,  it  was  at  least  a 
drawn  battle,  and,  like  Bunker  Hill  to  Yorktown,  was  the  pre 
lude  to  the  Revolution  that  ended  at  Appomattox. 

Among  the  many  who  attained  distinction  in  the  34th  Con 
gress  I  can  only  refer  to  a  few,  the  chief  of  whom  was  Nathan 
iel  P.  Banks,  who,  after  a  long  struggle,  was  elected  speaker.  He 
was  born  in  Waltham,  Massachusetts,  January  30, 1816.  He  had 
risen  into  prominence  without  any  aid  or  advantage  of  early 
education  or  training.  He  was  the  son  of  an  overseer  in  a 
cotton  factory  in  Waltham,  where  he  was  for  a  time  employed. 
He  improved  his  leisure  hours  by  the  study  of  history,  political 
economy  and  the  science  of  government.  He  learned  the  trade 
of  a.  machinist.  He  early  acquired  the  habit  of  speaking  well 
on  various  subjects,  and  was  elected  as  a  Democratic  member 
of  the  legislature  from  his  native  town.  In  1852  he  was 
elected  to  Congress,  running  upon  the  ticket  with  General 
Pierce,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President.  He  took  a 
decided  stand  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
He  was  a  man  of  striking  presence,  with  a  fine  voice  and  en 
gaging  manners.  He  filled  the  difficult  position  of  speaker 
with  great  credit,  and  is  still  remembered  by  his  associates  as 
perhaps  the  best  fitted  for  the  special  duties  of  speaker  of  the 
House  of  any  Member  since  the  time  of  Henry  Clay.  He  was 
afterward  elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  continued  in 
that  position  for  several  years.  When  the  war  broke  out  he 
was  appointed  major-general  of  volunteers,  but  his  service  in 


134  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  army  was  not  marked.  After  the  war  was  over  he  was 
re-elected  to  Congress,  but  seemed  to  have  lost  his  power  and 
influence.  In  later  years  his  memory  was  impaired  and  he 
"lagged  superfluous  upon  the  stage."  He  died  September  1, 
1894. 

Lewis  D.  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1848 
as  a  Whig,«and  re-elected  to  each  successive  Congress  down  to 
1856,  when  his  seat  was  contested  and  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  decided  against  him.  He  and  Banks  were  the  leading 
candidates  for  the  speakership  of  the  34th  Congress,  but  the 
majority  of  the  anti-Nebraska  Members  voted  for  Banks,  and 
upon  his  election  Campbell  was  made  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  ways  and  means,  and  had  substantial  control  of  the 
business  of  that  Congress.  He  never  was  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  the  Republican  party.  He  was  subsequently  elected  to 
the  42nd  Congress  in  1870  as  a  Democrat,  but  had  lost,  in  a 
great  measure,  his  influence.  He  served  for  a  time  as  colonel 
of  a  regiment  in  the  war.  He  was  a  man  of  marked  ability  but 
was  too  erratic  to  be  a  successful  leader  in  any  cause  or  party. 

In  1850,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-seven,  Galusha  A.  Grow 
was  elected  a  Representative  in  Congress  from  Pennsylvania. 
He  was  an  active  and  very  useful  Member.  He  took  strong 
ground  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  in 
1859  was  a  competitor  with  me  for  the  position  of  speaker,  but 
withdrew  in  my  favor  after  the  first  ballot.  In  the  following 
Congress  he  was  chosen  speaker  and  rendered  very  valuable 
service  as  such.  After  a  continuous  service  in  Congress  for 
fourteen  years,  he  retired  from  active  political  life  and  engaged 
in  important  business  enterprises,  but  always  took  an  interest 
in  political  affairs.  He  was  elected  by  an  overwhelming  ma 
jority  as  a  Member  of  the  53rd  Congress  at  large  from  his 
state. 

Schuyler  Colfax  was  a  conspicuous  Member  of  Congress 
from  1855  until  he  was  nominated  for  the  office  of  Vice  Presi 
dent,  in  1868,  on  the  ticket  with  General  Grant.  During  this 
long  period  he  represented  one  district,  and  served  for  six  years 
as  speaker.  He  was  a  very  industrious,  active  Member.  As 
we  were  of  about  the  same  age,  and  our  lives  ran  in  parallel 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  185 

lines,  we  were  often  thrown  together.  We  and  our  families  in 
Washington  messed  together  in  a  household  for  several  years, 
and  our  intercourse  was  always  friendly  and  intimate.  When 
he  became  Vice  President  he  remarked  to  me  that  I  was  first 
to  enter  the  Senate,  but  he  was  first  to  become  Vice  President. 
After  his  service  as  Vice  President,  he  retired  from  public  life 
and  delivered  lectures  upon  many  topics. 

Many  other  Members  of  that  Congress,  equally  worthy  of 
note,  have  passed  away  from  the  scenes  of  life,  and  some  few 
survive.  I  would  gladly  recall  their  memory  if  my  space  would 
allow. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
BIRTH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  Name  Formally  Adopted  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  in  1854 — Nomination  of  John 
C.    Fremont    at    Philadelphia  — Democratic    Convention    Nominates   James 
Buchanan— Effect  of  the  Latter's  Election  on  the  North  — My  Views 
Concerning  President  Pierce   and  His   Administration — French 
Spoliation  Claims— First  Year  of  Buchanan's  Administra 
tion— Dred  Scott  Case  Decision  by  the  Supreme  Court — 
The  Slavery  Question  Once  More  an    Issue  in 
Congress  —  Douglas'    Opposition   to    the 
Lecompton  Scheme— Turning  Point 
of   the    Slavery    Controversy. 

DURING  the  first  session  of  the  34th  Congress,  the  oppo 
nents  of  slavery  were  without  a  party  name  or  or 
ganization.  They  agreed  only  in  the  one  demand, 
that  slavery  should  not  be  established  in  Kansas. 
On  other  questions  they  voted  on  old  party  lines.  The  Mem 
bers  elected  in  1854  in  the  northern  states  were  Democrats, 
Whigs  or  Free  Soilers.  Many  of  the  Democrats  still  supported 
the  administration  of  President  Pierce,  and  acquiesced  in  the 
doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  in  the  territories.  A  few  of 
the  Whigs,  of  conservative  leanings,  acted  with  the  Americans, 
or  "Know-Nothings,"  of  the  south.  A  strong  popular  move 
ment  was  initiated  in  some  of  the  western  states  as  early  as 
1854  in  favor  of  a  new  party.  This  was  especially  the  case  in 
Wisconsin  and  Michigan.  On  the  6th  of  July,  1854,  a  popular 
convention  was  held  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  composed  of  hun 
dreds  of  men  of  all  parties,  who  denounced  slavery  as  a  great 
moral,  social  and  political  evil,  and  resolved  that,  postponing 
and  suspending  all  differences  with  regard  to  political  economy 
or  administrative  policy,  they  would  act  cordially  and  faith 
fully  in  unison  to  oppose  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  be 
known  as  Republicans  until  the  contest  was  terminated.  This 
name  was  assumed  in  other  states  of  the  north. 

The  state   convention  held  in  Ohio  on  July  13,  1855,  for 
mally  declared  itself  a  convention  of  the  Republican  party. 

(136) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  137 

The  long  struggle  in  Kansas,  the  elections  in  1855,  and  the  con 
test  for  the  speakership  of  the  House,  added  strength  to  this 
movement,  and  the  name  "Republican"  was  formally  given  to 
the  new  party  by  the  national  convention  held  at  Philadelphia, 
June  17,  1856,  as  the  best  expression  of  its  views  and  prin 
ciples. 

It  appeared  for  the  time  that  the  new  party  would  carry  the 
country  in  a  blaze  of  enthusiasm.  And,  looking  over  the  past, 
I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  this  would  have  been  the 
result  but  for  the  faulty  nomination  of  Colonel  John  C.  Fre 
mont  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  President,  and  the 
sagacious  nomination  of  James  Buchanan  as  the  Democratic 
candidate.  The  Republican  party,  still  composed  of  uncertain 
elements,  sought  only  for  a  candidate  that  was  available.  Se- 
ward  or  Chase  was  the  natural  candidate.  They  were  fully 
identified  with  the  principles  and  purposes  of  their  party. 
They  were  men  of  marked  ability,  strong  in  their  respective 
states,  each  elected  governor  of  his  state  and  sure  of  its  sup 
port,  but  Chase  was  opposed  on  account  of  his  advanced  opin 
ions  on  the  slavery  question,  and  Seward  was  actively  opposed 
by  the  so-called  American  party,  for  his  open  hostility  to  its 
principles  and  policy.  All  these  sought  for  a  new  man,  and 
public  opinion  gradually,  but  strongly,  turned  to  John  C.  Fre 
mont.  He  had  no  experience  in  public  life,  but  he  attracted 
attention  by  his  bold  explorations  in  the  west  and,  especially, 
by  his  marching  to  California,  and  occupation  of  this  Mexican 
territory.  A  strong  effort  was  made  to  secure  the  nomination 
of  Justice  McLean  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  He 
had  been  long  in  public  life,  had  been  a  cabinet  officer  in  two 
administrations,  had  been  appointed  to  the  supreme  bench  by 
Jackson,  had  held  this  position  for  twenty-six  years,  and  was 
a  man  of  spotless  integrity.  His  nomination  was  strongly 
urged  by  conservative  Republicans  in  all  the  northern  states, 
and  by  the  delegates  from  Pennsylvania  especially  by  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  who  asserted  that  the  nomination  of  Fremont 
would  not  only  lose  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  to  the  Republi 
cans,  but  that  the  party  would  be  defeated  at  the  presidential 
election.  But  the  current  of  opinion  in  the  west,  in  New 


138  RECOLLECTIONS 

England  and  New  York,  was  too  strong  in  favor  of  Fremont, 
and  he  was  nominated. 

The  Democratic  national  convention  met  at  Cincinnati, 
June  2,  1856,  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice  President.  Popular  feeling  was  then  strongly  aroused 
against  that  party  by  the  assault  of  Brooks  on  Sumner,  the 
removal  of  Reeder,  the  appointment  of  Shannon,  the  crimes  in 
Kansas,  and  the  recent  sacking  of  Lawrence.  A  large  propor 
tion  of  northern  Democrats,  who  still  adhered  to  their  party, 
were  restless  under  the  violence  of  their  southern  associates. 
It  was  this  feeling,  no  doubt  recognized  by  both  northern  and 
southern  Democrats,  that  prevented  the  nomination  of  either 
Pierce  or  Douglas.  Buchanan  was  regarded  as  a  conservative 
man  of  great  experience,  who,  being  absent  from  the  country 
during  the  entire  period  of  the  Kansas  contest,  would,  it  was 
believed,  and  as  his  supporters  affirmed,  pursue  a  quieting  policy 
that  would  arrest  and  prevent  further  outrages  and  would 
secure  fair  elections  in  that  territory.  He  was  popular  in 
Pennsylvania,  had  served  for  many  years  in  each  House  of 
Congress,  had  creditably  represented  the  United  States  as  min 
ister  to  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  had  been  Secretary  of  State 
and  the  head  of  the  cabinet  of  President  Polk.  He  was  unan 
imously  supported  by  the  delegation  from  Pennsylvania,  then 
a  doubtful  state,  and,  after  many  ballots  and  the  defeat  of 
Pierce,  was  nominated  with  the  acquiescence  of  Douglas.  This 
nomination  greatly  strengthened  the  Democratic  party.  It 
held  in  that  party  the  protection  Democrats,  and  a  large  pro 
portion  of  those  who  in  1854  voted  for  anti-Nebraska  Members 
of  Congress.  The  appointment  of  Colonel  Geary  of  Pennsyl 
vania  as  Governor  of  Kansas,  in  the  place  of  Governor  Shannon, 
and  his  firm  and  impartial  administration,  greatly  aided  the 
Democratic  party.  It  was  regarded  as  evidence  of  a  change  of 
policy  in  Kansas,  made  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Buchanan, 

The  American  party  met  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia  soon 
after  the  election  of  Banks  as  speaker,  and  nominated  Millard 
Fillmore  for  President  and  Donelson  for  Vice  President.  This 
movement  did  not  at  first  excite  much  attention,  as  it  was 
known  that  in  the  north  it  would  draw  equally  from  the  two 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  139 

great  parties,  and  in  the  south  could  only  affect  injuriously  the 
Democratic  party.  Its  platform  of  principles  was  condemned 
by  both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  conventions. 

Mr.  Fillmore  took  strong  ground  against  what  he  called  a 
sectional  ticket  presenting  both  candidates  from  the  free 
states,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  one  part  of  the  Union 
ruling  over  the  whole  United  States. 

The  nomination  of  Fremont,  however,  greatly  strengthened 
the  movement  in  favor  of  Fillmore.  There  was  a  large  ele 
ment  of  the  old  Whig  party  in  the  north,  which,  though 
friendly  to  Republican  principles  and  willing  to  support 
Seward  or  McLean,  yet  would  not  vote  for  Fremont,  who  had 
none  of  the  qualities  that  commanded  their  respect.  Such 
men  as  Ewing,  Everett,  Winthrop  and  Hilliard,  conspicuous 
leaders  and  eminent  statesmen,  announced  their  purpose  to 
vote  for  Fillmore.  Mr.  Choate,  the  eminent  lawyer  and  states 
man  of  Massachusetts,  declared  his  purpose  to  vote  for  Bu 
chanan,  upon  the  plausible  ground  that,  as  the  choice  was 
between  Buchanan  and  Fremont,  he  was  compelled,  by  a  sense 
of  duty,  to  vote  for  Buchanan. 

At  the  same  time  leading  Democrats  in  the  south  declared 
that  if  Fremont  was  elected  the  Union  could  not  and  ought 
not  to  be  preserved.  The  Whigs  of  the  south,  with  scarce  an 
exception,  were  committed  to  the  support  of  Fillmore  and 
Donelson,  and  joined  in  an  outcry  of  danger  to  the  Union. 

As  the  canvass  progressed  this  feeling  increased,  and  before 
its  close  it  became  apparent  that  some  of  the  older  and  more 
populous  Republican  states  would  be  lost  by  the  Republican 
party.  I  shared  in  this  feeling  of  distrust  of  Fremont,  but 
gave  him  my  support. 

I  was  nominated  without  any  opposition  for  re-election 
to  Congress  by  a  convention  held  at  Shelby  on  12th  day  of 
August,  1856,  and  was  elected  in  October  by  a  majority  of 
2,861. 

I  took  an  active  part  in  the  canvass,  after  the  adjournment 
of  Congress,  mainly  in  southern  Ohio,  where  it  was  apparent 
that  the  nomination  of  Buchanan  was  popular.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  especially  in  Philadelphia,  the  cry  was  for  "  Buck,  Breck 


140  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  free  Kansas."  John  G.  Forney,  the  chairman  of  the  Demo 
cratic  state  committee,  promised  that  if  Buchanan  was  elected 
there  would  be  no  interference  with  the  efforts  of  the  people 
of  Kansas  to  make  that  territory  a  free  state.  The  result  of 
the  canvass  was  that  Buchanan  carried  the  states  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  New  Jersey,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  California  at  the 
November  election  and  was  elected. 

In  reviewing  the  past  it  is  apparent  that  the  election  of 
Buchanan  was  necessary  to  convince  the  people  of  the  north 
that  no  successful  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  could 
be  made  except  by  a  party  distinctly  pledged  to  that  policy. 
Mr.  Buchanan  encountered  difficulties  which  no  human  wisdom 
could  overcome.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  desire  he  was 
compelled,  by  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  his  party,  to  adopt 
measures  that  made  a  conflict  between  the  sections  unavoid 
able.  The  election  of  Fremont  would  probably  have  precipi 
tated  this  conflict  before  the  north  was  ripe  for  it.  His  conduct 
during  the  early  period  of  the  war  proves  that  he  would  have 
been  unequal  to  such  an  emergency.  His  defeat  was  the  post 
ponement  of  the  irrepressible  conflict  until  it  became  apparent 
to  all  that  our  country  must  be  all  free  or  all  slave  territory. 
This  was  the  lesson  taught  by  the  administration  of  Buchanan, 
and  Lincoln  was  best  fitted  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

Pierce  was  still  President,  but  after  his  defeat  for  the  nomi 
nation  he  changed  his  policy  materially.  Events  were  allowed 
to  develop  in  Kansas  with  a  growing  tendency  in  favor  of  the 
Free  State  party.  Judge  Lecompte  was  removed  from  an 
office  the  duties  of  which  he  was  totally  unfit  to  perform.  A 
large  number  of  emigrants  from  many  of  the  northern  states 
were  preparing  to  move  in  the  spring  to  Kansas.  Governor 
Geary  of  that  territory,  who  had  taken  a  decided  stand  in  favor 
of  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men,  was  met  by  opposition 
from  the  pro-slavery  faction.  His  life  was  threatened  and 
strong  demands  were  made  for  his  removal.  He  became  satis 
fied  that  he  would  not  be  sustained  by  the  administration,  and 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  resigned  his  position. 

Immediately  upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  in  December, 
1856,  and  before  the  usual  message  had  been  sent  to  the  President. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  141 

notifying  him  that  the  House  of  Representatives  was  pre 
pared  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  session,  a  contest  sprang 
up  over  the  question  of  administering  the  oath  of  office  to  Mr. 
Whitfield  as  a  delegate  from  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  a 
struggle  resulted  which  continued  until  the  9th  of  December, 
when  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  to  him  and  he  took 
his  seat. 

President  Pierce  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  De 
cember  2,  1856,  his  last  message.  He  commenced  it  with  a 
careful  review  of  the  Kansas  question  and  this  led  to  a  debate 
which  continued  during  the  entire  session.  On  the  8th  of 
December  I  undertook  to  answer  as  much  of  the  message  as 
related  to  the  slavery  question.  He  had,  in  the  message,  de 
fended  the  repeal  of  the  restriction  of  slavery  contained  in  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  asserting  that  this  compromise  was  un 
constitutional  and  abortive,  but  I  showed  that  it  had  been 
recognized  as  in  full  force  by  every  administration  since  and  in 
cluding  that  of  Monroe,  that  it  did  not  extend  to  the  territory 
acquired  from  Mexico,  and  that  it  was  consistent  with  the  com 
promise  acts  of  1850.  He  asserted  that  the  purpose  was  not 
only  to  exclude  slavery  from  Kansas,  but  also  from  places 
where  it  then  existed.  I  showed  this  to  be  inaccurate  by  the 
express  denial  of  such  a  purpose  in  every  platform  of  the 
Republican  party.  I  then  declared  that  "  If  I  had  my  voice,  I 
would  not  have  one  single  political  Abolitionist  in  the  north 
ern  states.  I  am  opposed  to  any  interference  by  the  northern 
people  with  slavery  in  the  slave  states;  I  act  with  the  Repub 
lican  party,  with  hundreds  of  thousands  of  others,  simply 
because  the  Republican  party  resists  the  extension,  but  does 
not  seek  the  abolition,  of  slavery." 

My  speech,  as  reported,  expresses,  as  I  believe,  the  limit  and 
extent  of  the  aims  of  the  Republican  party  at  that  time.  The 
only  regret  I  feel  is  that  the  tone  and  temper  of  my  remarks 
were  not  such  as  should  be  addressed  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  by  a  Member  of  Congress. 

What  I  say  of  myself  can  be  truthfully  said  of  many  other 
Members.  The  feeling  against  the  President  was  embittered 
by  the  firm  stand  taken  by  him  in  support  of  a  policy  which 


142  RECOLLECTIONS 

we  regarded  as  unpatriotic,  and  dangerous  in  the  highest  degree 
to  the  public  peace  and  the  national  Union.  In  his  last  mes 
sage  he  defended  or  excused  the  lawless  efforts  made  by  resi 
dents  of  Missouri  to  establish  slavery  in  Kansas.  He  made  no 
effort  to  prevent  the  invasion  of  Kansas  or  the  crimes  com 
mitted  against  its  citizens.  He  appointed  many  governors  for 
this  territory,  and  in  every  instance  where  they  sought  to  pro 
tect  the  rights  of  its  people,  he  either  removed  them  or  denied 
them  his  support.  This  was  the  case  with  Reeder  and  Shannon. 
Even  Governor  Geary,  whom  he  praised  in  his  message,  and 
whom  Buchanan  had  lauded  during  the  canvass,  was  aban 
doned  by  both,  and  compelled  to  resign  because  he  sought  to 
protect  all  citizens  alike. 

President  Pierce  was  properly,  according  to  usage,  a  candi 
date  for  re-election  when  the  convention  met  to  nominate  his 
successor,  but  he  was  defeated  by  Buchanan.  Mr.  Douglas, 
the  chief  instrument  in  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  met  a 
like  fate.  Buchanan  was  saved  only  by  the  popular  cry  of 
"  Buchanan,  Breckenridge  and  Free  Kansas,"  and  the  confident 
belief,  founded  upon  his  declaration,  that  his  election  would 
secure  freedom  to  Kansas. 

The  political  excitement  existing  during  the  whole  of  Presi 
dent  Pierce's  term  entered  into  social  life  in  Washington. 
The  President  was  not  brought  into  contact  with  those  who 
differed  with  him  in  opinion.  His  family  afflictions  were,  no 
doubt,  the  partial  cause  of  this.  The  sincere  friendship  that 
often  exists  between  political  adversaries  in  public  life  were 
not  possible  during  this  period.  Social  lines  were  drawn  on 
sectional  lines,  and  in  the  north  party  lines  became  hostile 
lines.  Such  causes,  no  doubt,  led  to  unjust  criticism  of  the 
President,  and,  in  turn,  caused  him  to  regard  his  political 
adversaries  as  enemies  to  their  country  and  disturbers  of  the 
public  peace.  I  scarcely  remember  seeing  him  during  this 
Congress,  and  was  strongly  prejudiced  against  him.  A  more 
careful  study  of  the  motives  and  conduct  of  public  men  during 
this  period  has  changed  my  opinion  of  many  of  them,  and, 
especially,  of  President  Pierce.  That  he  wTas  a  genial,  social 
and  agreeable  companion  is  affirmed  by  all  who  were  familiar 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  143 

with  him.  That  his  opinions  were  honestly  entertained,  and 
firmly  supported,  is  shown  by  his  adherence  to  them  without 
change  or  shadow  of  turning.  In  this  respect  he  compares 
favorably  with  many  leading  men  of  his  party,  who  stifled 
their  opinions  to  meet  the  currents  of  the  day.  He  had  been 
a  general  of  distinction  in  the  Mexican  War  and  a  Member  of 
both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives.  He  was  a 
leading  lawyer  in  his  state.  His  messages  to  Congress,  consid 
ered  in  a  literary  view,  were  able  state  papers,  clearly  and 
strongly  expressed.  It  was  his  great  misfortune  to  have  to 
deal  with  a  controversy  that  he  did  not  commence,  but  he  did 
not  shrink  from  the  responsibility.  He  believed  in  the  policy 
of  non-intervention  in  the  territories,  and  so  did  not  prevent 
the  "border  ruffians"  of  Missouri  crossing  the  line  and  voting 
at  every  election  in  Kansas,  setting  up  a  bogus  legislature, 
adopting  the  laws  of  Missouri  as  the  laws  of  Kansas,  and  estab 
lishing  negro  slavery  in  that  territory.  Fortunately  a  more 
numerous,  courageous  and  intelligent  population  reversed  all 
this,  and  led,  not  only  to  the  exclusion  of  slavery  in  Kansas, 
but  also  to  its  abolition  in  the  United  States. 

With  the  kindly  biography  of  President  Pierce,  written  by 
his  friend,  Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  before  me,  I  can  appreciate 
his  ability,  integrity  and  agreeable  social  qualities,  and  only 
regret  that  he  was  President  of  the  United  States  at  a  time 
when  the  sagacity  of  a  Jefferson,  the  determined  courage  of  a 
Jackson,  or  the  shrewdness  and  wisdom  of  a  Lincoln,  were 
needed  to  meet  the  difficulties  and  dangers  which  he  had  to 
encounter. 

There  is  but  one  more  personal  incident  of  the  34th  Con 
gress  I  care  to  mention.  Mr.  Banks  designated  me  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs.  Mr.  Alexander  C.  M. 
Pennington,  as  chairman  of  that  committee,  handed  me  the 
voluminous  papers  in  reference  to  the  French  Spoliation 
Claims.  They  covered  an  interesting  period  of  American  his 
tory,  embracing  all  that  between  1793  and  1801,  in  which  were 
involved  important  negotiations  both  in  England  and  France, 
and  outrages  committed  upon  our,  then,  infant  government  by 
the  governments  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  I  had  all  the 


144  RECOLLECTIONS 

feeling  of  natural  indignation  against  those  great  powers  who 
sought  to  draw  the  United  States  into  their  controversies,  and 
practice  upon  us  enormities  and  outrages  that  we  would  not 
submit  to  for  a  moment  in  our  day.  Yet,  after  a  full  and  care 
ful  examination  of  all  the  papers  in  the  case,  I  became  thor 
oughly  satisfied  that  these  claimants,  whatever  might  be  said 
as  to  their  claims  against  the  French  government,  had  abso 
lutely  no  foundation  for  a  claim  against  the  United  States. 

I  wrote  an  adverse  report,  but  it  was  suppressed  in  the 
committee.  Bills  for  the  payment  of  these  claims  were  pre 
sented  from  time  to  time.  In  1870  Senator  Sumner  reported 
favorably  to  the  Senate  a  bill  for  the  purpose  from  the  com 
mittee  on  foreign  relations.  It  was  opposed  by  Senator  Thur- 
man  and  myself  and  again  laid  aside.  On  the  14th  of  Decem 
ber,  1882,  the  bill  was  again  pressed,  the  debate  which  ensued 
clearly  showing  that  the  United  States  pressed  these  claims 
against  France  to  the  verge  of  war. 

The  whole  case  is  this:  certain  depredations  were  com 
mitted  by  the  French  government  and  by  the  citizens  of 
France,  upon  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  previous  to  the 
beginning  of  the  present  century.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  did  all  it  could  to  secure  payment  and  compen 
sation  to  its  citizens  for  these  depredations.  The  French  gov 
ernment  denied  the  validity  of  the  claims,  holding,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  had  vio 
lated  the  treaties  made  with  it  under  circumstances  of  sacred 
obligation,  that  its  citizens  therefore  were  justified  in  doing 
what  they  had  done  in  seizing  upon  American  vessels,  and  tak 
ing  from  them  goods  called  contraband  of  war,  and  in  commit 
ting  these  depredations.  It  uniformly  justified  and  main 
tained  the  action  of  its  cruisers  in  doing  these  things.  In 
other  words,  our  claims  were  repudiated  by  France,  their  pay 
ment  being  refused,  and,  as  we  could  not  force  their  payment, 
we  simply  abandoned  them.  Recently  they  have  been  re 
ferred  to  the  court  of  claims,  without  regard  to  lapse  of  time, 
and  large  sums  of  money  are  now  being  paid  by  the  United 
States  for  the  depredations  committed  by  the  French  nearly 
one  hundred  years  ago,  to  descendants,  three  generations 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  145 

removed,  of  merchants  and  ship  owners,  who,  with  all  their 
losses,  enjoyed  the  most  profitable  commerce  in  the  history  of 
our  mercantile  marine.  Their  payment  is,  perhaps,  the  most 
striking  evidence  of  the  improvidence  of  Congress  in  dealing 
with  antiquated  claims  against  the  government. 

The  first  year  of  Buchanan's  administration,  1857,  will 
always  be  noted  as  one  of  great  political  excitement,  of  sudden 
changes  and  unexpected  results.  At  its  beginning  the  Demo 
cratic  party  was  in  complete  possession  of  all  branches  of  the 
government.  The  House  of  Representatives,  elected  in  the  fall 
of  1856,  had  a  strong  Democratic  majority.  The  Senate  was 
composed  of  37  Democrats,  20  Republicans  and  4  Americans. 
The  Supreme  Court  was  composed  of  5  Democrats  from  the 
slave  states,  and  2  Democrats  and  2  Whigs  from  the  free  states. 
The  cabinet  of  Buchanan  had  four  members  from  the  southern 
states  and  three  from  the  northern.  The  south  had  full  con 
trol  of  all  departments  of  the  government,  with  the  President 
in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  that  section.  The  con 
dition  of  Kansas  alone  caused  it  trouble.  The  firm  and  impar 
tial  course  of  Governor  Geary  had  imparted  confidence  and 
strength  to  the  Free  State  citizens  of  that  territory,  who  were 
now  in  an  unquestioned  majority  through  the  large  emigration 
from  the  north  during  the  spring  of  1857.  The  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty  could  not,  therefore,  be  relied  upon  to 
establish  slavery  in  Kansas,  and  it  was  abandoned.  New  theo 
ries  had  to  be  improvised  and  new  agencies  called  into  action. 

I  was  present  when  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  to 
Mr.  Buchanan,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1857.  With  my  strong 
sympathy  for  the  Free  State  people  of  Kansas,  I  hoped  and 
believed  that  he  would  give  some  assurance  that  the  pledges 
made  for  him  in  the  canvass  would  be  carried  out,  but  the 
statement  in  his  inaugural  address,  that  the  difference  of  opin 
ion  in  respect  to  the  power  of  the  people  of  a  territory  to 
decide  the  question  of  slavery  for  themselves  would  be  speedily 
and  finally  settled,  as  a  judicial  question,  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  in  a  case  then  pending  before  it,  naturally, 
excited  suspicion  and  distrust.  It  was  regarded  as  a  change  of 
position,  a  new  device  in  the  interest  of  slavery.  In  two  days 


146  RECOLLECTIONS 

after  the  inauguration,  Chief  Justice  Taney  delivered  the  opin 
ion  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  as  to  the 
status  of  negroes  in  the  United  States.  He  said: 

"  They  had,  for  more  than  a  century  before,  been  regarded  as  beings  of 
an  inferior  order,  and  altogether  unfit  to  associate  with  the  white  race,  either 
in  social  or  political  relations  ;  and  so  far  inferior  that  they  had  no  rights 
which  the  white  man  was  bound  to  respect,  and  that  the  negro  might  justly 
and  lawfully  be  reduced  to  slavery  for  his  benefit." 

He  said  negroes  "were  not  intended  to  be  included 
in  the  word  ' citizens7  in  the  constitution,  and  therefore  can 
claim  none  of  the  rights  and  privileges  which  that  instrument 
provides  for  and  secures  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States ; " 
and  announced  as  the  opinion  of  the  court  that  the  Missouri 
Compromise  act  was  not  warranted  by  the  constitution  and 
was  therefore  void. 

These  declarations  were  in  no  sense  necessary  to  the  deci 
sion  of  the  case  before  the  court,  as  it  was  held  that  Dred  Scott 
was  a  resident  of  Missouri  and  subject  as  a  slave  to  the  laws  of 
that  state. 

Justices  McLean  and  Curtis  dissented  from  the  decision  of 
the  court,  and  in  elaborate  opinions  refuted,  as  I  think,  every 
position  of  the  Chief  Justice. 

Thus  the  Kansas  question  became  a  political  question  in  the 
Supreme  Court.  At  once  the  south  rejected  the  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty,  and  demanded,  as  a  constitutional  right, 
that  slaves  moved  into  a  territory  must  be  protected  like  other 
property,  whether  the  people  of  the  territory  wish  it  or  not. 
This  was  the  first  time  in  our  history  when  this  great  tribunal 
entered  into  the  political  arena.  Its  action  encouraged  the 
south,  but  produced  a  strong  feeling  of  resentment  in  the 
north,  and  widened  the  breach  between  the  two  great  sections 
of  the  country. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  early  in  his  administration,  found  it  neces 
sary  to  appoint  a  Governor  of  Kansas.  He  selected  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi,  who  had  held  high  positions  in  the 
national  government,  having  been  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  Senator  of  the  United  States.  He  appointed  Fred,  P, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  147 

Stanton,  of  Tennessee,  as  secretary  of  the  territory.  Mr. 
Stanton  had  long  been  a  Member  of  high  standing  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Both  were  southern  men  and  both  wished 
to  see  Kansas  a  slave  state,  but  both  were  honorable  men  who 
would  not  seek  to  gain  their  ends  by  dishonest  means.  After 
a  careful  estimate,  made  by  them,  it  was  believed  that  there 
were,  in  the  territory,  9,000  Free  State  Democrats,  8,000  Repub 
licans,  6,000  pro-slavery  Democrats,  and  500  pro-slavery  Amer 
icans.  A  strong  effort  was  made  by  Governor  Walker  to  in 
duce  these  elements  to  join  in  a  movement  for  a  convention  to 
frame  a  constitution,  with  a  view  to  admit  Kansas  as  a  state 
in  the  Union.  The  Free  State  men,  while  anxious  for  such  a 
result,  were  not  willing  to  trust  their  adversaries  with  the  con 
duct  of  such  an  election,  without  some  safeguards  against  the 
repetition  of  the  frauds  and  violence  of  previous  elections. 
The  result  was  that  only  2,200  persons  took  part  in  choosing 
delegates  to  what  became  the  notorious  Lecompton  convention. 
Both  before  and  after  this  so-called  election  Governor  Wal 
ker  promised  that  the  constitution,  when  adopted,  should  be 
submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  and  he  added  his  assurance 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States  would  insist  upon  this 
condition.  On  the  12th  of  July  Mr.  Buchanan  wrote  to  Gover 
nor  Walker: 

"On  the  question  of  submitting  the  constitution  to  the  bonajide  resident 
settlers  of  Kansas,  I  am  willing  to  stand  or  fall.  In  sustaining  such  a  prin 
ciple  we  cannot  fail.  It  is  the  principle  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  the 
principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  and  the  principle  at  the  foundation  of  all 
popular  government.  The  more  it  is  discussed,  the  stronger  it  will  become. 
Should  the  convention  of  Kansas  adopt  this  principle,  all  will  be  settled 
harmoniously." 

This  promise  was  soon  after  violated,  and  the  President 
declared  in  an  open  letter: 

"  At  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act  slavery  existed, 
and  still  exists,  in  Kansas,  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 
This  point  has  at  last  been  finally  decided  by  the  highest  tribunal  known  to 
our  laws.  How  it  could  ever  have  been  seriously  doubted  is  a  mystery." 

It  was  known  that  the  delegates  elected  would  adopt  a  pro- 
slavery  constitution  and  ask  for  admission  to  the  Union.  It 


248  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  equally  well  known  that  no  such  constitution  would  be 
adopted  by  the  people  of  Kansas.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  President,  pressed  by  his  cabinet,  yielded  to  the  demands 
of  the  south,  violated  his  pledges,  and  supported  the  conven 
tion  in  the  extreme  measures  adopted  by  it. 

In  the  meantime  the  Free  State  party  in  Kansas,  composed 
of  nearly  equal  proportions  of  Eepublicans  and  Democrats, 
was  persuaded  by  Governor  Walker  to  take  part  in  the  regular 
election  for  the  territorial  legislature.  The  result  was,  the 
Free  State  party  elected  nine  of  the  thirteen  councilmen,  and 
twenty-four  of  the  thirty-nine  representatives.  This  should 
have  settled  the  Kansas  controversy,  and  it  would  have  done 
so  on  the  principle  of  popular  sovereignty,  but  a  broader 
constituency  in  the  south  demanded  that  the  doctrine  of  the 
Dred  Scott  case  should  be  applied  to  and  enforced,  not  only  in 
Kansas,  but  in  all  the  states.  Henceforth  the  Lecompton  con 
stitution  must  be  considered,  not  as  a  local  question,  but  as  a 
national  one.  The  imperative  issue,  as  pithily  stated  by  Lin 
coln,  was,  all  slave  or  all  free  states.  The  battle  was  to  com 
mence  in  Kansas,  but  was  to  become  national  in  its  scope. 

The  constitutional  convention  met  on  the  19th  of  October, 
1857,  within  two  weeks  after  the  election  of  the  legislature, 
but  in  its  action  little  interest  was  taken,  a  quorum  being  pre 
served  with  difficulty.  It  adopted  a  pro-slavery  constitution, 
which,  it  was  well  known,  if  submitted  to  the  people,  would  be 
rejected  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  if  not  submitted 
would  be  resisted,  if  necessary,  by  open  force.  The  President, 
Governor  Walker,  and  all  parties,  had  promised  that  the  con 
stitution,  when  framed,  would  be  submitted  to  a  popular  vote. 
How  not  to  do  it,  and  yet  appear  to  do  it,  was  a  problem 
worthy  of  a  gang  of  swindlers,  and  yet  the  feeling  was  so 
strong  in  administration  circles,  that  the  plan  devised  as  below 
given  was  cordially  approved  by  the  cabinet  and  acquiesced  in 
by  the  President. 

The  constitution  adopted  by  the  convention  provided:  "The 
right  of  property  is  before  and  higher  than  any  constitutional 
sanction,  and  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a  slave  to  such  slave 
and  its  increase  is  the  same  and  as  inviolable  as  the  right  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  149 

the  owner  of  any  property  whatever."  Another  provision  of 
the  constitution  was  that  it  could  not  be  amended  until  after 
the  year  1864,  and  even  then  no  alteration  should  "be  made  to 
affect  the  rights  of  property  in  the  ownership  of  slaves." 

The  election  was  to  be  held  on  December  21,  1857.  The 
people  might  vote  for  the  "constitution  with  slavery"  or  the 
"constitution  with  no  slavery."  In  either  event,  by  the  ex 
press  terms  of  the  constitution,  slavery  was  established  for  a 
time  in  Kansas  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  to 
be  embodied  in  our  laws.  No  opportunity  was  offered  to  the 
people  to  vote  against  the  constitution. 

It  is  difficult  to  characterize  in  proper  terms  the  infamy  of 
these  proceedings.  The  Free  State  party  would  take  no  part 
in  the  proposed  election  on  December  21,  and  it  resulted,  for 
the  constitution  with  slavery,  6,226  votes,  of  which  2,720  were 
proven  to  be  fraudulent ;  for  the  constitution  without  slavery, 
589.  Governor  Walker  promptly  denounced  the  outrage.  He 
said :  "  I  consider  such  a  submission  of  the  question  a  vile 
fraud,  a  base  counterfeit,  and  a  wretched  device  to  prevent  the 
people  voting  even  on  the  slavery  question."  "  I  will  not  sup 
port  it,"  he  continued,  "but  I  will  denounce  it,  no  matter 
whether  the  administration  sustains  it  or  not." 

Mr.  Buchanan  supported  the  scheme  after  the  constitution 
had  been  adopted  by  the  convention.  The  elections  in  the  fall 
preceding  were  favorable  to  the  Democrats,  and  Mr.  Buchanan 
was  naturally  encouraged  to  hope  that  his  party  had  regained 
popular  ascendancy,  but  the  Lecompton  juggle  created  a  pro 
found  impression  in  the  north,  and  divided  the  Democratic 
party  to  a  greater  extent  than  did  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill, 
especially  in  the  northwest  and  in  Ohio,  where  the  feeling  of 
resentment  was  almost  universal.  Mr.  Douglas,  the  great 
leader  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  took  imme 
diate  ground  against  the  pro-slavery  plan,  and  protested  to 
the  President  against  it.  An  open  breach  occurred  between 
them. 

When  Congress  assembled,  the  Lecompton  scheme  became 
the  supreme  subject  for  debate.  Mr.  Douglas  assumed  at  once 
the  leadership  of  the  opposition  to  that  measure.  He  said:  "Up 


150  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  the  time  of  meeting  of  the  convention,  in  October  last,  the 
pretense  was  kept  up,  the  profession  was  openly  made,  and  be 
lieved  by  me,  and  I  thought  believed  by  them,  that  the  conven 
tion  intended  to  submit  a  constitution  to  the  people,  and  not  to 
attempt  to  put  a  government  into  operation  without  such  a  sub 
mission."  But  instead  of  that,  "All  men  must  vote  for  the 
constitution,  whether  they  like  it  or  not,  in  order  to  be  permit 
ted  to  vote  for  or  against  slavery."  Again  he  said:  "I  have  asked 
a  very  large  number  of  the  gentlemen  who  framed  the  constitu 
tion,  quite  a  number  of  delegates,  and  still  a  larger  number 
of  persons  who  are  their  friends,  and  I  have  received  the 
same  answer  from  every  one  of  them.  .  .  .  They  say  if  they 
allowed  a  negative  vote  the  constitution  would  have  been 
voted  down  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  hence  the  fel 
lows  shall  not  be  allowed  to  vote  at  all."  He  denounced  it  as 
"a  trick,  a  fraud  upon  the  rights  of  the  people." 

Governor  Walker  declared:  "I  state  it  as  a  fact,  based  on  a 
long  and  intimate  association  with  the  people  of  Kansas,  that 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  that  people  are  opposed"  to  the 
Lecompton  constitution,  "  and  my  letters  state  that  but  one  out 
of  twenty  of  the  press  of  Kansas  sustains  it.  . "  .  .  Any  at 
tempt  by  Congress  to  force  this  constitution  upon  the  people  of 
Kansas  will  be  an  effort  to  substitute  the  will  of  a  small  minor 
ity  for  that  of  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  people." 

On  the  28th  of  January,  1858,  during  the  debate  on  the 
Lecompton  constitution,  I  made  an  elaborate  speech,  entering 
fully  into  the  history  of  that  constitution  and  the  events  that 
preceded  it,  and  closed  as  follows  : 

"  In  conclusion,  allow  me  to  impress  the  south  with  two  important 
warnings  she  has  received  in  her  struggle  for  Kansas.  One  is,  that  though 
her  able  and  disciplined  leaders  on  this  floor,  aided  by  executive  patronage, 
may  give  her  the  power  to  overthrow  legislative  compacts,  yet,  while  the 
sturdy  integrity  of  the  northern  masses  stands  in  her  way,  she  can  gain  no 
practical  advantage  by  her  well-laid  schemes.  The  other  is,  that  while  she 
may  indulge  with  impunity  the  spirit  of  fillibusterism,  or  lawless  and  violent 
adventure,  upon  a  feeble  and  distracted  people  in  Mexico  and  Central 
America,  she  must  not  come  in  contact  with  that  cool,  determined  courage 
and  resolution  which  forms  the  striking  characteristic  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race.  In  such  a  contest,  her  hasty  and  impetuous  violence  may  succeed  for 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  151 

a  time,  but  the  victory  will  be  short-lived  and  transient,  and  leave  nothing 
but  bitterness  behind.  Let  us  not  war  with  each  other  ;  but,  with  the  grasp 
of  fellowship  and  friendship,  regarding  to  the  full  each  other's  rights,  and 
kind  to  each  other's  faults,  let  us  go  hand  in  hand  in  securing  to  every  por 
tion  of  our  people  their  constitutional  rights." 

I  may  as  well  here  briefly  follow  the  progress  and  end  of 
the  Kansas  controversy.  Mr.  Stanton,  the  acting  governor  in 
the  absence  of  Governor  Walker,  convened  an  extra  session  of 
the  territorial  legislature,  in  which  the  Free  State  men  had  a 
majority.  The  legislature  provided  for  an  election  to  be  held 
January  4,  1858,  at  which  a  fair  vote  might  be  taken  on  the 
constitution.  At  this  election  the  vote  stood :  For  the  con 
stitution  with  slavery,  138 ;  for  the  constitution  without  slav 
ery,  24 ;  against  the  constitution,  10,226. 

Notwithstanding  this  decisive  evidence  of  the  opposition  to 
the  Lecompton  constitution  by  the  people  of  Kansas,  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  Congress,  and,  recommending  the 
admission  of  Kansas  under  that  organic  act,  said : 

"  It  has  been  solemnly  adjudged,  by  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  known 
to  our  laws,  that  slavery  exists  in  Kansas  by  virtue  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States.  Kansas  is  therefore  at  this  moment  as  much  a  slave  state  as 
Georgia  or  South  Carolina." 

During  the  controversy  Gen.  Denver,  a  conservative  Demo 
crat,  a  native  of  Virginia,  long  a  resident  of  Ohio  and  a  repre 
sentative  from  California  in  the  34th  Congress,  was  appointed 
Governor  of  Kansas.  His  predecessors,  four  of  his  own  party, 
Reeder,  Shannon,  Walker  and  Stanton,  had  been  either  re 
moved  or  compelled  to  resign,  every  one  refusing  to  execute 
the  extreme  pro-slavery  policy  of  the  President.  His  efforts  to 
secure  justice  to  the  citizens  of  Kansas  would  in  all  probabil 
ity  have  led  to  his  removal,  but  the  march  of  events  withdrew 
the  question  involved  from  the  people  of  Kansas  to  the  halls 
of  Congress.  The  policy  of  the  administration  was  driving  a 
wedge  into  the  Democratic  party.  The  bill  for  the  admission 
of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  constitution  passed  the  Senate 
by  a  vote  of  33  yeas  to  25  nays,  four  northern  Democrats  and 
two  southern  Americans  voting  with  the  Republicans  against  it. 

S.-12 


152  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  composed  of  128  Demo 
crats,  92  Republicans  and  14  Americans,  the  bill  was  defeated 
by  the  adoption  of  an  amendment  which  provided  that  the 
Lecompton  constitution  should  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the 
people  of  Kansas,  but  this  amendment  was  disagreed  to  by  the 
Senate,  and  the  disagreement  was  referred  to  a  committee  of 
conference.  The  result  was  the  adoption  of  a  substitute, 
known  as  the  English  bill.  This  bill,  though  faulty,  and  parti 
san,  provided  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecomp 
ton  constitution,  but  provided  also  for  a  submission  of  the 
English  bill  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  On  the  2nd  of 
August  a  vote  was  taken  in  Kansas,  and  11,300,  out  of  a  total 
vote  of  13,088,  were  cast  against  the  English  proposition.  Thus 
the  Lecompton  constitution  and  the  English  bill  were  defeated, 
the  exclusion  of  slavery  made  absolute,  and  the  State  of  Kan 
sas  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  free  state,  under  a  constitu 
tion  approved  by  the  people,  but  not  until  January  29,  1861. 

This  memorable  result  was  the  turning  point  of  the  slavery 
controversy.  The  people  of  the  south  hastened  preparations 
for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  and  a  civil  war.  The  Confed 
erate  congress,  meeting  four  days  later,  on  February  9,  elected 
Jefferson  Davis  as  its  president,  he  having  resigned  as  United 
States  Senator,  January  21,  1861,  eight  days  before  Kansas 
was  admitted  to  the  Union. 

I  have  given  much  space  to  this  Kansas  controversy,  for 
I  wish  to  impress  upon  the  readers  of  this  volume  that  the  war 
was  not  caused  by  agitation  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  by 
aggressive  measures  for  the  extension  of  slavery  over  free 
territory.  A  large  and  influential  class  of  southern  men  were 
born  politicians,  and  were  mainly  slaveholders.  They  had, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  government,  a  large  influence,  and 
held  more  public  offices  of  chief  importance  than  their  north 
ern  associates.  They  were  constantly  complaining  of  opinions 
expressed  by  a  comparatively  few  Abolitionists  against  slavery, 
while  the  great  body  of  the  north  were  either  indifferent  to  or 
sympathized  with  them  in  their  opposition  to  the  Abolitionists. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  FINANCIAL  PANIC  OF  1857. 

Its  Effect  on  the  State  Banks  —  My  Maiden  Speech  in  Congress  on  National  Finances — 
Appointed  a  Member  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  —  Investigation  of  the 
Navy  Department  and  Its  Results  — Trip  to  Europe  with  Mrs.  Sherman  — 
We  Visit  Bracklinn's  Bridge,  Made  Famous  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  — 
Ireland  and  the  Irish  —  I  Pay  a  Visit  to  Parliament  and 
Obtain  Ready  Admission  — Notable  Places  in  Paris 
Viewed  with  Senator  Sumner  —  The  Battle 
field  of  Magenta  —  Return  Home. 

IN  the  summer  of  1857  there  occurred  one  of  those  period 
ical  revulsions  which  seem  to  come  after  a  term  of  appar 
ent  prosperity.  On  the  24th  of  August  the  Ohio  Life 
Insurance  &  Trust  Company  failed.  That  single  event,  in 
itself  unimportant,  indicated  an  unhealthy  condition  of  trade, 
caused  by  reckless  speculation,  high  prices,  the  construction  of 
railroads  in  advance  of  their  need,  a  great  increase  of  imports, 
and  the  excessive  development  of  cities  and  towns.  All  credits 
were  expanded.  The  immediate  results  of  the  panic  were  the 
suspension  of  credits,  the  diminution  of  imports,  the  failure  of 
banks,  and  the  general  or  partial  suspension  or  lessening  of  all 
industries.  The  revenues  of  the  government  were  greatly 
diminished. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  1857,  the  balance  in  the  treasury  was 
$17,710,000.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1858,  the  balance  was  reduced 
to  $6,398,000,  and  during  the  year  preceding,  the  United  States 
borrowed  $10,000,000.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1859,  the  surplus 
was  reduced  to  $4,320,000,  and  during  the  year  preceding  the 
United  States  borrowed  $20,774,000.  This  sudden  change  in 
the  financial  condition  of  the  treasury  was  an  indication  of  a 
like  or  greater  change  in  the  condition  of  every  person  engaged 
in  productive  industries. 

The  panic  especially  affected  the  state  banks.  These  banks 
were  authorized  by  the  laws  of  the  several  states  to  issue  notes 

(153) 


154  RECOLLECTIONS 

as  money  payable  on  demand,  with  no  common  system  or 
methods  of  redemption,  and  varying  in  value  according  to  the 
solvency  of  the  banks  issuing  them.  The  banks  in  a  few  of 
the  states  maintained  their  notes  at  par,  or  at  a  small  discount, 
but  the  great  body  of  the  notes  could  circulate  only  in  the 
states  where  issued,  and  then  only  because  their  people  could 
get  no  other  money  in  exchange  for  their  products.  The 
necessities  created  by  the  Civil  War  compelled  the  United 
States  to  borrow  large  Bums,  and  to  aid  in  this  a  national  cur 
rency  was  provided,  concerning  which  a  statement  of  the 
measures  adopted  will  be  made  hereafter.  It  is  sufficient  here 
to  state  that  the  national  currency  adopted  proved  one  of  the 
most  beneficial  results  of  the  war. 

The  financial  stringency  of  1857  led  to  a  careful  scrutiny  of 
appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  government. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1858,  I  expressed  my  views  in  respect 
to  the  expenditures  of  the  United  States.  This  speech  was  the 
first  effort  I  made  in  Congress  to  deal  with  the  finances  of  the 
national  government.  In  the  previous  Congresses  I  had  de 
voted  my  time  to  the  struggle  in  Kansas.  At  the  meeting  of 
the  35th  Congress,  I  naturally  turned  to  the  condition  of  our 
finances,  then  the  paramount  subject  of  interest  in  the  coun 
try,  and,  especially  in  Ohio,  devoting  most  of  my  time  to  a 
careful  study  thereof.  The  speech  referred  to  on  national 
finances  was  the  result  of  much  labor,  and  I  believe  it  will 
bear  favorable  scrutiny  even  at  this  late  day.  It  certainly 
attracted  the  attention  of  my  colleagues,  and  no  doubt  led  to 
my  transfer,  at  the  next  Congress,  to  the  committee  of  ways 
and  means. 

In  this  speech  I  stated  fully  the  increase  of  expenditures 
and  the  diminution  of  the  revenues,  and  the  then  condition  of 
the  treasury.  I  quote  as  follows: 

"  And  yet,  sir,  for  this  alarming  condition  of  the  public  finances,  the  ad 
ministration  has  no  measures  of  relief  except  loan  bills  and  paper  money  in 
the  form  of  treasury  notes.  No  provision  is  made  for  their  payment ;  no 
measure  of  retrenchment  and  reform  ;  but  these  accumulated  difficulties  are 
thrust  upon  the  future,  with  the  improvidence  of  a  young  spendthrift. 
While  the  secretary  is  waiting  to  foresee  contingencies,  we  are  prevented 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  155 

by  a  party  majority  from  instituting  reform.  If  we  indicate  even  the  com 
mencement  of  retrenchment,  or  point  out  abuses,  on  this  side  of  the  House, 
we  are  at  once  assailed  by  members  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means." 

I  cited  the  abuses  and  usurpations  of  the  executive  depart 
ments  in  diverting  specific  appropriations  to  purposes  not  au 
thorized  bylaw.  I  said:  "The  theory  of  our  government  is, 
that  a  specific  sum  shall  be  appropriated  by  a  law  originating 
in  this  House,  for  a  specific  purpose,  and  within  a  given  fiscal 
year.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  executive  to  use  that  sum,  and  no 
more,  especially  for  that  purpose,  and  no  other,  and  within  the 
time  fixed." 

I  pointed  out  cases  where  the  departments  assumed  the 
power  to  transfer  appropriations  made  for  one  purpose,  to  other 
purposes  in  the  same  department.  Another  abuse  by  the  exec 
utive  departments  was  the  habit  of  making  contracts  in  ad 
vance  of  appropriations,  thus,  without  law,  compelling  Con 
gress  to  sanction  them  or  violate  the  public  faith.  All  these 
evils  have  since  been  remedied  by  restrictive  legislation.  The 
habit  of  the  Senate  to  load  down  appropriation  bills  with  amend 
ments  already  refused  by  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  and 
then  insist  that,  if  not  agreed  to,  the  bill  would  fail,  was  more 
frequent  then  than  now,  but  under  the  practice  now  estab 
lished  an  amendment  finally  disagreed  to  by  either  House  is 
abandoned. 

An  illustration  of  the  former  practice  in  the  Senate  oc 
curred  in  the  36th  Congress,  when  I  was  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  ways  and  means.  An  appropriation  bill  was  loaded 
down  with  amendments,  among  them  an  appropriation  of 
$500,000  each  for  the  construction  of  public  buildings  in 
Charleston  and  New  Orleans.  The  amendments  were  dis 
agreed  to  and  referred  to  a  committee  of  conference,  of  which 
Senator  Toombs  was  a  member.  His  first  expression  in  the 
committee  was  that  the  House  must  agree  to  the  items  for 
Charleston  and  New  Orleans  or  the  bill  would  fail.  I  promptly 
answered  that  I  would  report  what  he  said  to  the  House, 
and  the  bill  would  fail.  He  said  nothing  further,  the  confer 
ence  agreed,  and  the  bill  passed  without  any  mention  of 
Charleston  or  New  Orleans,  Even  now  the  abuse  I  refer  to 


156  RECOLLECTIONS 

sometimes  occurs,  but  the  general  rule  and  practice  is  to  ex 
clude  any  item  of  an  appropriation  bill  not  freely  agreed  to 
by  both  Houses. 

It  was  generally  agreed  that  the  views  expressed  by  me  on 
the  27th  of  May  were  sound  in  principle,  but  the  strong  parti 
san  feeling  that  ran  through  the  speech  weakened  its  effect.  I 
insert  the  last  two  paragraphs: 

"  But,  sir,  I  have  no  hope,  while  this  House  is  constituted  as  it  is  now, 
of  instituting  any  radical  reform.  I  believe  that  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  should  be  in  opposition  to  the  President.  We  know  the  intimate 
relations  made  by  party  ties  and  party  feelings.  We  know  that  with  a 
party  House,  a  House  a  majority  of  whose  Members  are  friends  of  the  Presi 
dent,  it  is  impossible  to  bring  about  a  reform.  It  is  only  by  a  firm,  able, 
and  determined  opposition  —  not  yielding  to  every  friendly  request,  not 
yielding  to  every  urgent  demand,  not  yielding  to  every  appeal  —  that  we 
can  expect  to  reform  the  abuse  in  the  administration  of  the  government. 

"At  the  beginning  of  this  session,  I  did  hope  that  a  majority  of  this 
House  would  compose  such  an  opposition  ;  and  while  on  the  one  hand  it 
crushed  the  unholy  attempt  to  impose  an  odious  constitution  —  by  force,  or 
with  threats  or  bribes  —  upon  a  free  people,  it  would  be  prepared  to  check 
the  reckless  extravagance  of  the  administration  in  the  disbursement  of  the 
public  funds.  But  the  power  of  party  ties  and  the  executive  influence  were 
too  potent.  We  can  only  look  now  to  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 
people,  whose  potent  will  can  overthrow  Presidents,  Senators,  and  majorities. 
I  have  an  abiding  hope  that  the  next  House  of  Representatives  will  do  what 
this  should  have  done,  and  become,  like  its  great  prototype,  the  guardian  of 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people." 

At  the  beginning  of  the  35th  Congress  I  was  appointed  by 
Speaker  Orr  a  member  of  the  committee  on  naval  affairs,  with 
Mr.  Bocock  as  chairman.  Among  the  subjects  referred  to  that 
committee  was  the  capture,  by  Commodore  Paulding  of  the 
United  States  navy,  of  William  Walker,  engaged  in  an  armed 
foray  against  Nicaragua.  It  was  fully  considered,  and  on  the 
3rd  of  February,  1858,  the  majority  of  the  committee,  through 
Mr.  Bocock,  made  a  full  report,  accompanied  by  the  following 
resolutions: 

"Resolved,  That  the  act  of  Hiram  Paulding,  a  captain  of  the  United 
States  navy,  in  arresting  General  William  Walker,  was  not  authorized  by 
the  instructions  which  had  been  given  him  from  the  navy  department. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  157 

"Resolved,  That  while  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  said 
Paulding  acted  from  any  improper  motives  or  intention,  yet  we  regard  the 
act  in  question  as  a  grave  error,  and  deserving,  for  the  reason  already  given, 
the  disapproval  of  the  American  Congress." 

By  direction  of  the  minority  of  the  committee  I  submitted 
a  minority  report  as  a  substitute,  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  Commodore  Hiram  Paulding,  in  arresting  William 
Walker  and  his  associates,  and  returning  them  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States,  acted  within  the  spirit  of  his  orders,  and  deserves  the  appro 
bation  of  his  country." 

It  appeared,  from  the  documents  submitted,  that  in  Septem 
ber,  1857,  Walker  was  fitting  out,  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  a  military  expedition  against  the  Kepublic  of 
Nicaragua,  that  on  the  18th  of  September,  Lewis  Cass,  Secre 
tary  of  State,  issued  a  circular  letter,  warning  all  persons 
against  setting  on  foot  such  expeditions,  and  urging  all  officers 
of  the  United  States  to  enforce  the  provisions  of  law  cited  by 
him,  to  prevent  such  expeditions  "so  manifestly  prejudicial 
to  the  national  character  and  so  injurious  to  the  national 
interests." 

A  copy  of  this  circular  was  transmitted  to  Commodore 
Paulding,  for  his  guidance,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and 
he  was  required  to  regard  the  instructions  contained  in  it  as  ad 
dressed  to  himself.  Commodore  Chatard  wras  suspended  for  fail 
ing  to  arrest  Walker  within  the  port  of  San  Juan.  Commodore 
Paulding  arrived  at  San  Juan  on  the  6th  day  of  December. 
Walker  and  his  men  were  in  sight  on  shore,  at  Punta  Arenas, 
opposite  San  Juan.  This  point,  though  within  the  limits  of 
Nicaragua,  has  been  successively  claimed  and  occupied  by 
Costa  Rica,  Nicaragua  and  the  so-called  Mosquito  Kingdom, 
under  British  protection.  It  was  an  almost  deserted  point,  to 
which  a  British  subject  had  set  up  a  doubtful  title,  founded 
upon  a  purchase  from  a  pilot  of  the  port  of  San  Juan.  Its 
occupants  were  engaged  as  a  military  force,  and  were  then 
waging  war  against  the  existing  government  of  Nicaragua — a 
government  with  which  ours  was  at  peace,  and  one  so  weak 
that  it  was  inhuman  to  fight  it.  Although  freshly  landed  from 
our  shores,  in  violation  of  our  laws,  and  controlling  no  spot 


158  RECOLLECTIONS 

except  that  they  occupied — receiving,  so  far  as  we  knew,  no 
accessions  or  aid  from  the  natives  of  the  country,  they  issued 
orders  and  manifestoes  headed: 

"HEADQUARTERS    ARMY    OF    NICARAGUA, 

PUNTA  ARENAS,  December  2,  1857." 

Their  leader  signed  these  orders: 

"  WILLIAM  WALKER, 
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF,  ARMY  OF  NICARAGUA." 

There  was  no  doubt  that  the  expedition  was  the  very  one 
denounced  by  the  Secretary  of  State  in  the  circular,  and  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  his  orders,  for  Walker  and  his 
men  sought  no  disguise. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Commodore  Paulding  arrested 
Walker  and  his  men,  and  returned  them  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States.  This  brief  and  imperfect  sketch  of  the 
voluminous  majority  and  minority  reports  of  the  committee 
will  convey  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  excitement  created  by  this 
arrest.  An  attempt  was  made  to  censure  Commodore  Pauld 
ing,  but  it  utterly  failed.  The  purpose  of  Walker  was  to  seize 
Nicaragua,  adopt  slavery  and  convert  the  Central  American 
states  into  slaveholding  communities,  and  thus  strengthen 
slavery  in  the  United  States.  It  was  the  counterpart  of  the 
movements  in  Kansas,  and  was  supported  by  powerful  influ 
ence  in  the  southern  states. 

Another  investigation  of  great  importance  was  ordered  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  upon  the  following  resolutions 
introduced  by  me  on  the  18th  of  January,  1859 : 

"  WHEREAS,  D.  B.  Allen,  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  New  York,  specifically 
charges  that  certain  officers  in  the  navy  department,  in  awarding  contracts 
for  the  construction  of  vessels  of  war  of  the  United  States,  have  been  guilty 
of  partiality,  and  of  violation  of  law  and  their  public  duty:  and  whereas, 
grave  charges  have  been  made  that  money  appropriated  for  navy  yards  and 
for  the  repair  of  vessels  of  the  United  States,  has  been  expended  for  partisan 
purposes,  and  not  for  the  purposes  prescribed  by  law:  Therefore. 

"  Jtesolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  members  be  appointed  to  examine, 
1.  Into  the  specifications  and  bids  for,  and  the  terms  of,  the  contracts  for  the 
work  and  labor  done,  or  materials  furnished  for  the  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  constructed,  or  in  procesg  of  construction,  or  repair,  by  the  United 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  159 

States,  since  the  4th  day  of  March,  1857,  and  the  mode  and  manner  of  award 
ing  said  contracts,  and  the  inducements  and  recommendations  influencing 
said  awards.  2.  Into  the  mode  and  manner,  and  the  purpose,  in  which  the 
money  appropriated  for  the  navy  and  dock  yards,  and  for  the  repair  and 
increase  of  vessels,  has  been  expended.  That  said  committee  have  power 
to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  have  leave  to  report  by  bill  or  other 
wise." 

This  investigation  occupied  most  of  the  remaining  session 
of  that  Congress.  The  committee  of  five  was  composed  of 
Messrs.  Sherman,  Bocock,  Ritchie,  Groesbeck  and  Ready,  three 
Democrats  and  two  Republicans,  of  which  I  was  chairman. 
The  committee  took  a  mass  of  testimony,  disclosing  abuses  and 
frauds  of  a  startling  character,  covering  over  1,000  printed 
pages,  The  majority  of  the  committee,  Messrs.  Bocock,  Groes 
beck  and  Ready,  submitted  a  report  condemning  the  glaring 
abuses  proven,  and,  while  reporting  the  inefficiency  and  incom- 
petency  of  subordinate  officers  and  employes,  yet  declared  that 
nothing  had  been  proven  which  impeached  the  personal  or 
official  integrity  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  They  proposed 
the  following  resolutions : 

"  1.  Itesolved,  That  the  testimony  taken  in  this  investigation  proves  the 
existence  of  glaring  abuses  in  the  Brooklyn  navy  yard,  and  such  as  require 
the  interposition  of  legislative  reform  ;  but  it  is  due  to  justice  to  declare 
that  these  abuses  have  been  slowly  and  gradually  growing  up  during  a  long 
course  of  years,  and  that  no  particular  administration  should  bear  the  entire 
blame  therefor. 

"2.  Resolved,  That  it  is  disclosed,  by  the  testimony  in  this  case,  that  the 
agency  for  the  purchase  of  anthracite  coal  for  the  use  of  the  navy  has  been, 
for  some  time  past,  in  the  hands  of  a  person  wholly  inefficient  and  grossly 
incompetent,  and  that  reform  is  needed  in  the  regulations  which  exist  on 
that  subject ;  but  there  is  no  proof  which  traces  any  knowledge  of  such 
inefficiency  and  incompetency  to  the  responsible  authorities  in  Washington, 
nor  any  which  shows  that  the  need  of  reform  grows  especially  out  of  any  act 
of  theirs  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  expressly  proven  that  the  supply  of  coal 
for  the  naval  service  has  been  purchased  during  this  administration  upon 
terms  relatively  as  favorable  as  ever  heretofore. 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  wrhile  we  could  never  sanction  or  approve  any 
arrangement,  on  the  part  of  an  officer  of  the  government,  which,  under  pre 
tense  of  making  contracts  for  supplies,  was  designed  to  confer  especial  and 
exclusive  favor  on  individuals,  yet,  in  the  contract  entered  into  in  Septem 
ber,  1858,  between  the  navy  department  and  W.  0.  N.  Swift,  for  the  supply 


160  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  live  oak  to  said  department,  it  is  clearly  proven  by  the  testimony  that,  if 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  did  contemplate  any  favor  to  said  Swift,  he  did  not 
design  to  bestow  it  to  the  detriment  of  the  government,  but  that  in  all  he 
did  in  this  matter  he  kept  always  in  view  the  good  of  the  public  and  the 
interests  of  the  service. 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  in  the  letting  of  the  contracts  for  the  construction  of 
the  steam  machinery  for  the  vessels  of  the  navy  during  the  present  admin 
istration,  nothing  has  been  shown  which  calls  for  the  interposition  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  ;  but  it  is  manifest  that  the  present  head  of 
the  navy  department  has  displayed  a  very  laudable  zeal  to  secure  the 
greatest  amount  of  speed  and  efficiency  attainable  for  said  vessels. 

"  5.  Resolved,  That  nothing  has  been  proven  in  this  investigation  which 
impeaches,  in  any  way,  the  personal  or  official  integrity  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy." 

The  minority  report  was  made  by  Ritchie  and  myself  on 
the  24th  of  February,  1859,  in  which  we  recommended  the 
following  resolutions : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has,  with  the  sanction  of  the 
President,  abused  his  discretionary  power  in  the  selection  of  a  coal  agent 
and  in  the  purchase  of  fuel  for  the  government. 

"Resolved,  That  the  contract  made  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  under 
date  of  September  23,  1858,  with  W.  C.  N.  Swift,  for  the  delivery  of  live 
oak  timber,  was  made  in  violation  of  law,  and  in  a  manner  unusual,  improper, 
and  injurious  to  the  public  service. 

"Resolved,  That  the  distribution,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  of  the 
patronage  in  the  navy  yard  among  Members  of  Congress  was  destructive  of 
discipline,  corrupting  in  its  influence,  and  highly  injurious  to  the  public 
service. 

"Resolved,  That  the  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  by  receiving 
and  considering  the  party  relations  of  bidders  for  contracts  with  the  United 
States,  and  the  effect  of  awarding  contracts  upon  pending  elections,  have  set 
an  example  dangerous  to  the  public  safety  and  deserving  the  reproof  of  this 
House. 

"Resolved,  That  the  appointment,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  of 
Daniel  B.  Martin,  chief  engineer,  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  engineers,  to 
report  upon  proposals  for  constructing  machinery  for  the  United  States,  the 
said  Martin  at  the  same  time  being  pecuniarily  interested  in  some  of  said 
proposals,  is  hereby  censured  by  this  House." 

No  action  was  taken  on  these  reports  during  that  ses 
sion,  which  terminated  on  the  4th  of  March  ;  but  in  the 
succeeding  Congress  the  resolutions  of  the  minority  were 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  161 

reported  favorably  from  the  committee  on  the  expenditures 
of  the  navy  department,  and,  after  debate,  were  adopted,  a 
separate  yea  and  nay  vote  being  taken  on  each  resolution, 
and  the  vote  generally  being  119  in  favor  of  the  resolution 
and  60  against,  a  large  number  of  Democrats  voting  for  each 
resolution. 

This  investigation,  and  the  action  of  the  House  of  Kepre- 
sentatives  upon  it,  led  to  radical  reforms  in  the  purchase  of 
supplies  in  the  navy  department,  and  stamped  with  deserved 
censure  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  his  subordinates,  who 
participated  in  his  action. 

In  the  spring  of  1859,  Mrs.  Sherman  and  I  started  on  my 
first  trip  to  Europe,  on  the  steamer  "Vanderbilt,"  without  any 
definite  route  or  plan.  Fortunately,  we  formed  on  shipboard 
some  pleasant  acquaintances,  among  others  Judge  Harris  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York,  afterwards  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  and  his  wife.  Each  had  children  by  a  former 
marriage,  who  had  arrived  at  or  near  manhood  or  womanhood, 
and  all  were  pleasant  traveling  companions.  Mr.  Platt  and  his 
wife,  of  New  York,  a  young  married  couple,  were  of  the  party. 
We  were  fortunate  in  the  weather  and  the  sea.  I  had  often  en 
countered  the  waves  of  Lake  Erie,  but  the  ocean  was  to  me  the 
great  unknown,  and  I  imagined  that  from  its  magnitude,  its 
waves  would  be  in  proportion  to  its  size,  but,  instead,  the  waves 
of  the  Atlantic  were  a  gentle  cradle  compared  with  the  short  and 
chopping  movement  of  the  lake.  Since  then  I  have  crossed 
the  ocean  many  times,  but  never  was  sea  sick.  We  thought 
the  voyage  of  eleven  days  a  brief  one,  but  now  it  is  reduced  to 
six  or  seven  days,  on  vessels  much  greater  and  stronger.  We 
landed  safely  at  Southampton  late  in  the  evening.  Many  of 
the  passengers  left  immediately  for  London,  but  our  party, 
with  others,  went  to  the  hotel.  We  seemed  to  overcrowd  the 
capacity  of  the  place.  One  of  our  passengers,  a  young  gentle 
man  from  Baltimore,  said  to  me  he  would  drive  out  those  Eng 
lishmen,  who  were  quietly  enjoying  themselves  in  the  waiting 
room.  He  had  been  a  quiet  gentlemanly  passenger,  but  he 
changed  his  tone  and  manner,  was  boisterous  in  his  talk  and 
rather  rude.  One  by  one  the  Englishmen  departed,  slamming 


162  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  door  after  them,  casting  a  sour  look  at  their  persecutor, 
but  he  was  not  disturbed  until  "  the  coast  was  clear,"  and  then 
quieting  down  in  his  usual  manner  he  said  he  knew  these 
Englishmen,  and  thought  he  would  give  them  a  chance  to 

abuse  the  d d  Americans.    After  long  waiting  we  had  a 

good  supper. 

On  the  next  day,  or  the  day  following,  we  visited  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  and  what  is  misnamed  the  "  New  Forest " — which  is  very 
old  instead  of  new,  and  is  an  open  park  instead  of  a  forest — in 
the  neighborhood.  Like  most  travelers  we  soon  went  to  Lon 
don.  This  great  city  impressed  me  more  by  the  association  of 
great  men  and  women  who  had  lived  and  died  in  it  than  by  the 
grandeur  of  its  buildings  and  public  works.  Every  street  and 
many  houses  in  it  recalled  the  names  of  persons  whose  writ 
ings  I  had  read,  and  of  others  whose  deeds  made  them  im 
mortal.  As  Parliament  was  not  in  session  we  shortened  our 
visit  in  London  until  our  return.  My  trip  to  Scotland  was  es 
pecially  interesting.  Mrs.  Sherman,  a  daughter  of  Judge 
Stewart,  was  in  face  and  affinities  a  thorough  Scotch  woman, 
though  her  ancestors  for  several  generations  were  born  in 
America.  She  was  familiar  with  Scottish  history,  and  with 
the  geography  of  Scotland.  Our  visit  to  Edinburgh  and  its 
environs  was  to  her  like  a  return  to  familiar  scenes.  In  our 
slow  progress  towards  the  lakes  we  stopped  at  Callender  over 
Sunday.  After  looking  into  the  well-filled  church  we  started 
for  Bracklinn  bridge,  made  famous  in  Scott's  "Lady  of  the 
Lake."  "  Bracklinn's  thundering  wave  "  is  a  beautiful  cascade 
made  at  a  place  called  the  Bridge  of  Bracklinn,  by  a  mountain 
stream  called  the  Keltie,  about  a  mile  from  the  village  of  Cal 
lender,  in  Menteith.  Above  a  chasm  where  the  brook  precipi 
tates  itself  from  a  height  of  at  least  50  feet,  there  is  thrown, 
for  the  convenience  of  the  neighborhood,  a  rustic  foot  bridge, 
of  about  three  feet  in  breadth,  and  without  ledges,  which  is 
scarcely  to  be  crossed  by  a  stranger  without  awe  and  apprehen 
sion.  We  were  told  it  was  but  a  short  walk,  a  mile  or  two,  but 
we  soon  found  that  Scottish  miles  were  very  long.  On  the  way 
we  encountered  an  old  woman,  dressed  in  Scotch  plaid,  of  whom 
we  inquired  the  way  to  Bracklinn  bridge,  She  pointed  out  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  163 

way,  and  in  return  asked  us  where  we  lived.  We  told  her 
the  United  States.  She  replied,  in  language  we  could  hardly 
understand,  "Ah,  ye  maun  come  a  lang  way  to  spay  it."  She 
then  told  us  where  to  leave  the  road  and  how  to  find  the 
bridge.  There  was  nothing  remarkable  at  the  bridge,  nothing 
to  justify  "  But  wild  as  Bracklinn's  thundering  roar,"  but  the 
genius  of  Sir  Walter  invested  it  with  his  glamour. 

"  It  had  much  of  glamour  might 
To  make  a  lady  seem  a  knight." 

The  lakes  of  Scotland  we  would  call  bays.  The  waters  of 
the  ocean  fill  the  deep  depressions  between  high  hills.  A  boat 
ride  over  these  interlocked  waters  was  pleasing,  but  the  views 
did  not  impress  me  like  the  lakes  in  Switzerland  in  the  midst 
of  high  mountains,  nor  did  they  compare  with  the  grandeur  of 
the  Yellowstone  Lake,  6,000  feet  above  the  sea,  with  surround 
ing  mountains  rising  to  the  height  of  12,000  feet,  and  cov 
ered  with  snow.  We  were  much  pleased  with  Scotland 
and  its  people  until  we  arrived  at  Glasgow.  Here  we  walked 
about  the  city.  It  seemed  to  be  crowded  with  discontented, 
unhappy  people,  with  sad  faces  and  poorly  clad.  We  were 
told  not  to  go  into  certain  portions  of  the  city,  as  we  might  be 
insulted. 

We  soon  left  Glasgow  for  Belfast  and  visited  different  parts 
of  Ireland,  and  especially  the  city  of  Cork,  and  Lake  Killarney. 
The  southern  part  of  Ireland  was  very  beautiful,  the  herbage 
was  fresh  and  green,  and  the  land  productive.  The  great  draw 
back  was  the  crowds  of  beggars,  who  would  surround  us  where- 
ever  we  went,  soliciting  alms,  but  they  were  generally  good 
humored.  I  saw  little  of  the  disposition  to  fight  attributed  to 
them.  At  a  subsequent  visit  I  saw  much  more  of  Ireland  and 
the  Irish  people,  but  on  this,  my  first  visit,  I  left  with  a  very 
kindly  impression  of  the  country  and  the  people.  We  have 
more  people  of  Irish  descent  in  the  United  States  than  now 
live  in  Ireland,  and  they  have  done  their  full  part  in  our  de 
velopment,  not  only  as  laborers,  but  in  all  the  walks  and  pro 
fessions  of  life.  They  are  heartily  welcomed  in  our  midst.  If 
all  the  discontented  people  of  Ireland  would  migrate  to  the 


164  RECOLLECTIONS 

United  States,  we  would  welcome  them  if  they  would  leave 
their  Irish  vs.  English  politics  behind  them.  We  have  enough 
possible  points  of  controversy  on  this  continent  with  Great 
Britain,  without  importing  from  that  country  old  controversies 
that  have  been  the  occasion  of  wars  and  rumors  of  war  for 
centuries.  t 

We  made  but  a  short  stay  in  Dublin  and  crossed  the  chan 
nel  to  Caernarvon.  Here  we  took  the  old  tally-ho  coach. 
Despite  all  that  is  said  about  railroads  and  steamboats,  I  believe 
in  the  old-fashioned  stage  coach,  and  especially  in  the  one  in 
which  we  crossed  the  hills  of  Wales,  in  full  view  of  Mount 
Snowdon.  We  remained  over  Sunday  in  a  village  on  the  way, 
inquired  for  the  church,  and  were  shown  to  a  very  pretty 
church  building  near  by.  When  we  entered  we  found  perhaps 
ten  or  fifteen  persons,  mostly  women.  The  pastor,  with  an 
assistant,  soon  entered,  and  services  commenced.  The  pastor 
read  his  part,  and  the  assistant  led,  and  practically  made,  the 
responses.  The  singing  was  led  by  the  assistant  and  shared  in 
by  the  few  women  present.  The  sermon  was  short  and  life 
less,  and  the  entire  service — though  read  from  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer,  as  fine  a  model  of  impressive  English  as  ex 
ists — was  spiritless.  When  we  left  the  church  we  met  lines  of 
well-dressed,  but  plain,  proper  men,  women  and  children  in 
Sunday  garb.  I  inquired  where  these  people  came  from,  and 
was  informed  they  were  Methodists  on  the  way  home  from 
their  meeting  house.  This  settled  the  question  with  me.  The 
church  I  attended  was  the  "established  church,"  supported  by 
taxes  on  all  the  people,  and  the  Methodist  meeting  was  the 
church  of  the  people,  supported  by  their  voluntary  contribu 
tions.  How  such  a  policy  could  have  been  sustained  so  long 
was  beyond  my  comprehension.  Our  policy  of  respect  and 
toleration  for  all  religious  sects,  but  taxes  for  none,  is  a  better 
one. 

Our  party,  still  consisting  of  Judge  Harris  and  family,  Mr. 
Platt  and  wife,  and  Mrs.  Sherman  and  myself,  visited  several  of 
the  central  counties  and  towns  of  England,  chiefly  the  towns 
of  Warwick,  Stratford,  Kenilworth  and  Leamington.  This  is 
well  trodden  ground  for  tourists,  and  I  need  not  repeat  the 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  165 

many  descriptions  of  interesting  places  and  the  historic  names 
and  events  attached  to  them. 

When  we  returned  to  London,  I  visited  the  courts  of  law, 
Westminster  Abbey,  and  the  new  Parliament  House.  I  had 
no  difficulty  in  gaining  free  access  to  the  gallery  of  the  House 
of  Commons  by  stating  that  I  was  a  Member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  Though  I  had  letters  of  introduction  to  mem 
bers  of  Parliament  I  did  not  present  them.  Judge  Harris  was 
greatly  interested  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Courts  of  London, 
while  I  wandered  through  every  part  of  the  great  city.  We 
attended,  by  invitation,  a  dinner  given  by  the  Goldsmith's 
Guild,  and  accepted  some  invitations,  among  them  that  of  Mr. 
Morgan,  the  leading  American  banker  in  London. 

Our  congenial  party  then  separated  with  mutual  regret, 
Judge  Harris  going  to  the  Rhine  and  Mrs.  Sherman  and  I 
to  Paris.  Here  we  remained  some  time.  Senator  Stunner, 
not  yet  recovered  from  the  blows  of  Brooks,  had  been 
some  time  in  Paris  and  accompanied  us  to  many  of  the 
noted  places  in  that  city — among  them  I  remember  the  grave 
of  Lafayette. 

Our  visit  was  during  the  Franco-Italian-Austrian  War.  I 
was  anxious  to  reach  the  seat  of  war.  On  the  way  we  made 
hurried  visits  to  Geneva,  and  Lake  Leman.  After  traversing 
this  lake  we  took  the  coach  over  the  Alps,  on  the  road  to  Milan, 
stopping  several  times  on  the  way.  We  passed  over  the  battle 
field  at  Magenta  but  a  few  days  after  the  battle  was  fought. 
We  saw  there  the  signs  of  destructive  war.  The  killed  had 
been  buried  and  the  wounded  were  in  hospitals,  but  the 
smell  of  dead  horses  poisoned  the  air,  and  the  marks  of  the 
battle  were  on  almost  every  house.  We  pushed  on  to  Milan 
and  were  comfortably  quartered.  The  city  was  full  of  sol 
diers  on  the  way  to  the  army  to  the  eastward.  It  was  then 
known  that  a  battle  was  about  to  be  fought  at  Solferino.  I 
was  very  anxious  to  witness  a  battle.  General  Crittenden,  of 
the  United  States  army,  was  attached  as  an  aid  to  the 
French  army,  and  I  sought  the  same  facility,  but  the  authori 
ties  would  not  permit  it.  I  was  assured  that  my  horse  would 
be  taken  from  me,  especially  as  I  could  not  speak  French, 


166  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

and  that  I  would  be  treated  as  a  spy  unless  I  was  formally 
attached  to  a  particular  command.  I  therefore  gave  up  my 
centemplated  trip  and  awaited  the  battle,  which  occurred  in 
a  day  or  two.  I  then  returned  to  Switzerland  by  the  Simp- 
Ion  Pass  and  visited  Berne,  Luzerne,  and  Neuchatel.  From 
thence  I  returned  to  London  and  soon  after  embarked  on  the 
"Vanderbilt"  for  home. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

EXCITING  SCENES  IN  CONGRESS. 

I  am  Elected  for  the  Third  Term  —  Invasion  of  Virginia  by  John  Brown  —  His  Trial 

and  Execution— Spirited  Contest  for  the  Speakership— Discussion  Over  Helper's 

"Impending  Crisis"  —  Angry  Controversies  and  Threats  of  Violence  in 

the  House  — Within  Three  Votes  of  Election  as  Speaker— My  Reply 

to  Clark's  Attack  —  Withdrawal  of  my  Name  and  Election  of 

Mr.  Pennington  —  Made  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of 

Ways  and  Means  —  President  Buchanan  Objects 

to  Being  "  Investigated  " — Adoption  of  the 

Morrill  Tariff  Act  — Views  Upon  the 

Tariff  Question— My  Colleagues. 

ON  the  29th  of  July,  1858,  I  received  the  congressional 
nomination  for  my  third  term  without  opposition, 
and,  in  October  following,  was  elected  as  a  Member 
of  the  36th  Congress,  by  a  majority  of  2,331  over  S.  J. 
Patrick,  Democrat. 

^The  memorable  campaign  in  Illinois  in  that  year  excited 
profound  interest  throughout  the  United  States,  the  debate  be 
tween  Douglas  and  Lincoln  attracting  universal  attention.  The 
result  was  favorable  to  Douglas,  and  the  legislature  re-elected 
him  Senator,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  attained  such  distinction  and 
prominence  as  to  place  him  at  once  in  the  position  of  a  formid 
able  candidate  for  the  presidency  in  1860.  This  debate  made 
it  clear  that  the  struggle  between  free  and  slave  institutions 
was  to  be  continued  and  to  become  the  controlling  issue  of  the 
future) 

The  murder  of  Broderick  by  Terry,  in  California,  on  the  13th 
of  September,  1859,  under  color  of  a  duel,  excited  profound  in 
terest  and  made  that  state  Republican.  The  election  of  a  gov 
ernor  in  Ohio,  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  preceded  by  a  debate  of 
much  interest  between  William  Dennison,  the  Republican  can 
didate,  and  Judge  Ranney,  the  Democratic  candidate,  added 
greatly  to  the  political  excitement  then  existing,  and  ended  in 

s.-i.s  (167) 


168  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  election  of  Mr.  Dennison.  A  few  days  after  this  election— 
on  the  17th  of  October — the  invasion  of  the  State  of  Virginia 
by  John  Brown  startled  the  country,  and,  more  than  all  other 
causes,  aroused  the  southern  people  to  a  state  of  great  excite 
ment,  amounting  to  frenzy.  Brown,  with  a  few  followers  of 
no  distinction,  captured  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  took  possession  of  the  bridge  which  crosses  the  Potomac, 
fortifying  it  with  cannon,  stopped  trains,  cut  telegraph  wires, 
killed  several  men,  and  seized  many  prominent  citizens,  hold 
ing  them  as  hostages.  Wild  reports  were  circulated  of  a  rise 
of  the  negroes  in  the  neighborhood,  the  uprising  accompanied 
by  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war,  and  a  general  alarm  pre 
vailed  throughout  the  State  of  Virginia  and  the  south.  The 
insurrection  was,  however,  speedily  suppressed,  mainly  by  the 
state  militia,  and  the  few  insurgents  not  killed  were  captured 
by  United  States  marines  under  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee,  soon 
afterwards  to  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  rebel  forces  in  the 
Civil  War. 

Brown  was  tried  for  murder  and  executed.  This  foolish 
and  criminal  invasion  was  the  work  of  a  fanatic  who  all  his 
lifetime  had  been  a  violent  opposer  of  slavery,  and  who  while 
in  Kansas  had  participated  more  or  less  in  the  Osawatamie 
murders.  His  son  was  killed  by  the  "border  ruffians"  near  his 
home  in  Kansas,  for  which  a  fearful  revenge  was  taken  upon 
the  murderers.  Brown,  having  always  been  an  Abolitionist, 
and  being  crazed  by  these  events,  believed  it  his  duty  to  wage 
a  relentless  war  against  slavery,  and,  with  the  courage  but 
shortsightedness  of  a  fanatic,  and  with  the  hope  of  the  as 
sistance  of  the  slaves  of  the  south  undertook  this  wild  scheme 
to  secure  their  freedom. 

Under  such  exciting  conditions  Congress  convened  on  the 
5th  day  of  December,  1859,  divided  politically  into  109  Repub 
licans,  101  Democrats  and  27  Americans.  No  party  having  a 
majority,  it  was  feared  by  some  that  the  scenes  of  1855,  when 
Banks  was  elected  speaker  only  after  a  long  struggle,  would  be 
repeated.  That  contest  was  ended  by  the  adoption  of  the  plu 
rality  rule,  but  in  this  case  a  majority  could  not  agree  upon 
such  a  rule,  and  the  only  possible  way  of  electing  a  speaker 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  169 

was  by  a  fusing  of  Members  until  a  majority  voted  for  one 
person. 

It  was  well  understood  that  the  Republican  vote  would  be 
divided  between  Galusha  A.  Grow  and  myself,  and  it  was  agreed 
between  us  that  whichever  received  a  majority  of  the  Republi 
can  vote  should  be  considered  as  the  nominee  of  that  party. 
On  the  first  vote  for  speaker,  Thomas  S.  Bocock,  of  Virginia, 
the  Democratic  candidate,  received  86  votes,  I  received  66, 
Galusha  A.  Grow  43,  and  21  scattering.  Mr.  Grow  then  with 
drew  his  name.  On  the  same  day  John  B.  Clark,  of  Missouri, 
offered  this  resolution: 

"  WHEREAS  certain  Members  of  this  House,  now  in  nomination  for 
speaker,  did  indorse  and  recommend  the  book  hereinafter  mentioned, 

"Resolved,  That  the  doctrine  and  sentiments  of  a  certain  book,  called 
'The  Impending  Crisis  of  the  South  —  How  to  meet  it,'  purporting  to  have 
been  written  by  one  Hinton  R.  Helper,  are  insurrectionary  and  hostile  to  the 
domestic  peace  and  tranquility  of  the  country,  and  that  no  Member  of  this 
House  who  has  indorsed  and  recommended  it,  or  the  compend  from  it,  is  fit 
to  be  speaker  of  this  House." 

In  the  absence  of  rules,  Mr.  Clark  was  allowed  to  speak 
without  limit  and  he  continued  that  day  and  the  next,  reading 
and  speaking  about  the  Helper  book.  John  A.  Gilmer,  of  North 
Carolina,  offered  as  a  substitute  for  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Clark 
a  long  preamble  closing  with  this  resolution: 

"Therefore  resolved,  That,  fully  indorsing  these  national  sentiments,  it 
is  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen  of  this  Union  to  resist  all  attempts  at 
renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  slavery  agitation,  under  whatever 
shape  and  color  the  attempt  may  be  made." 

A  motion  was  made  to  lay  both  resolutions  on  the  table, 
and  was  lost  by  a  tie  vote  of  116  yeas  and  116  nays.  In  the 
absence  of  rules  a  general  debate  followed,  in  which  southern 
Members  threatened  that  their  constituents  would  go  out  of 
the  Union.  The  excitement  over  the  proposition  to  compile  a 
political  pamphlet,  by  F.  P.  Blair,  an  eminent  Democrat  and 
slaveholder,  from  a  book  called  "  The  Impending  Crisis,"  writ 
ten  and  printed  by  a  southern  man,  seemed  so  ludicrous  that 
we  regarded  it  as  manufactured  frenzy.  After  John  S.  Mill- 
son,  of  Virginia,  a  conservative  Democrat,  who  was  opposed  to 


170  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  introduction  of  the  Clark  resolution,  had  exhibited  unusual 
feeling,  I  said: 

"  I  have  until  this  moment  regarded  this  debate  with  indifference,  because 
I  presumed  it  was  indulged  in  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  an  organiza 
tion.  But  the  manner  of  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  my  respect  for  his 
long  experience  in  this  House,  my  respect  for  his  character,  and  the  serious 
impression  which  this  matter  seems  to  have  made  upon  his  mind,  induce  me 
to  say  a  few  words.  I  ask  that  the  letter  which  I  send  up  may  be  read." 

The  following  letter  was  thereupon  read  from  the  clerk's 
desk: 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  December  6,  1859. 

DEAR  SIR: — I  perceive  that  a  debate  has  arisen  in  Congress  in  which 
Mr.  Helper's  book,  the  « Impending  Crisis,'  is  brought  up  as  an  exponent  of 
Republican  principles.  As  the  names  of  many  leading  Republicans  are 
presented  as  recommending  a  compendium  of  the  volume,  it  is  proper  that  I 
should  explain  how  those  names  were  obtained  in  advance  of  the  publica 
tion.  Mr.  Helper  brought  his  book  to  me  at  Silver  Spring  to  examine  and 
recommend,  if  I  thought  well  of  it,  as  a  work  to  be  encouraged  by  Repub 
licans.  I  had  never  seen  it  before.  After  its  perusal,  I  either  wrote  to  Mr. 
Helper,  or  told  him  that  it  was  objectionable  in  many  particulars,  to  which  I 
adverted  ;  and  he  promised  me,  in  writing,  that  he  would  obviate  the  objec 
tions  by  omitting  entirely  or  altering  the  matter  objected  to.  I  understand 
that  it  was  in  consequence  of  his  assurance  to  me  that  the  obnoxious  matter 
in  the  original  publication  would  be  expurgated,  that  Members  of  Congress 
and  other  influential  men  among  the  Republicans  were  induced  to  give  their 
countenance  to  the  circulation  of  the  edition  so  to  be  expurgated 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN.  F>  P*  ??LAI*' 

silver  bpring. 

I  then  continued: 

"  I  do  not  recollect  signing  the  paper  referred  to  ;  but  I  presume,  from 
my  name  appearing  in  the  printed  list,  that  I  did  sign  it.  I  therefore  make 
no  excuse  of  that  kind.  I  never  read  Mr.  Helper's  book,  or  the  compendium 
founded  upon  it.  I  have  never  seen  a  copy  of  either.  And  here,  Mr. 
clerk,  I  might  leave  the  matter ;  but  as  many  harsh  things  have  been  said 
about  me,  I  desire  to  say  that  since  I  have  been  a  Member  of  this  House,  I 
have  always  endeavored  to  cultivate  the  courtesies  and  kind  relations  that 
are  due  from  one  gentleman  to  another.  I  never  addressed  to  any  Member 
such  language  as  I  have  heard  to-day.  I  never  desire  such  language  to  be 
addressed  to  me,  if  I  can  avoid  it.  I  appeal  to  my  public  record,  during  a 
period  of  four  years,  in  this  body ;  and  I  say  now  that  there  is  not  a  single 
question  agitating  the  public  mind,  not  a  single  topic  on  which  there  can  be 
sectional  jealousy  or  sectional  controversy,  unless  gentlemen  on  the  other 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  171 

side  of  the  House  thrust  such  subjects  upon  us.  I  repeat,  not  a  single  ques 
tion.  We  have  pursued  a  course  of  studied  silence.  It  is  our  intention  to 
organize  the  House  quietly,  decently,  in  order,  without  vituperations ;  and 
we  trust  to  show  to  Members  on  all  sides  of  the  House  that  the  party  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  act  can  administer  this  House  and  administer  this 
government  without  trespassing  on  the  rights  of  any." 

Soon  after,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry  from  Shelton  F.  Leake, 
of  Virginia,  I  said: 

"  Allow  me  to  say,  once  for  all,  and  I  have  said  it  five  times  on  this  floor, 
that  I  am  opposed  to  any  interference  whatever  of  the  people  of  the  free 
states,  with  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  in  the  slave  states." 

This  was  followed  by  a  heated  debate,  the  manifest  purpose 
of  which  was  to  excite  sectional  animosity,  and  to  compel 
southern  Americans  to  cooperate  with  the  Democratic  Mem 
bers  in  the  election  of  a  Democrat  for  speaker.  The  second 
ballot,  taken  on  the  close  of  the  session  of  December  8,  ex 
hibited  no  material  change  except  that  the  Kepublican  vote 
concentrated  on  me.  I  received  107  votes,  Mr.  Bocock  88,  Mr. 
Gilmer  22,  and  14  scattering. 

The  debate  continued  and  was  participated  in  by  my  col 
league,  S.  S.  Cox,  who  asked  me  about  the  fugitive  slave  law.  I 
declined,  as  I  had  before,  to  answer  any  interrogatories  and 
said:  "I  will  state  to  him,  and  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side 
of  the  House,  that  I  stand  upon  my  public  record.  I  do  not 
expect  the  support  of  gentlemen  on  that  side  of  the  House, 
who  have,  for  the  last  four  years,  been  engaged  in  a  series  of 
measures — none  of  wrhich  I  approve.  I  have  no  answers  to 
give  to  them." 

The  third  ballot  produced  no  material  change.  I  received 
110,  Bocock  88,  Gilmer  20,  and  13  scattering. 

In  the  meantime,  the  invasion  of  Harper's  Ferry  was  de 
bated  in  the  Senate  at  great  length  and  with  extreme  violence, 
producing  in  both  Houses  intense  irritation  and  excitement. 
Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  charged  upon  the  Kepublicans  the  re 
sponsibility  of  Helper's  book  and  John  Brown's  foray,  exclaim 
ing:  "The  south  here  asks  nothing  but  its  rights.  ...  I 
would  have  no  more;  but,  as  God  is  my  judge,  as  one  of  its 


172  RECOLLECTIONS 

Representatives,  I  would  shatter  this  republic  from  turret  to 
foundation-stone  before  I  would  take  one  tittle  less."  Lamar, 
of  Mississippi,  declared  that  the  Republicans  were  not  "guilt 
less  of  the  blood  of  John  Brown  and  his  co-conspirators,  and 
the  innocent  men,  the  victims  of  his  ruthless  vengeance." 
Pry  or,  of  Virginia,  said  Helper's  book  riots  "in  rebellion,  trea 
son,  and  insurrection,  and  is  precisely  in  the  spirit  of  the  act 
which  startled  us  a  few  weeks  since  at  Harper's  Ferry."  Craw 
ford,  of  Georgia,  declared:  "We  will  never  submit  to  the 
inauguration  of  a  black  Republican  President." 

The  Republicans  generally  remained  silent  and  demanded  a 
vote. 

Mr.  Corwin,  then  a  Representative  from  Ohio,  elected  after  a 
long  absence  from  public  life,  endeavored  to  quiet  the  storm. 
Frequent  threats  of  violence  were  uttered.  Angry  controver 
sies  sprang  up  between  Members,  and  personal  collisions  were 
repeatedly  threatened  by  Members,  armed  and  ready  for  con 
flict.  No  such  scenes  had  ever  before  occurred  in  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States.  It  appeared  many  times  that  the  threat 
ened  war  would  commence  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives.  The  House  remained  in  session  the  week  between 
Christmas  and  New  Year's  Day.  During  this  excitement  my 
vote  steadily  increased  until  on  the  4th  day  of  January,  1860, 
on  the  25th  ballot,  I  came  within  three  votes  of  election;  the 
whole  number  of  votes  cast  being  207;  necessary  to  a  choice 
104,  of  which  I  received  101.  John  A.  McClernand,  of  Illinois, 
received  33,  Gilmer  14,  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  12, 
and  the  remainder  were  scattering. 

At  this  time  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  an  Ameri 
can,  said  to  me,  and  to  others,  that  whenever  his  vote  would 
elect  me  it  should  be  cast  for  me.  J.  Morrison  Harris,  also  an 
American  from  the  same  state,  was  understood  to  occupy  the 
same  position.  Garnett  B.  Adrain,  of  New  Jersey,  an  anti- 
Lecompton  Democrat,  who  had  been  elected  by  Republicans,  it 
was  hoped  would  do  the  same.  Horace  F.  Clark,  of  New  York, 
also  an  anti-Lecompton  Democrat  who  had  been  elected  by  Re 
publicans,  could  at  any  moment  have  settled  the  controversy 
in  my  favor.  It  was  well  known  that  I  stood  ready  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  173 

withdraw  whenever  the  requisite  number  of  votes  could  be 
concentrated  upon  any  Republican  Member.  The  deadlock 
continued. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1860,  Mr.  Clark,  who  had  intro 
duced  the  Helper  resolution,  said: 

"  I  wish  to  make  a  personal  explanation  with  regard  to  my  personal  feel 
ings  in  the  matter  of  this  resolution.  I  never  read  the  letter  of  which  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  speaks,  and  do  not  take  to  myself  articles  that 
appear  in  newspapers,  unless  they  make  imputations  against  my  moral 
integrity.  That  resolution  was  introduced  by  me,  as  I  have  frequently 
remarked,  with  no  personal  ill-feeling  towards  Mr.  Sherman,  the  Repub 
lican  candidate  for  speaker,  apart  from  what  I  considered  to  be  an  improper 
act  of  his — namely,  the  recommendation  of  that  book.  So  far  as  that  affects 
his  political  or  social  character,  he  must  of  course  bear  it." 

I  replied  as  follows: 

"  The  gentleman  from  Missouri,  for  the  first  time,  I  believe,  has 
announced  that  it  wras  his  purpose,  in  introducing  this  resolution,  to  give 
gentlemen  an  opportunity  to  explain  their  relations  to  the  Helper  book.  I 
ask  him  now  whether  he  is  willing  to  withdraw  the  resolution  for  the  pur 
pose  he  has  indicated,  temporarily,  or  for  any  time?  " 

Mr.  Clark  said : 

"I  will  endeavor  to  answer  the  gentleman.  I  avowed  my  purpose 
frankly  at  the  time  I  introduced  the  resolution,  in  the  remarks  with  which 
I  accompanied  its  introduction.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio  propounds  the 
question  more  directly  whether  I  am  willing  to  withdraw  the  resolution  for 
the  purpose  which  I  avow?  Sir,  at  the  very  instant  it  was  offered,  I  gave 
the  gentleman  that  opportunity  and  I  have  given  it  to  him  since.  I  say  to 
the  gentleman  that  he  has  had  twro  opportunities  to  make  that  explanation  ; 
but  he  has  failed  to  relieve  himself  of  the  responsibility  he  took  when  he 
signed  that  book  and  recommended  its  circulation." 

I  replied : 

"I  will  say  that  that  opportunity  has  never  been  rendered  to  me. 
When  the  gentleman  introduced  his  resolution,  offensive  in  its  character, 
at  an  improper  time,  in  an  improper  manner,  he  cut  off — what  he  says 
now  he  desires  to  give— an  opportunity  for  explanation.  It  is  true  that 
three  days  afterwards,  when  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Millson) 
appealed  to  me,  I  stated  to  him  frankly  how  my  name  became  connected 
with  that  paper.  I  did  not  sign  the  paper ;  but  it  seems  that  the  Hon.  E. 
D.  Morgan,  a  Member  of  the  last  Congress,  and  a  friend  of  mine,  came  to 
me  when  I  was  in  my  place,  and  asked  me  to  sign  a  recommendation  for 


174  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  circulation  of  a  political  pamphlet,  to  be  compiled  by  a  committee,  of 
which  Mr.  Blair,  a  slaveholder  of  Missouri,  was  one,  from  a  large  book  by 
Helper,  a  North  Carolinian.  I  said  to  him  that  I  had  not  time  to  examine 
the  book  ;  but  if  there  was  nothing  offensive  in  it,  he  might  use  my  name. 
Thereupon,  this  gentleman  attached  my  name  to  that  paper.  This  informa 
tion  I  did  not  have  at  the  time  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  addressed  me; 
but  I  said  to  him  I  had  no  recollection  of  having  signed  the  paper,  but  pre 
sumed  I  had,  from  my  name  appearing  in  the  printed  list.  I  subsequently 
acquired  it  from  Mr.  Morgan,  whose  letter  was  published.  That  I  believe 
was  sufficient  under  the  circumstances.  I  know  there  are  Members  on  that 
side  of  the  House  who  have  considered  it  as  satisfactory  ;  and  my  friends  so 
regard  it.  At  the  time  I  stated  that  I  had  not  read  the  book,  that  I  did 
not  know  what  was  in  it. 

"  The  gentleman  alludes  to  another  time.  The  other  day,  when  this  sub 
ject  was  again  brought  before  the  House  by  him,  in  language  which, 
although  he  claims  to  be  courteous,  I  could  not  regard  as  such,  when  I  was, 
by  implication,  but  with  a  disclaimer  of  personal  offense,  charged  with  dis 
seminating  treason,  with  lighting  the  torch  in  the  dwelling  of  my  southern 
brethren,  and  of  crimes  of  which,  if  I  was  guilty,  I  should  not  be  entitled  to 
a  seat  upon  this  floor,  I  then  rose  in  my  place,  and  told  the  gentleman  from 
Missouri  that  if  he  would  withdraw  that  resolution  I  would  answer  this  book 
page  by  page,  or  those  extracts  one  by  one,  and  tell  him  whether  I  approved 
them  or  not.  The  gentleman  refused  to  withdraw  the  resolution.  Long 
ago  he  was  notified  by  me,  and  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Morris) 
announced  on  the  floor,  that  this  resolution  was  regarded  by  me  as  a  menace, 
and,  if  withdrawn,  would  lead  to  a  frank  avowal,  or  disavowal. 

"I  say  now  that  I  do  not  believe  it  is  the  desire  of  the  gentleman 
to  give  me  that  opportunity.  If  he  does  desire  it,  I  am  willing  to  do  now 
what  I  said  I  would  have  done  then.  And  I  say,  with  equal  emphasis, 
that  never,  so  help  me  God,  whether  or  not  the  speaker's  chair  is  to  be 
occupied  by  me,  will  I  do  so  while  that  resolution  is  before  this  body, 
undisposed  of.  I  regard  it  as  offensive  in  its  tone,  unprecedented,  unparlia 
mentary,  and  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  representation.  Under  the  menace 
clearly  contained  in  it,  I  never  will  explain  a  single  word  contained  in  those 
extracts. 

"If  the  gentleman  will  withdraw  his  resolution,  even  for  a  moment,  to 
relieve  me  from  the  menace  —  he  may  reinstate  it  afterwards  if  he  chooses  — 
I  will  then  say  what  I  have  to  say  in  regard  to  those  extracts.  But  while  it 
stands  before  the  House,  intended  as  a  stigma  upon  me,  and  sustained  by  an 
argument  without  precedent  in  parliamentary  history,  he  cannot  expect  me 
to  say  more  than  I  have  done.  I  believe  not  only  my  friends,  but  the 
gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  House,  who  have  a  sense  of  honor,  believe 
that  my  position  is  correct.  I  know  that  some  of  them  regard  my  statement 
made  on  the  third  day  of  the  session  as  full  and  satisfactory,  and  all  that, 
under  the  circumstances,  it  was  proper  for  me  to  indicate. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  175 

"  For  gentlemen  now  to  press  this  matter ;  to  agitate  the  country  ;  to 
spread  these  extracts  all  over  the  south,  and  to  charge  the  sentiments  of  this 
book  upon  me,  and  my  associates  here  ;  to  proclaim,  day  after  day,  that  the 
Republicans  entertain  these  sentiments  and  indorse  them,  is  not  that 
ingenuous,  candid  and  manly  course  which  a  great  party  like  the  Democratic 
party  ought  to  pursue.  While  we  may  conduct  our  political  quarrels  with 
heat,  and  discuss  matters  with  zeal  and  determination,  it  ought  to  be  done 
with  fairness  and  frankness.  The  mode  in  which  this  resolution  has  been 
pressed  before  the  country,  and  I,  with  my  hands  tied  and  my  lips  sealed 
as  a  candidate,  have  been  arraigned  day  by  day,  is  without  a  precedent,  not 
only  in  history  but  in  party  caucuses,  in  state  legislatures,  in  state  conven 
tions  or  anywhere  else. 

"I  said  when  I  rose  the  other  day  that  my  public  opinions  were  on 
record.  I  say  so  now.  Gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  have  said  that 
they  have  examined  that  record  to  ascertain  what  my  political  opinions 
were.  They  will  look  in  vain  for  anything  to  excite  insurrection,  to  disturb 
the  peace,  to  invade  the  rights  of  the  states,  to  alienate  the  north  and  south 
from  each  other,  or  to  loosen  the  ties  of  fraternal  fellowship  by  which  our 
people  have  been  and  should  be  bound  together.  I  am  for  the  Union  and 
the  constitution,  with  all  the  compromises  under  which  it  was  formed,  and 
all  the  obligations  which  it  imposes.  This  has  always  been  my  position  ; 
and  these  opinions  have  been  avowed  by  me  on  this  floor  and  stand  now 
upon  your  records.  Who  has  brought  anything  from  that  record  against  me 
that  is  worthy  of  answer? 

"  I  have  never  sought  to  invade  the  rights  of  the  southern  states.  I 
have  never  sought  to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  southern 
states.  I  have  my  idea  about  slavery  in  the  territories,  and  at  the  proper 
time  and  in  the  proper  way  I  am  willing  to  discuss  the  question.  I  never 
made  but  one  speech  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  that  was  in  reference  to 
what  I  regarded  as  an  improper  remark  made  by  President  Pierce  in  1856. 
I  then  spread  upon  the  record  my  opinions  on  the  subject ;  and  I  have  found 
no  man  to  call  them  into  question.  They  are  the  opinions  of  the  body  of 
the  Republicans.  They  are  the  opinions  which  I  now  entertain.  Gentlemen 
are  at  liberty  to  discuss  these  questions  as  much  as  they  choose,  and  I  will 
bear  my  share  of  the  responsibility  for  entertaining  these  opinions.  But  I 
now  speak  to  my  personal  record. 

"  Again  these  gentlemen,  while  publishing  in  their  speeches  all  over  the 
country  that  I  am  in  effect  a  traitor,  etc.,  by  implication,  it  is  true,  disavow 
ing,  as  I  am  glad  to  say  each  of  them  have  done,  any  design  to  be  personally 
offensive,  but  in  a  way  that  answers  the  same  purpose  ;  yet  when  called 
upon  to  show  proofs  or  specifications,  they  fail  to  do  so  ;  and  the  only  act 
for  which  I  have  been  arraigned  before  the  American  people  is  that,  in  a 
moment  when  I  was  sitting  here,  busy  at  my  desk,  and  one  of  my  friends, 
and  late  a  Member  of  this  House,  came  to  me  and  asked  me  to  sign  a  paper 
recommending  the  publication  of  a  political  tract ;  that,  when  I  authorized 


176  RECOLLECTIONS 

my  name  to  be  put  to  that  recommendation,  by  that  very  act  I  became  a 
traitor  and  would  place  the  torch  in  the  hands  of  the  incendiary.  I  say  this 
is  not  fair  argument.  And  I  again  repeat  that  if  the  Member  from  Missouri 
(Mr.  Clark)  desires  to  know  what  my  sentiments  are  in  regard  to  the  extracts 
read  at  the  clerk's  table,  the  only  portion  of  the  Helper  book  I  have  seen  or 
read,  I  will  give  them  if  he  will  remove  a  menace  from  me.  I  never  did  do 
anything  under  menace.  I  never  will.  It  is  not  in  my  blood  and  these 
gentlemen  cannot  put  it  there." 

Mr.  Clark  rose  to  speak,  but  I  continued : 

"  The  gentleman  will  excuse  me,  I  have,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned  in 
this  contest,  been  quiet  and  patient.  I  desire  to  see  an  organization  of  the 
House  opposed  to  the  administration.  I  think  it  is  our  highest  duty  to 
investigate,  to  examine  and  analyze  the  mode  in  which  the  executive  powers 
of  this  government  have  been  administered  for  a  few  years  past.  That 
is  my  desire.  Yes  sir,  I  said  here,  in  the  first  remark  I  made,  that  I  did 
not  believe  the  slavery  question  would  come  up  at  all  during  this  ses 
sion.  I  came  here  with  the  expectation  that  we  would  have  a  business 
session,  that  we  would  examine  into  the  business  affairs  of  this  government, 
and  that  we  would  analyze  the  causes  of  the  increased  expenditures  of  the 
government  and  the  proper  measures  of  redress  and  retrenchment.  I  did 
not  believe  that  the  slavery  question  would  come  up,  and  but  for  the 
unfortunate  affair  of  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry,  I  did  not  believe  there  would 
be  any  feeling  on  the  subject.  Northern  Members  came  here  with  kindly 
feelings,  no  man  approving  the  foray  of  John  Brown  and  every  man  willing 
to  say  so  ;  every  man  willing  to  admit  it  as  an  act  of  lawless  violence.  We 
came  here  hoping  that,  at  this  time  of  peace  and  quiet,  we  might  examine, 
inquire  into,  and  pass  upon,  practical  measures  of  legislation  tending  to 
harmonize  the  conflicting  elements  of  the  government  and  strengthen  the 
bonds  of  Union.  The  interests  of  a  great  and  growing  people  present  prac 
tical  questions  enough  to  tax  the  ability  and  patriotism  of  us  all. 

"Such  was  our  duty  ;  but  the  moment  we  arrived  here  —  before,  sir,  we 
had  even  a  formal  vote,  —  this  question  of  slavery  was  raised  by  the  intro 
duction  of  the  resolution  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri.  It  has  had  the 
effect  of  exciting  the  public  mind  with  an  irritating  controversy.  It  has 
impaired  the  public  credit  and  retarded  the  public  business.  The  debate 
founded  upon  it  has  been  unjust,  offensive,  wrong,  not  only  to  the  Repub 
licans  here,  not  only  to  those  with  whom  I  act,  but  to  all  our  common  con 
stituents,  north  and  south.  The  gentlemen  who  have  advocated  that  resolu 
tion  have  stirred  up  bad  blood,  and  all  because  certain  gentlemen  have 
recommended  that  a  compilation  be  made  of  a  book.  Even  yet  we  may  re 
trieve  the  loss  of  valuable  time.  We  could  now  go  to  work,  organize  this 
House  and  administer  the  powers  of  this  House  with  fairness  and  impartiality. 

"In  conclusion,  let  me  say  that  by  no  act  or  effort  have  I  sought  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  177 

position  I  now  occupy  before  the  House.  The  honor  was  tendered  me  by 
the  generous  confidence  and  partiality  of  those  with  whom  it  has  been  my 
pride  to  act,  politically.  Their  conduct  in  this  irritating  controversy  has 
justified  my  attachment. 

"  If  I  shall  ever  reach  the  speaker's  chair,  it  will  be  with  untrarnmeled 
hands  and  with  an  honest  purpose  to  discharge  every  duty  in  the  spirit 
which  the  oath  of  office  enjoins  ;  and  to  organize  the  House  with  reference 
to  the  rights  and  interests  of  every  section,  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
whole  Union,  and  the  efficient  discharge  of  all  the  business  of  the  govern 
ment.  And  whenever  friends  who  have  so  gallantly  and  liberally  sustained 
me  thus  far  believe  that  my  name  in  any  way  presents  an  obstacle  to  suc 
cess,  it  is  my  sincere  wish  that  they  should  adopt  some  other.  Whenever 
any  one  of  my  political  friends  can  combine  a  greater  number  of  votes  than 
I  have  been  honored  with,  or  sufficient  to  elect  him  by  a  majority  or 
plurality  rule,  I  will  not  stand  in  this  position  one  hour ;  I  will  retire  from 
the  field,  and  yield  to  any  other  gentleman  with  whom  I  act,  the  barren 
honors  of  the  speaker's  chair ;  and  I  promise  my  friends  a  grateful  recogni 
tion  of  the  unsolicited  honor  conferred  upon  me,  and  a  zealous  and  earnest 
cooperation." 

Pending  the  vote  on  the  39th  ballot  and  before  it  was 
announced,  Robert  Mallory,  of  Kentucky,  an  American,  ap 
pealed  to  the  Democrats  to  vote  for  William  N.  H.  Smith,  of 
North  Carolina,  also  an  American,  which  would  elect  him. 
The  Democrats  thereupon  changed  their  votes  to  Mr.  Smith, 
making  many  speeches  in  explanation  of  their  action.  Per 
ceiving  that  this  would  elect  Mr.  Smith  I  arose  and  for  the 
first  time  cast  my  ballot  for  speaker,  voting  for  Mr.  Corwin. 
Three  other  Members  who  had  voted  for  Mr.  Smith  changed 
their  votes,  which  defeated  the  election  on  that  ballot. 

After  this  vote  I  conferred  with  Davis  and  George  Briggs, 
of  New  York,  Americans,  and  Adrain.  I  had  the  positive 
assurance  of  these  three  gentlemen  that  if  I  would  withdraw 
they  would  vote  for  William  Pennington,  of  New  Jersey,  and 
thus  secure  a  Republican  organization  of  the  House.  I  re 
ferred  this  proposition  to  my  Republican  associates,  and  a 
majority  of  them  were  opposed  to  any  change.  Francis  E. 
Spinner,  of  New  York,  said  he  never  would  change  his  vote 
from  me,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  said  he  never  would  do  so 
until  the  crack  of  doom.  When  afterwards  reminded  of  this 
Mr.  Stevens  said  he  thought  he  "heard  it  cracking." 


178  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  felt  the  responsibility,  but  on  the  30th  of  January,  1860,  I 
determined  to  withdraw.  In  doing  so  I  made  the  following 
remarks,  as  printed  in  the  " Congressional  Globe:" 

"Mr.  clerk  —  [Loud  cries  of  'Down,'  'Down,'  'Order,'  'Order,'  'Let 
us  have  the  question,'  etc.]  Eight  weeks  ago,  I  was  honored  by  the 
votes  of  a  large  plurality  of  my  fellow  Members  for  the  high  office  of  speaker 
of  this  House.  Since  that  time  they  have  adhered  to  their  choice  with  a 
fidelity  that  has  won  my  devotion  and  respect ;  and,  as  I  believe,  the  appro 
bation  of  their  constituents.  They  have  stood  undismayed  amidst  threats  of 
disunion  and  disorganization  ;  conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  their  purposes ; 
warm  in  their  attachment  to  the  constitution  and  Union,  and  obedient  to  the 
rules  of  order  and  the  laws.  They  have  been  silent,  firm,  manly.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  have  seen  their  ancient  adversary  and  their  only 
natural  adversary,  reviving  anew  the  fires  of  sectional  discord,  and  broken 
into  fragments.  They  have  seen  some  of  them  shielding  themselves  be 
hind  a  written  combination  to  prevent  the  majority  of  the  House  from  pre 
scribing  rules  for  its  organization.  They  have  heard  others  openly  pro 
nounce  threats  of  disunion  ;  proclaim  that  if  a  Republican  be  duly 
elected  President  of  the  United  States,  they  would  tear  down  this  fair 
fabric  of  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  break  up  the  union  of  these  states. 
And  now  we  have  seen  our  ancient  adversary,  broken,  dispersed  and  dis 
organized,  unite  in  supporting  a  gentleman  wrho  was  elected  to  Con 
gress  as  an  American,  in  open,  avowed  opposition  to  the  Democratic  organi 
zation. 

"  I  should  regret  exceedingly,  and  believe  it  would  be  a  national  calam 
ity,  to  have  anyone  who  is  a  supporter,  directly  or  indirectly,  of  this  ad 
ministration,  or  who  owes  it  any  allegiance,  favor  or  affection,  occupying 
a  position  of  importance  or  prominence  in  this  House.  I  would  regard  it 
as  a  public  calamity  to  have  the  power  of  this  House  placed,  directly  or 
indirectly,  under  the  control  of  this  administration.  It  would  be,  it  seems 
to  me,  a  fatal  policy  to  trust  the  power  of  this  House  to  the  control  of 
gentlemen  who  have  proclaimed  that  under  any  circumstances,  or  in  any 
event,  they  would  dissolve  the  union  of  these  states.  For  this  reason  we 
would  be  wanting  in  our  duty  to  our  God  and  our  country,  if  we  did  not 
avert  such  a  result  of  this  contest.  I  regard  it  as  th'e  highest  duty  of 
patriotism  to  submerge  personal  feelings,  to  sacrifice  all  personal  preferences 
and  all  private  interests,  to  the  good  of  our  common  country.  I  said  here  a 
few  days  ago,  and  I  always  stood  in  the  position,  that  when  I  became  con 
vinced  that  any  of  my  political  friends  or  associates  could  receive  further 
support  outside  of  the  Republican  organization,  I  would  retire  from  the  field 
and  yield  to  him  the  honor  of  the  position  that  the  partiality  of  friends  has 
assigned  to  me.  1  believe  that  time  has  now  arrived.  I  believe  that  a 
greater  concentration  can  now  be  made  on  another  gentleman,  who,  from  the 
beginning,  has  acted  with  me. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  179 

"  Therefore,  I  respectfully  withdraw  my  name  as  a  candidate.  And  in 
doing  so,  allow  me  to  return  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  the  generous  and 
hearty  support  of  all  my  political  friends,  and  especially  to  those  gentlemen 
with  whom  I  have  not  the  tie  of  a  party  name,  but  the  higher  one  of  a  com 
mon  purpose  and  sympathy.  And  if  I  can  ask  of  them  one  more  favor, 
it  would  be  that  in  an  unbroken  column,  with  an  unfaltering  front  and 
unwavering  line,  each  of  them  will  cast  his  vote  in  favor  of  any  one  of 
our  number  who  can  command  the  highest  vote,  or  who  can  be  elected 
speaker  of  this  House." 

A  ballot  was  immediately  taken,  but,  much  to  my  chagrin, 
the  gentlemen  named  did  not  change  their  votes,  and  Mr. 
Pennington  still  lacked  three  votes  of  an  election.  I  again  ap 
pealed  to  Davis  and  Briggs,  and  finally,  on  the  1st  of  February, 
Mr,  Pennington  received  their  votes.  The  result  was  an 
nounced;  Pennington,  117  votes;  McClernand,  85;  Gilmer,  16; 
15  scattering;  giving  Pennington  a  majority  of  one,  and  thus, 
after  a  long  and  violent  contest,  a  Republican  was  elected 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

I  was  entirely  satisfied  with  the  result.  I  had  received 
every  Republican  vote  and  the  votes  of  a  large  number  of  anti- 
Nebraska  Democrats  and  Americans.  No  cloud  rested  upon 
me,  no  allegation  of  misconduct  or  unfitness  was  made  against 
me.  I  would  have  been  easily  and  quickly  elected  but  for  the 
abnormal  excitement  created  by  Brown's  invasion  and  the  bit 
terness  of  political  antagonism  existing  at  that  time.  Many 
Members  who  felt  it  their  duty  to  oppose  my  election,  subse 
quently  expressed  their  regret  that  I  was  not  elected.  I  had 
voted  for  Mr.  Pennington  during  the  contest,  had  a  high  respect 
for  him  as  a  gentleman  of  character  and  influence,  long  a 
chancellor  of  his  state,  and  a  good  Republican. 

When  the  canvass  was  over,  I  felt  a  sense  of  relief.  During 
its  continuance,  I  had  remained,  with  rare  exceptions,  silent, 
though  strongly  tempted,  by  political  criticism,  to  engage  in 
the  debate.  I  had,  during  the  struggle,  full  opportunity  to 
estimate  the  capacity  and  qualifications  of  different  Members 
for  committee  positions,  and  had  the  committees  substantially 
framed,  when  Pennington  was  elected.  I  handed  the  list  to 
him,  for  which  he  thanked  me  kindly,  saying  that  he  had  but 
little  knowledge  of  the  personal  qualifications  of  the  Members. 


180  RECOLLECTIONS 

With  some  modifications,  made  necessary  by  my  defeat  and 
his  election  as  speaker,  he  adopted  the  list  as  his  own.  He 
designated  me  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  of  which  I  had  not  previously  been  a  member. 

The  organization  of  the  House  was  not  completed  until  the 
9th  day  of  February,  1860.  The  officers  designated  by  the  Ee- 
publicans  were  generally  elected.  Congress  seemed  to  appre 
ciate  the  necessity  of  prompt  and  vigorous  action  on  the 
business  of  the  session.  Still,  whatever  question  was  pending, 
political  topics  were  the  object  of  debate,  but  were  rarely  acted 
upon,  as  the  condition  of  the  House  prevented  anything  like 
political  action.  Nearly  all  the  measures  adopted  were  of  a 
non-political  character.  The  chief  work  of  the  session  was 
devoted  to  appropriations,  and  the  preparation  and  enactment 
of  a  tariff  bill.  At  that  time,  the  great  body  of  legislation  was 
referred  to  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  which  then 
had  charge  of  all  appropriations  and  of  all  tax  laws,  and  whose 
chairman  was  recognized  as  the  leader  of  the  House,  practi 
cally  controlling  the  order  of  its  business. 

By  the  13th  of  March,  I  was  able  to  say,  in  behalf  of  the 
committee,  that  all  the  annual  appropriation  bills  were  ready 
for  the  consideration  of  the  House,  and  promised  that  if  the 
House  would  sustain  the  committee,  all  these  bills  could  be 
passed  before  the  meeting  of  the  Charleston  convention.  Not 
withstanding  the  partisan  bitterness  which  was  exhibited 
against  me  while  I  was  a  candidate  for  speaker,  I  had  no  cause 
to  complain  of  a  want  of  support  by  the  House,  in  the  measures 
reported  from  that  committee.  Since  then  the  work  of  that 
committee  has  been  distributed  among  a  number  of  committees. 

The  first  political  contest  was  caused  by  a  message  of  Presi 
dent  Buchanan,  protesting  against  action  under  a  resolution  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  passed  on  the  5th  of  March,  pro 
viding  for  a  committee  of  five  members,  to  be  appointed  by  the 
speaker,  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  "whether  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  or  any  other  officer  of  the  govern 
ment,  has,  by  money,  patronage,  or  other  improper  means, 
sought  to  influence  the  action  of  Congress  for  or  against  the 
passage  of  any  law  pertaining  to  the  rights  of  any  state  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  181 

territory."      The  committee  appointed  came  to  be  commonly 
known  as  the  covode  committee. 

This  message  was  regarded  as  a  plain  interference  with  the 
unquestionable  power  of  the  House  to  investigate  the  conduct 
of  any  officer  of  the  government,  a  process  absolutely  necessary 
to  enable  the  House  to  exercise  the  power  of  impeachment. 
Upon  the  reception  of  the  message  I  immediately  replied  to  it, 
and  a  general  debate  arose  upon  a  motion  to  refer  it  to  the 
committee  on  the  judiciary.  That  motion  was  adopted  and  the 
committee  reported  a  resolution  in  the  following  words,  which 
was  finally  adopted  after  debate,  by  a  vote  of  88  yeas  and  40 
nays: 

"Resolved,  That  the  House  dissents  from  the  doctrines  of  the  special 
message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  March  28,  1860 ; 

"  That  the  extent  of  power  contemplated  in  the  adoption  of  the  resolu 
tions  of  inquiry  of  March  5>  1860,  is  necessary  to  the  proper  discharge  of  the 
constitutional  duties  devolved  upon  Congress ; 

"That  judicial  determinations,  the  opinions  of  former  Presidents  and 
uniform  usage,  sanction  its  exercise  ;  and 

"  That  to  abandon  it  would  leave  the  executive  department  of  the 
government  without  supervision  or  responsibility,  and  would  be  likely  to 
lead  to  a  concentration  of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  dangerous 
to  the  rights  of  a  free  people." 

This  resolution  was  regarded  as  a  severe  reproach  to  the 
President,  who  was  not  content  to  let  the  matter  rest  there,  but 
on  the  25th  of  June  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  a 
message  restating  the  position  in  his  former  message.  He  de 
nounced  the  proceedings  of  that  committee  as  a  violation  of 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  constitution.  But  for  the  lateness 
of  the  session  the  message  would  have  been  the  subject  of 
severe  animadversion.  Late  as  it  was  Benjamin  Stanton,  of 
Ohio,  entered  his  protest  and  moved  that  the  message  be  re 
ferred  to  a  select  committee  of  five,  with  power  to  report  at 
the  next  session.  This,  after  a  brief  debate,  was  adopted. 

During  the  entire  session,  while  the  current  business  was 
progressing  rapidly,  the  political  questions  involved  in  the 
pending  presidential  canvass,  the  topics  of  Kansas  and  slavery, 
were  frequently  obtruded  into  the  debate.  On  the  23rd  of 
April,  William  T.  Avery,  a  Democratic  Member  from  Tennessee 


RECOLLECTIONS 

charged  that  "an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  Republican 
party  in  this  House,  headed  by  Mr.  Sherman — in  fact,  every 
member  of  that  party  present  when  the  vote  was  taken,  ex 
cepting  some  fourteen  or  fifteen — indorsed  the  doctrine  of  the 
abolition  of  slavery  everywhere." 

In  the  course  of  a  reply  to  this  charge  I  said: 

"  I  think  there  is  not  a  Member  on  this  side  of  the  House  who  is  not  now 
willing  to  make  the  declaration  broadly,  openly,  that  he  is  opposed  to  any 
interference  whatever  with  the  relations  of  master  and  slave  in  the  slave 
states.  We  do  believe  that  Congress  has  the  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in 
the  territories ;  and  whenever  the  occasion  offers,  whenever  the  proper 
time  arrives,  whenever  the  question  arises,  we  are  in  favor  of  exercising  that 
power,  if  necessary,  to  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory. 
We  are  frank  and  open  upon  this  subject.  But  we  never  did  propose,  and 
do  not  now  propose,  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  slave  states.  I  hope 
the  gentleman  will  put  these  observations  in  his  speech,  so  that  the  gentle 
man's  constituents  may  see  that  we  4 black  Republicans'  are  not  so  very 
desirous  of  interfering  with  their  interests  or  rights,  but  only  desirous  of 
preserving  our  own." 

Mr.  Ashmore  inquired:  "Are  you  not  in  favor  of  abolishing 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ? " 

I  replied: 

"  I  have  stated  to  my  constituents,  over  and  over  again,  that  I  am  opposed 
to  interference  with  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  That  is  my  in 
dividual  position.  The  Republican  party  never  took  a  position  on  the 
subject.  Some  are  for  it,  and  some  against  it.  I  have  declared  to  my 
constituents,  over  and  over  again,  that  I  did  not  think  it  proper  to  agitate 
the  question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ;  because 
I  believe  that  this  is  the  very  paradise  of  the  free  negro.  I  believe  that, 
practically,  though  not  legally,  he  is  better  off  in  the  District  than  in  any 
portion  of  the  United  States.  There  are  but  few  slaves  here,  and  the  number 
is  decreasing  daily.  As  an  institution,  slavery  scarcely  exists  here,  and  1 
am  willing  to  leave  it  to  the  effect  of  time." 

On  the  12th  of  March,  1860,  Justin  S.  Morrill,  of  Vermont, 
by  instruction  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  reported 
a  bill  "to  provide  for  the  payment  of  outstanding  treasury 
notes,  to  authorize  a  loan,  to  regulate  and  fix  duties  on  im 
ports,  and  for  other  purposes."  This  became  the  law  com 
monly  known  as  the  Morrill  tariff  act,  which,  from  the  time 
of  its  introduction  to  this  day,  has  been  the  subject  of  debate, 


- 


**    -jf-f 


SENATOR  JUSTIN  S.  MORRILL, 
AUTHOR  OF THE"MORHILL TARIFF."  1861. 


•^ftSELie 

OF  THE 

?v  UNIVERS/T  y  v)) 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  188 

amendment,  criticism  and  praise.  It  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  its  con 
sideration  occupied  a  large  portion  of  the  remainder  of  the  ses 
sion.  Nearly  one  hundred  Members  entered  into  the  debate 
and  some  of  them  made  several  speeches  upon  the  subject. 
Being  at  the  time  much  occupied  with  the  appropriation  bills, 
I  did  not  give  much  attention  to  the  debate,  but  had  taken  part 
in  the  preparation  of  the  bill  in  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  and  concurred,  with  rare  exceptions,  in  the  principles 
and  details  of  the  measure. 

Mr.  Morrill  was  eminently  fitted  to  prepare  a  tariff  bill. 
He  had  been  engaged  in  trade  and  commerce,  was  a  man  of 
sound  judgment,  perfectly  impartial  and  honest.  Representing 
a  small  agricultural  state,  he  was  not  biased  by  sectional  feel 
ing  or  the  interests  of  his  constituents.  He  regarded  the  tariff 
as  not  only  a  method  of  taxation,  but  as  a  mode  of  protection  to 
existing  industries  in  the  United  States  with  a  view  to  encour 
age  and  increase  domestic  production.  He  was  moderate  in  his 
opinions,  kind  and  fair  in  expressing  them,  and  willing  to  listen 
with  patience  to  any  proposition  of  amendment.  He  still  lives 
at  the  venerable  age  of  eighty-five,  and  has  been,  during  all 
the  long  period  since  the  report  of  the  bill  named  after  him,  ix 
this  time,  in  public  life,  and  still  retains  the  confidence  and 
affection  of  his  constituents  and  his  colleagues. 

I  did  not  participate  in  the  debate  until  the  time  came 
when,  in  the  judgment  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  it 
was  necessary  to  dispose  of  the  bill,  either  by  its  passage  or 
defeat.  On  the  7th  of  May,  1860,  the  bill  being  before  the 
House,  I  moved  that  all  debate  on  it  should  cease  at  one 
o'clock  the  next  day.  Some  opposition  was  evinced,  but  the 
motion  was  adopted.  I  then  made  my  first  speech  upon  the 
subject  of  the  tariff.  The  introductory  paragraphs  state  the 
then  condition  of  the  treasury  as  follows: 

"The  revenue  act  of  March  3,  1857,  which  it  is  now  proposed  to  repeal, 
has  proved  to  be  a  crude,  ill-advised,  and  ill-digested  measure.  It  was 
never  acted  upon  in  detail  in  either  branch  of  Congress,  but  was  the  result 
of  a  committee  of  conference  in  the  last  days  of  the  session,  and  was 
finally  passed  by  a  combination  of  hostile  interests  and  sentiments.  It  was 

S.— 14 


184  RECOLLECTIONS 

adopted  at  a  time  of  inflated  prices,  when  the  treasury  was  overflowing 
with  revenue.  When  that  condition  of  affairs  ceased,  it  failed  to  furnish 
ordinary  revenue,  and  by  its  incidental  effects  operated  injuriously  to  nearly 
every  branch  of  industry. 

"  It  went  into  operation  on  the  1st  of  July,  1857.  At  that  time  there 
was  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  a  balance  of  $17,710,114.  The 
amount  of  the  public  debt  then  remaining  unpaid,  none  of  which  was  then 
due,  was  a -little  over  $29,000,000.  So  that  there  was  in  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,  when  the  tariff  act  of  1857  went  into  operation,  nearly  enough 
to  have  paid  two-thirds  of  the  public  debt.  Within  one  year  from  that  time, 
the  public  debt  was  increased  to  $44,910,777. 

"  On  the  1st  of  July,  1859,  the  public  debt  had  increased  to  $58,754,699. 
On  the  1st  of  May,  1860,  as  nearly  as  I  can  ascertain,  the  public  debt  had 
risen  to  $65,681,099.  The  balance  in  the  treasury  on  the  first  of  July  next, 
as  estimated  by  me,  will  be  $1,919,349. 

•&  -x-  *  *   •         #  *  *  -x-  -x- 

"  Under  the  operation  of  the  tariff  of  1857,  the  deficit  in  the  revenue  is 
over  $52,000,000.  It  may  be  stated  thus  : 

Balance  in  the  treasury,  July  1,  1857 $17,710,114 

Balance  in  the  treasury,  July  1,  1860,  estimated 1,919,349 

$15,790,765 

Amount  of  public  debt  May  1,  1860 $65,681,199 

Amount  of  public  debt  July  1,  1857 29,060,386  36,620,813 

$52,411,578 

It  was  manifest  from  these  statements  that  there  was  an 
imperative  necessity  for  the  passage  of  some  measure  to  in 
crease  the  revenues.  We  could  hardly  hope  that,  in  the  excited 
state  of  the  public  mind  and  the  known  position  of  the  Sen 
ate,  the  bill  could  pass  at  that  session.  The  government  had 
been  conducted  for  three  years  by  borrowing  money  in  time  of 
peace.  The  appropriations  had  been  reduced  during  that  ses 
sion  by  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  below  the  estimates 
of  the  treasury,  as  stated  by  me  to  the  House.  I  then  said: 

"  I  desire  now  to  say  that  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  who  have 
had  charge  of  appropriation  bills,  have  endeavored,  faithfully  and  honestly, 
without  regard  to  party  divisions  —  and  all  parties  in  this  House  are  repre 
sented  in  that  committee- — to  cut  down  the  appropriations  to  the  lowest 
practicable  point ;  and  thus  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  the  government.  I 
have  before  me  a  table  showing  that,  upon  the  estimates  submitted  to  us,  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government, 
we  have  been  able  to  reduce  the  amount  about  $1,230,000." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  185 

After  a  careful  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury 
and  the  necessity  for  further  supplies,  I  expressed  this  opinion 
of  the  pending  bill: 

"  In  my  judgment,  Mr.  Merrill's  bill  is  a  great  improvement  on  the  tariff 
of  1857.  It  is  more  certain.  It  is  more  definite.  It  gives  specific  duties. 
There  is  another  reason  why  it  is  better  than  the  tariff  of  1857.  That  tariff  is 
made  up  of  complex  and  inconvenient  tables.  The  number  of  tables  is  too 
great ;  and  in  some  cases  the  same  article  is  in  two  tables.  Thus,  flaxseed 
comes  in  with  a  duty  of  ten  per  cent.;  and  yet  linseed,  the  same  thing,  yielding 
the  same  product,  the  same  oil,  is  admitted  duty  free.  The  bill  of  Mr.  Mor- 
rill,  on  the  other  hand,  fixes  three  ad  valorem  tables  ;  one  at  ten  per  cent.,  one 
at  twenty,  and  the  other  at  thirty.  There  is  a  number  of  specific  duties,  and 
then  there  is  a  free  list.  It  conforms  to  our  decimal  currency,  and  the 
duties  under  it  are  easily  calculated.  There  can  be  but  little  dispute  about 
home  and  foreign  valuation  under  it.  It  will  yield  a  revenue  sufficient  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  government.  It  is  more  simple  and  more  certain. 
It  substitutes  specific  for  ad  ralorem  duties  whenever  practicable.  For 
these  reasons,  it  is  obvious  Mr.  Merrill's  bill  ought  to  receive  the  sanction 
of  Congress." 

The  bill  not  only  provided  for  a  sufficient  revenue,  but  was 
distinctively  a  bill  for  incidental  protection  to  all  American 
industries,  impartially  and  fairly  applied.  I  said  I  desired  to 
have  this  bill  passed, 

"  Because  it  is  framed  upon  the  idea  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  govern 
ment,  in  imposing  taxes,  to  do  as  little  injury  to  the  industry  of  the  country 
as  possible;  that  they  are  to  be  levied  so  as  to  extend  a  reasonable  protec 
tion  to  all  branches  of  American  industry.  I  think  that  is  right.  Every 
President  of  the  United  States,  from  Washington  to  this  time,  has  recog 
nized  that  principle,  including  Mr.  Buchanan. 

"We  may  make  a  tariff  to  raise  the  sum  of  $40,000,000,  and  injure 
every  industrial  interest  of  the  country.  The  committee  of  ways  and  means 
report  a  tariff  bill  which  will  produce  $65,000,000,  and  will  do  no  injury  to 
any  industrial  interest.  I  believe  that  it  will  give  a  reasonable  fair  protec 
tion  for  the  great  industries  of  agriculture,  manufacture,  and  commerce, 
which  lie  at  the  basis  of  the  prosperity  of  this  country." 

Mr.  Morrill  participated  in  this  debate  by  brief  but  clear 
statements  in  respect  to  the  details  of  the  bill.  On  the  8th  of 
May,  1860,  he  said,  in  the  course  of  some  remarks  upon  the  bill: 

"  I  think  if  the  gentleman  will  examine  this  bill,  he  will  find  that  the 
average  rates  of  duties  upon  manufactured  articles  are  not  higher,  but 


186  RECOLLECTIONS 

rather  lower,  than  they  are  now;  but  being  to  a  large  extent  specific,  they 
will  prove  of  great  value  to  the  country,  in  giving  steadiness  to  our  mar 
kets,  as  well  as  to  the  revenue;  and  because  frauds  will  be  to  a  very  great 
extent  obviated,  which  are  now  practiced  under  our  ad  valorem  system,  and 
which  have  made  our  government  almost  equal  in  infamy  to  that  of  Mexico 
and  other  countries,  where  their  revenue  laws  are  a  mere  farce." 

The  bill,  despite  its  merits,  was  assailed  with  all  forms  of 
amendments  from  all  parts  of  the  House.  Many  of  the  amend 
ments  were  adopted,  until  the  bill  became  so  mottled  that  Mr. 
Morrill,  discouraged  and  strongly  inclined  against  the  bill  as 
changed,  was  disposed  to  abandon  it  to  its  fate.  He  was  not 
familiar  with  the  rules,  and,  for  this  reason,  labored  under  a 
disadvantage  in  the  conduct  of  the  bill.  I  believed  not  only 
in  the  merits  of  the  measure,  but  that  by  a  process  strictly 
in  accordance  with  the  rules,  it  might  be  restored  substan 
tially  as  it  was  reported  by  the  committee.  To  secure  that 
effect  Mr.  Morrill  offered  an  amendment  in  the  nature  of  a 
substitute  for  the  bill.  To  that  I  offered  as  an  amendment  a 
bill  which  embodied  nearly  all  of  the  original  bill  as  reported, 
with  such  modifications  as  were  evidently  favored  by  the 
House,  without  affecting  the  general  principles  of  the 
measure. 

The  vote,  upon  my  substitute  being  adopted  in  place  of  the 
substitute  offered  by  Mr.  Morrill,  prevented  any  amendment  to 
my  amendment  except  by  adding  to  it.  The  result  of  it  was 
that  the  House,  tired  with  the  long  struggle,  and  believing 
that  the  measure  thus  amended  was  in  substance  the  same  as 
the  original  bill  reported,  finally  passed  the  bill  on  the  10th 
day  of  May,  1860,  by  the  vote  of  105  yeas  to  64  nays. 

As  this  was  my  birthday,  I  remember  to  have  celebrated  it, 
not  only  as  my  birthday,  but  as  the  day  on  which  the  Morrill 
tariff  bill  passed  the  House  of  Representatives. 

We  knew  upon  the  passage  of  this  bill  that  it  could  not 
pass  the  Senate  during  that  session.  It  was  taken  up  in  that 
body,  debated  at  considerable  length,  and  finally,  on  the  20th 
of  June,  it  was,  in  effect,  postponed  until  the  next  session. 

I  might  as  well  here  follow  the  Morrill  tariff  bill  to  its  final 
passage  at  the  next  session  of  this  Congress. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  187 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1860,  Mr.  Hunter,  from  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  to  whom  was  referred  the  tariff  bill,  reported 
it  back  with  a  recommendation  that  it  be  postponed  until  the 
4th  day  of  March  following.  This  was,  in  effect,  to  reject  the 
bill,  as  Congress  terminated  on  that  day.  The  committee  on 
finance,  and  a  majority  of  the  Senate  as  then  constituted,  was 
opposed  to  the  passage  of  the  bill,  but  the  secession  move 
ments,  then  openly  threatened,  soon  changed  the  political  com 
plexion  of  the  Senate,  by  the  resignation  of  Senators  on  ac 
count  of  the  secession  of  their  states.  On  the  18th  of  January, 
1861,  Mr.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  take  up  the  bill, 
and,  upon  his  motion,  it  was  made  a  special  order  for  the  fol 
lowing  Wednesday.  On  the  23rd  of  January  it  was  referred  to 
a  committee  of  five  members,  consisting  of  Mr.  Simmons,  Mr. 
Hunter,  Mr.  Bigler,  Mr.  Fessenden,  and  Mr.  Gwin.  This  was 
done  on  the  same  day  when  the  committees  of  the  Senate  were 
reorganized  on  account  of  the  withdrawal  of  Senators.  The 
special  committee  appointed  by  the  Vice  President  was  friendly 
to  the  bill.  Then  for  the  first  time  it  became  possible  to  se 
cure  favorable  action  in  the  Senate.  Many  amendments  were 
proposed  and  adopted  by  the  Senate,  but  they  did  not  mate 
rially  affect  the  general  principles  upon  which  the  bill  was 
founded.  It  passed  the  Senate  with  these  amendments  by  the 
decided  vote  of  25  yeas  to  14  nays.  All  of  the  amendments  of 
the  Senate  but  one  were  promptly  agreed  to  by  the  House,  and 
an  amendment  was  made  to  the  Senate  amendment,  upon  which 
a  conference  between  the  two  Houses  was  ordered.  Messrs.  Sim 
mons,  Bigler  and  Hunter  were  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate  and  Messrs.  Sherman,  Phelps  and  Moorhead  on  the  part 
of  the  House. 

On  the  27th  day  of  February,  five  days  before  the  close  of  the 
session,  the  conferees  reported  to  the  Senate  their  agreement 
and  the  report  of  the  committee  was  adopted  without  objec 
tion  or  division  by  that  body,  and  also  by  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  the  bill  was  signed  by  President  Buchanan. 

This  law,  passed  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution,  and  only  pos 
sible  as  the  result  of  the  withdrawal  of  Senators  to  engage  in 
the  war  of  secession,  met  all  the  expectations  of  its  friends.  It 


188  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  fair,  just  and  conservative,  and  would,  in  peaceful  times, 
yield  about  $50,000,000  a  year,  the  amount  of  national  expendi 
tures  in  1860,  and,  at  the  same  time,  protect  and  strengthen  all 
existing  home  industries,  and  lay  the  foundation  for  great  in 
crease  in  production.  It  was  destined,  however,  to  begin  its 
existence  at  a  period  of  revolution.  The  secession  of  eleven 
states  precipitated  the  war,  involving  enormous  expenditures, 
in  the  face  of  which  all  revenue  laws  were  inadequate  and 
powerless.  The  credit  of  the  government,  its  resources  and 
capacity  for  taxation,  had  to  be  appealed  to.  Resort  was  had 
to  every  possible  mode  of  taxation  that  could  be  devised  by  the 
ingenuity  of  man,  to  supply  the  requirements  of  the  war,  and 
to  maintain  the  public  credit.  The  Morrill  tariff  act  was,  there 
fore,  greatly  modified  by  subsequent  laws,  the  duties  doubled 
and  in  some  cases  trebled.  Internal  taxes,  yielding  twofold 
the  amount  collected  from  customs,  were  levied,  and  cheerfully 
paid,  and  duties  on  imported  goods  were  quickly  increased. 
The  details  of  this  act  became  the  victim  of  the  war,  but  the 
general  principles  upon  which  it  was  founded,  the  application 
of  specific  duties  where  possible,  and  the  careful  protection 
extended  to  the  products  of  the  soil  and  the  mine,  as  well  as 
of  the  workshop,  have  been  maintained  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent  until  the  present  time. 

I  have  participated  in  framing  many  tariff  bills,  but  have 
never  succeeded  in  securing  one  that  I  entirely  approved.  The 
Morrill  tariff  bill  came  nearer  than  any  other  to  meeting  the 
double  requirement  of  providing  ample  revenue  for  the  support 
of  the  government  and  of  rendering  the  proper  protection  to 
home  industries.  No  national  taxes,  except  duties  on  imported 
goods,  were  imposed  at  the  time  of  its  passage.  The  Civil  Wai- 
changed  all  this,  reducing  importations  and  adding  tenfold  to 
the  revenue  required.  The  government  was  justified  in  in 
creasing  existing  rates  of  duty,  and  in  adding  to  the  dutiable 
list  all  articles  imported,  thus  including  articles  of  prime  ne 
cessity  and  of  universal  use.  In  addition  to  these  duties,  it 
was  compelled  to  add  taxes  on  all  articles  of  home  production, 
on  incomes  not  required  for  the  supply  of  actual  wants,  and, 
especially,  on  articles  of  doubtful  necessity,  such  as  spirits, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  189 

tobacco  and  beer.  These  taxes  were  absolutely  required  to 
meet  expenditures  for  the  army  and  navy,  for  the  interest  on 
the  war  debts  and  just  pensions  to  those  who  were  disabled  by 
the  war,  and  to  their  widows  and  orphans. 

These  conditions  have,  in  a  measure,  been  fulfilled.  The 
war  is  over ;  the  public  debt  has  been  diminished  to  one-third 
of  the  amount  due  at  the  close  of  the  war.  The  pension  list  is 
the  chief  and  almost  only  outstanding  obligation  growing  out 
of  the  war,  but  this  is  fully  met  by  internal  taxes  on  spirits, 
tobacco  and  beer.  What  is  needed  now  is  a  tariff  or  tax  on 
imported  goods  sufficient  in  amount  to  meet  the  current  ex 
penditures  of  the  government,  and  which  at  the  same  time  will 
tend  to  encourage  the  production  in  this  country  of  all  articles, 
whether  of  the  farm,  the  mine  or  the  workshop,  that  can  be 
readily  and  at  reasonable  cost  produced  in  this  country. 

And  here  we  meet  the  difficulty  that  the  mode,  extent, 
manner  and  objects  of  tariff  taxation  are  unhappily  mixed  up 
in  our  party  politics.  This  should  not  be  so.  Whether  the 
mode  of  taxation  should  be  by  a  percentage  on  the  value  of 
goods  imported,  or  by  a  duty  imposed  on  the  weight  or  quan 
tity,  depends  upon  the  nature  of  the  article.  If  the  article  is 
sold  in  the  market  by  weight  or  quantity,  the  duty  should  be 
specific,  i.  e.,  a  certain  rate  on  the  unit  of  weight  or  quantity. 
If  it  is  of  such  a  nature  that  its  value  cannot  be  measured  by 
weight  or  quantity  the  duty  should  be  ad  valorem,  i.  e.,  a  per 
centage  of  its  value.  This  is  matter  of  detail  to  be  fixed  by  the 
custom  of  merchants.  As  a  rule  it  is  better  to  fix  the  duty 
upon  weight  or  measure,  rather  than  upon  value,  for  by  the 
former  mode  the  amount  is  easily  ascertained  by  the  scale  or 
yard  stick,  while  to  base  the  duty  upon  value,  changing  from 
day  to  day,  is  to  invite  fraud  and  litigation. 

The  extent  or  rate  of  duty  to  be  imposed  should  depend  en 
tirely  upon  the  pecuniary  wants  of  the  government,  and  the 
nature  of  the  article  imported.  If  the  article  is  one  of  luxury, 
mainly  consumed  by  the  rich,  the  duty  should  be  at  a  higher 
rate  than  upon  an  article  in  general  use.  This  principle  is  some 
times  disputed,  but  it  would  seem  that  in  a  republic  a  just  dis 
crimination  ought  to  be  made  in  favor  of  the  many  rather  than 


190  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  few.  On  this  principle  all  political  parties  have  acted. 
The  rates  have  been  higher  on  silks,  satins,  furs  and  the  like 
than  on  goods  made  of  cotton,  wool,  flax  or  hemp.  To  meet 
the  changing  wants  of  the  government  all  articles  should  be 
classified  in  schedules,  so  that  the  rate  of  duty  on  a  single 
schedule,  or  on  many  schedules,  could  be  advanced  or  lowered 
without  disturbing  the  general  scheme  of  taxation. 

As  to  the  manner  of  taxation  and  the  places  where  duties 
should  be  collected,  all  will  agree  that  they  should  be  paid  as 
nearly  as  possible  where  the  goods  are  to  be  consumed.  The  con 
centration  of  importations  at  any  one  port  on  the  coast,  or  at 
several  ports,  gives  to  the  people  residing  at  or  near  such  favored 
ports  an  advantage  over  the  people  living  in  the  interior  of  the 
country.  The  system  of  interior  ports,  or  places  of  delivery  to 
which  goods  may  be  consigned,  has  been  adopted  and  generally 
approved.  The  object  is  that  all  parts  of  the  country  shall 
have  equal  facilities  and  bear  equally  the  burdens  of  taxa 
tion. 

The  method  of  importations  should  be  so  simplified  that  any 
person,  in  any  part  of  the  United  States,  may  order  from  any 
commercial  port  or  country  any  article  desired  and  be  able 
to  receive  it  and  pay  the  prescribed  duty,  at  any  considerable 
port  or  city  in  the  United  States  that  he  may  designate. 

As  to  the  objects  of  tariff  taxation  there  is  and  always  will 
be  an  honest  difference  of  opinion.  The  main  purpose  is  to  se 
cure  the  revenue  from  foreigners  seeking  our  market  to  dispose 
of  their  products.  The  United  States  has  the  right,  exercised 
by  every  nation,  to  determine  upon  what  terms  the  produc 
tions  of  foreign  nations  shall  be  admitted  into  its  markets,  and 
those  terms  will  be  such  as  its  interests  may  demand.  Great 
Britain  may  admit  nearly  all  commodities  free  of  duty,  but 
even  that  country  is  guided  by  her  interests  in  all  her  commer 
cial  regulations.  All  other  nations  classified  as  civilized  seek, 
like  the  United  States,  by  tariff  laws,  not  only  to  secure  rev 
enue,  but  to  protect  and  foster  domestic  industries.  Japan 
has  won  its  entrance  among  civilized  nations  by  securing  trea 
ties  with  European  countries  and  the  United  States,  by  which 
she  has  been  relieved  from  restrictions  as  to  her  duties  on 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  191 

imports,  and  now  has  the  right  to  regulate  and  fix  her  import 
duties  as  her  interest  dictates. 

The  United  States  has  from  the  beginning  of  its  govern 
ment  declared  that  one  object  of  duties  on  imports  is  the 
encouragement  of  manufactures  in  the  United  States,  and, 
whatever  may  be  the  dogma  inserted  in  a  political  party  plat 
form,  tariff  legislation  will  continue  to  have  a  double  object, 
revenue  and  protection.  This  wa,s  strikingly  exemplified  by  the 
recent  action  of  -Congress  in  the  passage  of  the  tariff  law  now 
in  force. 

The  real  difficulty  in  our  tariff  laws  is  to  avoid  unequal  and 
unjust  discrimination  in  the  objects  of  protection,  made  with  a 
view  to  favor  the  productions  of  one  state  or  section  at  the 
cost  of  another  state  or  section.  The  dogma  of  some  manufac 
turers,  that  raw  materials  should  be  admitted  free  of  duty,  is 
far  more  dangerous  to  the  protective  policy  than  the  opposi 
tion  of  free  traders.  The  latter  contend  that  no  duties  should 
be  levied  to  protect  domestic  industry,  but  for  revenue  only, 
while  the  former  demand  protection  for  their  industries,  but 
refuse  to  give  to  the  farmer  and  miner  the  benefit  of  even  rev 
enue  duties.  A  denial  of  protection  on  coal,  iron,  wool  and 
other  so-called  raw  materials,  will  lead  to  the  denial  of  pro 
tection  to  machinery,  to  textiles,  to  pottery  and  other  indus 
tries.  The  labor  of  one  class  must  not  be  sacrificed  to  secure 
higher  protection  for  another  class.  The  earth  and  all  that 
is  within  it  is  the  work  of  God.  The  labor  of  man  that  tends 
to  develop  the  resources  buried  in  the  earth  is  entitled  to 
the  same  favor  and  protection  as  skilled  labor  in  the  highest 
branch  of  industry,  and  if  this  is  not  granted  impartially  the 
doctrine  of  protection  proclaimed  by  the  founders  of  our  gov 
ernment,  supported  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  of  wonder 
ful  progress,  will  be  sacrificed  by  the  hungry  greed  of  selfish 
corporations,  who  ask  protection  for  great  establishments  and 
refuse  to  grant  it  to  the  miner,  the  laborer  and  the  farmer. 

Another  principle  must  be  ingrafted  into  our  tariff  laws, 
growing  out  of  new  modes  of  production  by  corporations  and 
combinations.  Until  recently  each  miner,  each  artisan,  and 
each  manufacturer,  had  to  compete  in  the  open  market  with 


192  RECOLLECTIONS 

everyone  engaged  in  the  same  industry.  The  general  public 
had  the  benefit  of  free  competition.  This  tended  to  lower 
prices  on  many  commodities,  to  increase  the  quantity  pro 
duced,  and  to  supply  the  home  market,  thus  excluding  impor 
tations.  The  tendency  since  the  Civil  War  in  every  branch  of 
industry  ha.s  been  to  consolidate  operations.  To  effect  this, 
corporations  have  been  created  in  most  of  the  states  and 
granted  such  liberal  corporate  powers,  without  respect  to  the 
nature  of  the  business  to  be  conducted,  and  with  terms  and 
privileges  so  favorable,  that  private  enterprise  without  large 
capital  cannot  compete  with  them.  Instead  of  small  or  mod 
erate  workshops,  with  a  few  hands,  we  now  have  great  estab 
lishments  with  hundreds  of  employes,  and  all  the  capital  of 
scores  of  stockholders  under  the  control  of  a  few  men,  and 
often  of  one  man.  This  may  be  of  benefit  by  reducing  the 
cost  of  production,  but  it  also  involves  two  dangers,  one  the 
irrepressible  conflict  of  labor  with  capital,  and  the  other  the 
combination  of  corporations  engaged  in  the  same  business 
to  advance  prices  and  prevent  competition,  thus  constitut 
ing  a  monopoly  commanding  business  and  controlling  the 
market. 

This  power  in  the  hands  of  a  few  is  at  this  moment  the 
disturbing  element  in  many  of  our  great  industries.  It  is 
especially  dangerous  when  it  is  promoted  by  rates  of  duty  on 
imported  goods  higher  than  are  necessary  to  cover  the  dif 
ference  in  the  cost  of  labor  here  and  abroad.  When  such  con 
ditions  occur,  the  monopoly  becomes  offensive.  Such  com 
binations  are  denounced  and  punished  by  the  laws  of  almost 
every  civilized  government  and  by  the  laws  of  many  of  our 
states.  They  should  be  denounced  and  punished  by  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  whenever  they  affect  any  matter  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States.  Whenever  the  tendency 
of  a  monopoly  is  to  prevent  mutual  competition,  and  to  ad 
vance  prices  for  any  articles  embraced  in  our  tariff  laws,  the 
duty  on  the  article  should  be  at  once  reduced  or  repealed. 

As  Members  of  Congress,  divided  by  party  lines  and  crude 
platforms,  must  in  the  main,  care  for  and  protect  local  inter 
ests,  I  do  not  believe  any  fair,  impartial  and  business  tariff  can 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  193 

be  framed  by  them.  It  would  be  better  for  Congress,  the  law- 
making  power,  after  determining  the  amount  to  be  raised,  to 
sanction  and  adopt  a  careful  tariff  bill,  framed  by  an  impartial 
commission,  large  enough  to  represent  all  sections  and  parties, 
all  employers  and  employes.  Hitherto,  the  tariffs  framed  by 
Congress  have  been  rejected  by  the  people.  Each  party,  in  its 
turn,  has  undertaken  the  task  with  like  result.  Let  us  try  the 
experiment  of  a  tariff  framed,  not  by  a  party  upon  a  party  plat 
form,  but  by  the  selected  representatives  of  the  commercial, 
industrial,  farming  and  laboring  classes.  Let  Congress  place 
upon  the  statute  book-  such  a  law,  and  the  tariff  question  will 
cease  to  be  the  foot  ball  of  partisan  legislation. 

The  remainder  of  this  session  was  occupied  chiefly  in 
the  consideration  of  appropriation  bills.  These  were  care 
fully  scrutinized;  many  estimates  of  the  departments  were 
reduced.  As  usual,  appropriations  were  increased  in  the 
Senate,  but  most  of  the  amendments  were  rejected  in  con 
ference. 

The  bill  authorizing  a  loan  for  the  redemption  of  treasury 
notes  was  passed  on  the  22nd  day  of  June.  Congress  adjourned 
at  noon  June  25,  1860. 

This  memorable  Congress,  commencing  with  a  contest 
which  threatened  violence  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  was  held  unorganized  for  sixty  days  by  a  defeated 
party  upon  a  flimsy  pretext,  and  during  all  that  time  we  had 
to  listen  to  open  threats  of  secession  and  disunion  made  by 
its  members.  No  previous  Congress  had  exhibited  such  vio 
lence  of  speech  and  action.  When  fully  organized  it  quieted 
down,  and,  writh  occasional  exceptions,  proceeded  rapidly  to  the 
discharge  of  its  public  duties.  A  greater  number  of  contested 
bills  were  passed  at  this  Congress  than  usual.  Most  of  these 
measures  came  from  the  committee  of  ways  and  means.  The 
members  of  that  committee  were  Messrs.  John  Sherman,  of 
Ohio,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  John  S.  Phelps,  of  Mis 
souri,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  Israel  Washburn,  Jr., 
of  Maine,  John  S.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  Justin  S.  Morrill,  of  Ver 
mont,  Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  and  Elbridge  Gr.  Spauld- 
ing,  of  New  York.  Of  these  but  two,  Mr.  Morrill  and  myself, 


194  RECOLLECTIONS 

survive.  A  brief  notice  of  those  who  are  numbered  with  the 
dead  may  not  be  out  of  place. 

Henry  Winter  Davis  was  the  most  accomplished  orator  in 
the  House  while  he  was  a  Member.  Well  educated  in  college, 
well  trained  as  a  lawyer,  an  accomplished  writer  and  eloquent 
speaker,  yet  he  was  a  poor  parliamentarian,  a  careless  member 
in  committee,  and  utterly  unfit  to  conduct  an  appropriation  or 
tariff  bill  in  the  House.  He  was  impatient  of  details,  queru 
lous  when  questioned  or  interrupted,  but  in  social  life  and  in 
intercourse  with  his  fellow  Members  he  was  genial,  kind  and 
courteous.  On  one  occasion,  when  I  was  called  home,  I  re 
quested  him  to  take  charge  of  an  appropriation  bill  and  secure 
its  passage.  He  did  as  I  requested,  but  he  was  soon  embarrassed 
by  questions  he  could  not  answer,  and  had  the  bill  postponed 
until  my  return.  I  felt  for  Mr.  Davis  a  personal  attachment, 
and  I  believe  this  kindly  feeling  was  reciprocated.  He  served 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  during  most  of  the  war,  and 
joined  with  Senator  Wade  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  re 
election  in  1864.  He  died  at  Baltimore  on  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  1865,  when  in  the  full  vigor  of  matured  manhood. 

John  S.  Phelps  in  1860  was  an  old  and  experienced  Member. 
Born  in  Connecticut  he  removed  to  Missouri  as  early  as  1837. 
In  1844  he  was  elected  to  Congress  as  a  Democrat,  and  con 
tinued  as  a  Member  sixteen  years,  being  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  ways  and  means  during  the  85th  Congress.  He  was 
a  valuable  Member,  patient,  careful,  industrious,  and  had  the 
confidence  of  the  House.  He  was  moderate  in  his  political 
opinions,  and,  though  a  resident  of  Missouri,  he  took  the  Union 
side  in  the  Civil  War. 

Thaddeus  Stevens,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the 
last  generation,  was  born  in  Vermont  near  the  close  of  the  last 
century;  and  was  well  educated.  He  taught  school  and  studied 
law.  He  removed  to  Pennsylvania  and  there  engaged  in  tur 
bulent  politics;  served  several  years  as  a  member  of  the  state 
legislature;  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1848  and  served  four 
years.  He  was  known  to  be  an  aggressive  Whig  and  a  danger 
ous  opponent  in  debate;  wras  re-elected  in  1858  as  a  Repub 
lican  and  at  once  took  the  lead  in  the  speakership  contest.  His 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  195 

sarcasm  was  keen  and  merciless.  He  was  not  a  very  useful 
member  of  the  committee.  He  was  better  in  the  field  of  battle 
than  in  the  seclusion  of  the  committee.  Still,  when  any  con 
test  arose  in  the  House  over  bills  reported  by  the  committee, 
he  was  always  ready  to  defend  its  action.  Though  a  cynical 
old  bachelor,  with  a  deformed  foot  and  with  a  bitter  tongue 
for  those  he  disliked,  he  was  always  charitable  and  kind  to  the 
poor.  He  was  quiet  and  impartial  in  his  charity,  recognizing 
no  distinction  on  account  of  color,  but  usually  preferring  to  aid 
women  rather  than  men.  I  was  often  the  witness  of  his  chari 
ties.  He  continued  in  active  public  life  until  his  death  on  the 
llth  of  August,  1868.  For  some  time  before  his  death  he  was 
unable  to  walk  up  the  marble  steps  of  the  capitol  and  two  stout 
negroes  were  detailed  to  carry  him  up  in  a  chair.  On  one  oc 
casion  when  safely  seated  he  grimly  said  to  them,  "Who  will 
carry  me  when  you  die?"  Mr.  Stevens  was  a  brave  man. 
He  always  fought  his  fights  to  a  finish  and  never  asked  or  gave 
quarter. 

Israel  Wash  burn,  Jr.,  of  Maine,  was  one  of  three  brothers, 
Members  of  this  Congress.  Israel  was  the  eldest,  and,  perhaps, 
the  most  active,  of  the  three.  He  received  a  classical  education, 
studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  in  1830.  He  was  a 
good  debater  and  a  useful  member  of  the  committee.  He  had 
been  in  Congress  ten  years,  including  the  36th.  He  subse 
quently  became  governor  of  Maine,  and  collector  of  customs  at 
Portland. 

John  S.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  had  long  been  a  Member  of 
Congress,  was  fifty-two  years  old,  and  regarded  as  a  safe,  con 
servative  man  of  fair  abilities. 

Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  was  a  lawyer  of  good  stand 
ing.  He  was  elected  a  Member  of  Congress  in  1854,  and  con 
tinued  as  such  until  the  rebellion,  in  which  he  took  an  active 
part.  When  Georgia  seceded,  he,  with  his  colleagues,  formally 
withdrew  from  Congress.  Crawford  and  I  had  been  friendly, 
and  somewhat  intimate.  He  was  a  frank  man,  openly  avowing 
his  opinions,  but  with  respectful  toleration  of  those  of  others. 
After  he  withdrew  we  met  in  the  lobby ;  he  bade  me  good-bye, 
saying  that  his  next  appearance  in  Washington  would  be  as 


196  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Con 
federate  States.  I  told  him  that  he  was  more  likely  to  appear 
as  a  prisoner  of  war.  I  then  warned  him  that  the  struggle 
would  be  to  the  death,  and  that  the  Union  would  triumph. 
Long  afterwards,  when  I  visited  the  fair  at  Atlanta,  he  recalled 
our  conversation  and  admitted  I  was  the  best  prophet.  We 
spent  the  evening  and  far  into  the  night  talking  about  the  past 
and  the  future.  He  evinced  no  regret  for  the  result  of  the  war, 
but  quietly  acquiesced,  and  was  then  a  judge  in  one  of  the 
courts  in  that  state. 

Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  was  an  excellent  Mem 
ber.  He  had  a  taste  for  financial  problems  and  contributed  a 
good  deal  to  the  measures  adopted,  in  this  and  the  37th  Con 
gress,  to  establish  a  national  currency  and  to  build  up  the 
public  credit.  These  Members,  with  Mr.  Morrill  and  myself, 
were  charged  with  the  most  important  legislation  in  the  86th 
Congress,  and  I  believe  that  the  general  opinion  of  the  House 
was  that  we  did  our  duty  well. 


CHAPTER    IX. 
LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  BUCHANAN  ADMINISTRATION. 

My  First  Appearance  Before  a  New  York  Audience  —  Lincoln's  Nomination  at  the 
Chicago  Convention  —  I  Engage  Actively  in  the  Presidential  Canvass  —  Mak 
ing  Speeches  for  Lincoln  — My  Letter  to  Philadelphia  Citizens— Acts  of 
Secession  by  Southern  States  —  How  the  South  was  Equipped  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  —  Buchanan's  Strange  Doctrine 
Regarding  State  Control  by  the  General  Government— 
Schemes  "  to  Save  the  Country  "  —  My  Reply  to 
Mr.  Pendleton  on  the  Condition  of  the  Im 
pending  Revolution  —  The  Ohio  Dele 
gation  in  the  36th  Congress  — 
Retrospection. 

I  HAVE  followed  this  important  session  of  Congress  to  its 
close,  but  while  the  debate  continued  in  Congress  a 
greater  debate  was  being  conducted  by  the  people.  Never 
before  was  such  interest  felt  in  the  political  questions  of 
the  day.  In  many  of  the  cities  of  the  country  clubs  were  or 
ganized  for  political  discussions,  and  persons  in  public  life  were 
pressed  to  make  speeches  or  lectures  on  the  topics  of  the  day. 
The  Young  Men's  Central  Republican  Union,  of  New  York, 
arranged  a  series  of  lectures,  the  first  of  which  was  delivered 
by  Frank  P.  Blair,  the  second  by  Cassius  M.  Clay,  and  the  third 
by  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  remarkable  address  of  the  last 
named  had  great  influence  in  securing  his  nomination  for 
President.  It  was  the  first  time  Mr.  Lincoln  had  spoken  in 
New  York,  where  he  was  then  personally  almost  unknown.  His 
debate  with  I>ouglas  had  excited  general  attention.  Using  the 
language  of  his  biographers : 

"When,  on  the  evening  of  February  27,  1860,  he  stood  before  his 
audience,  he  saw  not  only  a  well-filled  house,  but  an  assemblage  of  listen 
ers  in  which  were  many  whom,  by  reason  of  his  own  modest  estimate  of 
himself,  he  would  have  been  rather  inclined  to  ask  advice  from  than  to  offer 
instruction  to.  William  Cullen  Bryant  presided  over  the  meeting. 

********* 
"  The  representative  men  of  New  York  were  naturally  eager  to  see  and 
hear  one  who,  by  whatever  force  of  eloquence  or  argument,  had  attracted 

(197) 


N 

x^ 

198  RECOLLECTIONS 

so  large  a  share  of  the  public  attention.  We  may  also  fairly  infer  that,  on 
his  part,  Lincoln  was  no  less  curious  to  test  the  effect  of  his  words  on  an 
audience  more  learned  and  critical  than  those  collected  in  the  open  air 
meetings  of  his  western  campaigns.  This  mutual  interest  was  an  evident 
advantage  to  both;  it  secured  a  close  attention  from  the  house,  and  insured 
deliberation  and  emphasis  by  the  speaker,  enabling  him  to  develop  his  argu 
ment  with  perfect  precision  and  unity,  reaching  perhaps  the  happiest  general 
effect  ever  attained  in  any  one  of  his  long  addresses." 

His  speech  was  printed  by  the  leading  papers  of  the  city, 
and,  in  pamphlet  form,  was  widely  distributed  and  read. 

I  was  invited  by  the  Republican  Union  to  make  one  of 
these  addresses,  and,  though  very  much  occupied  and  having 
little  time  for  preparation,  I  accepted  the  invitation,  and  spoke 
at  Cooper  Institute  in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  30th  of 
April,  1860.  It  was  my  first  appearance  before  a  New  York 
audience,  and  I  confess  that  I  was  not  satisfied  with  the  ad 
dress.  I  undertook,  what  I  never  attempted  before,  to  read  a 
political  speech  to  a  popular  audience.  While  I  was  treated 
kindly  I  felt  quite  sure  my  speech  was  a  disappointment.  A 
recent  reading  of  it  confirms  my  opinion  that  it  was  not  equal 
to  the  occasion  or  the  audience. 

I  was  also  invited  by  the  Republican  Club  of  Philadelphia 
to  make  a  speech  ratifying  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  and 
Hamlin  and  spoke  at  a  meeting  held  May  28,  1860.  My  ad 
dress  was  entirely  impromptu,  and  was  far  better,  both  in  man 
ner  and  matter,  than  the  speech  in  New  York,  and  was  received 
with  great  applause.  Since  that  time,  I  have  never  attempted 
to  make  a  popular  address  from  manuscript.  Every  speaker 
should  know  the  substance  of  what  he  intends  to  say,  but 
ought  to  rely  for  his  words  upon  the  spirit  and  temper  of  his 
audience. 

The  summer  of  1860  was  ominous  of  domestic  discord  and 
civil  war.  The  success  of  the  Republicans  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  violent  scenes  in  the  House,  notably  those 
between  Potter,  Pry  or,  Barksdale,  and  Lovejoy,  were  indica 
tions  that  the  south  was  aggressive,  and  that  the  north  would 
fight.  The  meeting  of  the  Democratic  convention  at  Charleston, 
on  the  23rd  of  April,  soon  disclosed  an  almost  equal  division  of 
its  members  as  to  slavery  in  the  territories.  The  southern 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  199 

platform  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of  one  in  its  committee  on 
resolutions,  but  rejected  by  a  majority  of  the  convention.  This 
was  the  vital  issue  between  the  followers  of  Davis  and  Douglas, 
and  Douglas  won.  A  majority  of  the  delegates  from  six  of  the 
southern  states  thereupon  withdrew  from  the  convention  and 
adjourned  to  Richmond.  Thus,  the  first  secession  was  from  a 
Democratic  convention.  The  remainder  of  that  convention 
adjourned  to  Baltimore,  at  which  city  Douglas  was  nominated 
for  President.  The  seceding  delegates  nominated  Brecken- 
ridge.  Thus,  the  Democratic  party,  which,  in  every  stage  of 
the  slavery  controversy,  had  taken  sides  with  the  south,  was 
itself  broken  on  the  rock  of  slavery,  and  condemned  to  certain 
defeat. 

The  Republican  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  the  16th  of 
May,  with  a  defined  line  of  public  policy  which  was  adopted 
unanimously  by  the  convention.  The  only  question  to  be  de 
termined  was,  who  should  be  the  candidate  for  President,  who 
would  best  represent  the  principles  agreed  upon.  Seward, 
Chase  and  Bates  were  laid  aside,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  one 
stronger  than  any  one  of  these,  was  unanimously  nominated. 
The  nomination  of  a  candidate  by  a  third  party,  ignoring  the 
slavery  question,  did  not  change  the  issue.  The  conflict  was 
now  between  freedom  and  slavery,  an  issue  carefully  avoided 
by  the  two  great  parties  prior  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise. 

Thus  Douglas,  as  a  consequence  of  his  own  act,  was  destined 
to  defeat,  and  the  irrepressible  conflict  was  to  be  finally  deter 
mined  by  the  people  in  the  choice  between  Lincoln  and  Breck- 
enridge,  with  the  distinct  declaration,  made  by  the  delegates 
seceding  from  the  Charleston  convention,  that  if  Lincoln 
was  elected  their  states  would  secede  from  the  Union,  and 
establish  an  independent  government  founded  upon  slavery. 
This  was  the  momentous  issue  involved  in  the  election. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  28th  of  June,  1860.  On  the  17th 
of  July,  I  was  unanimously  renominated  at  Shelby.  John 
Shauck,  a  venerable  Quaker,  80  years  of  age,  claimed  the  right 
to  nominate  me  as  he  had  done  in  previous  conventions.  He 
was  absent  at  the  moment,  but  the  convention,  in  deference  to 

S.— 15 


200  RECOLLECTIONS 

his  known  wishes,  awaited  his  coming.  From  that  time  until 
the  election,  I  was  actively  engaged  in  the  presidential  can 
vass.  I  spent  but  little  time  in  my  district,  as  there  was  but  a 
nominal  opposition  to  my  election.  The  Democratic  candi 
date,  Barnabus  Burns,  was  a  personal  friend,  and  sympathized 
with  me  on  many  subjects.  Scarcely  a  week  day  passed  that  I 
did  not  speak  at  least  once. 

Of  the  many  speeches  made  by  me  in  that  canvass,  I  recall 
but  very  few.  I  have  already  referred  to  my  debate  with  Cox, 
if  it  can  properly  be  called  a  debate.  It  was  friendly  badinage. 
He  charged  me  with  pulling  the  Morrill  tariff  bill  through  by 
a  trick.  I  answered  that  if  it  was  a  trick,  it  was  a  trick  well 
played,  as  the  bill  passed  by  a  vote  of  105  to  64,  many  Demo 
crats  voting  for  it.  He  complained  of  the  duties  on  wool, 
declaring  that  the  farmers  were  sacrificed.  I  showed  that  the 
duties  on  wool  had  been  advanced.  He  said  I  was  president  of 
a  Know  Nothing  Lodge  in  Mansfield.  I  said  this  was  simply  a 
lie,  and  that  there  were  plenty  of  Douglas  Democrats  before 
me  who  knew  it.  He  said  that  I  initiated  therein,  Sam  Kichey 
in  a  stable.  I  asked  who  told  him  that  story,  when  the  audi 
ence  called  out  loudly  for  Burns.  Mr.  Burns  rose  and  said  he 
did  not  tell  Mr.  Cox  so.  I  said  I  was  glad  to  hear  it,  that  it  was 
a  silly  lie  made  out  of  whole  cloth,  and  asked  if  Richey  was 
present.  Richey  was  in  the  crowd,  and  rose  amid  great 
laughter  and  applause  and  said:  "Here  I  am."  I  said:  "Well, 
friends,  you  see  my  friend,  Richey,  is  a  genuine  Irishman,  but 
he  knows,  as  I  know,  that  Cox's  story  is  a  falsification.  Mr. 
Cox  says  I  am  a  political  thief;  don't  think  he  charges  me 
with  stealing  sheep,  he  only  means  to  say  I  stole  squatter  sov 
ereignty.  It  is  petty  larceny  at  best.  But  I  did  not  steal 
Douglas  squatter  sovereignty." 

I  then  proceeded  to  define  the  difference  between  the  only 
two  parties  with  definite  principles.  The  real  contest  was,  not 
between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  or  between  Cox  and  me,  but 
between  Breckenridge  and  Lincoln,  between  free  institutions 
and  slave  institutions,  between  union  and  disunion.  I  refer  to 
this  debate  with  Cox  to  show  how  local  prejudices  obscured 
the  problem  then  involved.  The  people  of  Ohio  were  divided 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  201 

on  parallel  lines,  for  Cox  and  I  agreed  on  Kansas,  but  he 
was  for  Douglas  and  I  for  Lincoln,  while  the  south  was 
brooding  over  secession,  if  either  Lincoln  or  Douglas  should 
be  elected. 

I  went  into  most  of  the  congressional  districts  of  Ohio  and 
perceived  a  strong  leaning  in  favor  of  Lincoln,  but  Douglas  also 
had  many  supporters.  The  Democratic  party  of  Ohio  was 
satisfied  with  Douglas'  popular  sovereignty,  especially  as  it, 
as  they  alleged,  had  secured  freedom  for  Kansas.  Breckenridge 
had  no  great  following  in  Ohio,  and  Bell  and  Everett  less. 

I  spent  several  days  in  the  canvass  in  Pennsylvania,  Indiana, 
New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  all  warmly  contested  states,  the 
votes  of  which  would  determine  the  election.  It  soon  became 
apparent  that  Lincoln  was  the  only  candidate  who  could  secure 
a  majority  of  the  electoral  vote.  This  fact,  and  the  known 
difficulty  of  securing  an  election  by  the  House  in  case  of  failure 
of  an  election  by  the  Electoral  College,  greatly  aided  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  I  presented  this  argument  with  care  and  fullness  in  a 
speech  delivered  at  Philadelphia  on  the  12th  of  September, 
1860.  It  was  printed  at  the  time  and  largely  circulated.  I  quote 
a  paragraph,  which  contains  the  one  fact  upon  which  my  argu 
ment  rested: 

"  Owing  to  the  division  of  the  Democratic  party,  the  Republican  party 
is  the  only  one  that  can  hope  to  succeed  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people. 
This  is  a  fact  I  need  not  discuss,  for  it  was  written  at  the  threshold  of  the 
contest  by  the  conventions  of  Charleston  and  Baltimore.  If  the  election 
were  to  be  determined  by  the  rule  of  plurality — a  rule  now  adopted  in 
every  state  in  the  Union  —  intelligent  men  would  consider  it  already  de 
cided  ;  but  the  rule  of  the  majority  is  fixed  by  the  constitution,  and  if  Penn 
sylvania  does  not  vote  for  Lincoln,  then  the  election  devolves  upon  the 
House  of  Representatives.  In  that  event  the  constitution  requires  the 
House  to  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  a  President  from  the  persons,  not 
exceeding  three,  having  the  highest  number  of  electoral  votes.  The  vote 
must  be  taken  by  states,  and  not  by  Representatives.  The  three  millions  of 
people  of  Pennsylvania  will  have  only  the  same  political  power  as  the  one 
hundred  thousand  people  of  Delaware." 

I  recently  read  this  speech,  and,  in  view  of  the  events 
that  followed,  I  can  say  that  every  prophecy  made,  and  every 
argument  stated,  has  been  verified  and  sustained  by  the  march 


.  202  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  events.  My  opening  criticism  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  adminis 
tration  may  seem  to  be  partisan  and  unjust,  but  the  general 
opinion  now  is  that  his  fault  was  feebleness  of  will,  not  inten 
tional  wrong.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  surrounded  by  men  who  had 
already  made  up  their  minds  to  destroy  the  Union,  one  of 
whom  had  already  committed  acts  of  treachery  in  the  distribu 
tion  of  arms  and  military  supplies,  and  all  of  whom  avowed  the 
legality  and  rightf  ulness  of  secession.  I  think  what  I  said  was 
justified  by  the  conditions  existing  when  the  speech  was  made. 
The  residue  of  my  speech  was  certainly  moderate  enough  to  sat 
isfy  the  most  conservative  mind.  I  give  the  closing  paragraphs: 

"  These  are.  so  far  as  I  know,  the  leading  ideas  of  the  Republican  party. 
I  appeal  to  your  candor  if  they  do  not  commend  themselves  to  the  judgment 
of  reasonable  men.  Is  this  the  party  which  you  would  combine  and  con 
spire  against,  and  to  defeat  which  you  would  unite  hostile  elements?  Is  it 
to  defeat  these  ideas  that  you  would  risk  scenes  of  violence  in  the  House,  or 
the  subversion  of  the  constitution  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States?  Is  it 
to  defeat  this  noble  policy  that  you  would  longer  trust  a  broken-down,  cor 
rupt  and  demoralized  administration?  Is  it  for  this  that  you  would  continue 
in  power  a  party  that,  by  a  long  enjoyment  of  the  patronage  of  the  govern 
ment,  has  become  reckless  and  corrupt? 

"  If  you  will  take  the  responsibility  of  preventing  the  triumph  of  the 
^Republican  party,  you  may  do  so,  but  it  will  require  a  close  fusion  of  all  the 
elements  to  defeat  it.  It  is  young  and  vigorous.  It  has  all  the  unity  and 
discipline  of  the  old  Democratic  party.  It  holds  most  of  the  opinions,  modi 
fied  by  experience,  of  the  old  Whig  party.  It  has  the  conservative  modera 
tion  of  the  People's  party,  which  has  influenced  its  nominations.  It  adheres 
to  every  principle  proclaimed  by  the  old  Republican  party  of  Jefferson. 
We  have  confidence  in  the  integrity  and  patriotism,  and  wisdom  of  our 
standard  bearers  —  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  If  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  be  recom 
mended  as  a  parlor  President,  like  General  Pierce,  and  is  not  familiar  with 
the  etiquette  of  foreign  courts,  as  is  Mr.  Buchanan,  we  know  that  he  is  hon 
est,  faithful,  courageous  and  capable.  No  man  can  read  his  celebrated  de 
bates  with  Mr.  Douglas,  without  forming  a  high  opinion  of  his  capacity. 
He  is  better  for  having  lived  but  a  short  time  in  Washington,  for  that  city 
of  politicians  is  not  particularly  celebrated  for  sound  principles  or  rigid 
morals.  Born  in  Kentucky,  descended  from  a  Pennsylvania  stock,  the  son 
and  grandson  of  Virginians,  raised  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  familiar  by  his 
own  experience  with  the  wants  and  interests  and  aspirations  of  the  people, 
he  possesses  the  same  traits  of  character  which  made  Jackson  and  Clay,  in 
their  day  and  generation,  leaders  of  parties  and  of  men.  Let  us,  my  friends, 
unite  in  electing  him  President  of  the  United  States." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  203 

Lincoln  was  elected.  He  received  180  electoral  votes; 
Breckenridge  72  ;  Douglas  12 ;  Bell  39.  The  question  then  was 
whether  the  people  of  the  seceding  states  would  try  to  carry 
into  effect  their  declaration.  I  had  no  doubt  they  would  try, 
but  I  was  equally  confident  they  would  fail. 

As  events  progressed  in  the  south,  citizens  of  the  north  held 
popular  meetings  in  nearly  all  our  cities  and  in  many  rural 
communities.  I  was  invited  by  leading  citizens  of  Philadel 
phia  to  attend  a  public  dinner  in  that  city  in  December,  1860. 
I  could  not  attend  in  person,  but  wrote  them  a  letter  which 
defined  clearly  my  convictions  and  my  conception  of  the  duties 
of  our  people  in  view  of  passing  events.  I  insert  it  here  : 

WASHINGTON,  December  22,  1800. 

GENTLEMEN: — Your  note  of  the  15th  inst.,  inviting  me  to  attend  a 
public  dinner  in  your  city,  .on  Friday  evening  next,  was  duly  received. 

I  remember  with  pleasure  the  kindness  shown  me  during  the  recent 
canvass  by  our  political  friends  in  Philadelphia,  and  would  gladly  avail  my 
self  of  the  proposed  celebration,  to  mingle  my  personal  thanks  with  your 
rejoicings,  over  the  recent  triumph  of  our  political  principles.  Other  en 
gagements  and  duties,  however,  will  not  allow  me  that  pleasure. 

No  state  can  dispute  with  Pennsylvania  the  honor  of  this  triumph. 
Her  own  son  was  upon  trial,  and  her  voice  of  condemnation  was  emphatic  and 
decisive.  The  election  of  Governor  Curtin  foreshadowed  her  decision,  and 
strengthened  our  cause  in  every  state  where  freedom  of  election  is  allowed 
to  the  people.  Her  verdict  in  November  reconsidered  and  reaffirmed  her 
verdict  in  October.  And  now,  since  the  victory  is  won,  let  us  not  lose  the 
fruits  of  it. 

Fidelity  to  principle  is  demanded  by  the  highest  patriotism.  The 
question  is  not  whether  this  or  that  policy  should  prevail;  but  whether  we 
shall  allow  the  government  to  be  broken  into  fragments,  by  disappointed 
partisans,  condemned  by  four-fifths  of  the  people.  It  is  the  same  question 
answered  by  General  Jackson  in  his  proclamation  of  1833.  It  is  the  same 
question  answered  by  Henry  Clay  in  the  Senate  in  1850.  It  is  the  same 
question  answered  by  Madison  and  Jefferson,  and  recently  by  Wade  and 
Johnson.  It  is  a  question  which,  I  feel  assured,  every  one  of  you  will 
answer,  in  the  patriotic  language  of  General  Jackson — '  Tlie  Union,  it  must 
be  preserved.1 

Such  would  be  the  voice  of  the  whole  country,  if  the  government  was 
not  now  administered  by  those  who  not  only  threaten  treason,  but  actually 
commit  it,  by  turning  the  powers  of  the  government  against  itself.  They 
kill  the  government  they  have  sworn  to  maintain  and  defend,  because  the 
people,  whose  agents  they  are,  have  condemned  them.  In  this  spirit  we 


204  RECOLLECTIONS 

have  seen  a  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  charged  with  the  financial  credit  of 
the  government,  offering  for  sale  the  bonds  of  the  government,  and  at  the 
same  moment  declaring  that  it  will  be  overthrown,  and  that  he  would  aid  in 
overthrowing  it.  We  see  other  high  officers  receiving  pay  for  services  to 
the  government,  and  yet,  at  the  same  moment,  plotting  its  destruction.  We 
see  the  treasury  robbed  by  subordinate  officers  amid  the  general  ruin. 
Stranger  still,  we  see  the  President  of  the  United  States  acknowledging  his 
duty  to  execute  the  laws,  but  refusing  to  execute  them.  He  admits  that 
the  constitution  is  the  supreme  law;  that  neither  a  state  nor  the  citizens  of  a 
state  can  disregard  it;  and  yet,  armed  as  he  is  with  all  the  executive  power, 
he  refuses  even  to  protect  the  property  of  the  United  States  against  armed 
violence.  He  will  not  heed  General  Cass,  the  head  of  his  cabinet.  He 
will  not  heed  General  Scott,  the  head  of  the  army.  He  has  trans 
ferred  to  southern  states  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  arms,  of  the 
newest  pattern  and  most  effective  calibre,  to  be  turned  against  the  govern 
ment. 

The  American  people  are  now  trembling  writh  apprehension  lest  the 
President  allow  our  officers  and  soldiers  to  be  slaughtered  at  their  posts,  for 
want  of  the  aid  which  he  has  refused,  or,  what  is  far  more  disgraceful,  shall 
order  the  flag  of  the  Union  to  be  lowered,  without  resistance  to  lawless 
force. 

Treason  sits  in  the  councils,  and  timidity  controls  the  executive  power. 
The  President  listens  to,  and  is  controlled  by,  threats.  He  theorizes  about 
coercing  a  state  when  he  should  be  enforcing  the  laws  against  rebellious 
citizens.  He  admits  that  the  states  have  surrendered  the  power  to  make 
treaties,  coin  money,  and  regulate  commerce,  and  yet  we  will  probably  have 
the  novel  and  ridiculous  farce  of  a  negotiation  between  the  President  and  a 
state,  for  the  surrender  of  forts,  and  arsenals,  and  sovereignty.  Congress 
can  do  nothing,  for  the  laws  now  are  sufficient,  if  executed.  Impeachment 
is  too  slow  a  remedy.  The  constitution  provided  against  every  proba 
ble  vacancy  in  the  office  of  President,  but  did  not  provide  for  utter  im 
becility. 

The  people,  alarmed,  excited,  yet  true  to  the  Union  and  the  constitu 
tion,  are  watching  with  eager  fear,  lest  the  noble  government,  baptized  in 
the  blood  of  the  Revolution,  shall  be  broken  into  fragments,  before  the 
President  elect  shall  assume  the  functions  of  his  office. 

What  pretext  is  given  for  this  alarming  condition  of  affairs? — for  every 
treasonable  act  has  its  pretext.  We  are  told  that  the  people  of  the  southern 
states  apprehend  that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  deprive  them  of  their  constitu 
tional  rights.  It  is  not  claimed  that,  as  yet,  their  rights  have  been  invaded, 
but  upon  an  apprehension  of  evil,  they  will  break  up  the  most  prosperous 
government  the  providence  of  God  ever  allowed  to  man. 

We  know  very  well  how  groundless  are  their  apprehensions,  but  we 
are  not  even  allowed  to  say  so  to  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  south.  So  wild 
is  their  apprehension,  that  even  such  statesmen  as  Stephens,  Johnson,  Hill, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  205 

Botts  and  Pettigrew,  when  they  say,  *  wait,  wait,  till  we  see  what  this  Re 
publican  party  will  attempt,'  are  denounced  as  Abolitionists — Submission- 
ists.  You  know  very  well  that  we  do  not  propose  to  interfere  in  the  slight 
est  degree  with  slavery  in  the  states.  We  know  that  our  leader,  for  whose 
election  you  rejoice,  has,  over  and  over  again,  affirmed  his  opposition  to  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  except  upon  conditions  that 
are  not  likely  to  occur;  or  to  any  interference  with  the  inter-state  slave  trade, 
and  that  he  will  enforce  the  constitutional  right  of  the  citizens  of  the  slave 
states  to  recapture  their  fugitive  slaves  when  they  escape  from  service  into 
the  free  states.  We  know  very  well  that  the  great  objects  which  those  who 
elected  Mr.  Lincoln  expect  him  to  accomplish  will  be  to  secure  to  free  labor 
its  just  right  to  the  territories  of  the  United  States  ;  to  protect,  as  far  as 
practicable,  by  wise  revenue  laws,  the  labor  of  our  people  ;  to  secure  the 
public  lands  to  actual  settlers,  instead  of  to  non-resident  speculators ;  to 
develop  the  internal  resources  of  the  country,  by  opening  new  means  of 
communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  and  to  purify  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  government  from  the  pernicious  influences  of  jobs,  con 
tracts,  and  unreasoning  party  warfare. 

But  some  of  you  may  say,  all  this  is  very  well,  but  what  will  you  do 
to  save  the  Union?  Why  don't  you  compromise? 

Gentlemen,  remember  that  we  are  just  recovering  from  the  dishonor  of 
breaking  a  legislative  compromise.  We  have  been  struggling,  against  all 
the  powers  of  the  government,  for  six  years,  to  secure  practically  what  was 
expressly  granted  by  a  compromise.  We  have  succeeded.  Kansas  is  now 
free.  The  Missouri  restriction  is  now  practically  restored  by  the  incipient 
constitution  of  Kansas,  and  safer  yet,  by  the  will  of  her  people.  The  bap 
tism  of  strife  through  which  she  has  passed  has  only  strengthened  the  pro 
hibition.  There  let  it  stand. 

But  our  political  opponents,  who  have  dishonored  the  word  compro 
mise,  who  trampled,  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  upon  a  compromise,  when 
they  expected  to  gain  by  it,  now  ask  us  to  again  compromise,  by  securing 
slavery  south  of  a  geographical  line.  To  this  we  might  fairly  say:  There  is 
no  occasion  for  compromise.  We  have  done  no  wrong;  we  have  no  apolo 
gies  to  make,  and  no  concessions  to  offer.  You  chose  your  ground,  and  we 
accepted  your  issue.  We  have  beaten  you,  and  you  must  submit,  as  we  have 
done  in  the  past,  and  as  we  would  have  done  if  the  voice  of  the  people  had 
been  against  us.  As  good  citizens,  you  must  obey  the  laws,  and  respect  the 
constituted  authorities.  But  we  will  meet  new  questions  of  administration 
with  a  liberal  spirit.  Without  surrendering  our  convictions  in  the  least,  we 
may  now  dispose  of  the  whole  territorial  controversy  by  the  exercise  of 
unquestioned  congressional  power. 

The  only  territory  south  of  the  line,  except  that  which,  by  treaty  with 
Indian  tribes,  cannot  be  included  within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  state,  is  New 
Mexico.  She  has  now  population  enough  for  admission  as  a  state.  Let 
Congress  admit  her  as  a  state,  and  then  she  has  the  acknowledged  right 


206  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  form,  regulate,  change,  or  modify  her  domestic  institutions.  She  has 
now  a  nominal  slave  code,  framed  and  urged  upon  her  by  territorial  officers. 
Practically,  slavery  does  not  exist  there.  It  never  can  be  established  there. 
In  a  region  where  the  earth  yields  her  increase  only  by  the  practice  of  irri 
gation,  slave  labor  will  not  be  employed.  At  any  rate,  it  is  better  to  set 
tle  all  questions  about  slavery  there,  by  admitting  the  territory  as  a  state. 
Wliile  a  territory,  it  is  insisted  that  slavery  shall  be  protected  in  it.  We 
insist  that  Congress  may  prohibit  it,  and  that  the  people  have  an  undisputed 
right  to  exclude  slaves.  Why  not,  by  terminating  their  territorial  condi 
tion,  determine  this  controversy?  The  same  course  might  now  properly  be 
adopted  with  all  the  territories  of  the  United  States. 

In  each  of  the  territories  there  are,  now,  small  settlements  scattered 
along  the  lines  of  transit.  Within  five  years,  the  least  populous  wrill 
contain  sufficient  population  for  a  Representative  in  Congress.  Dakota, 
Washington,  Nevada,  and  Jefferson  are  destined  soon  to  be  as  familiar 
to  us  as  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  It  is  well  worthy  the  consideration 
of  the  old  states,  whether  it  is  not  better  to  dispense  with  all  territorial 
organizations- — always  expensive  and  turbulent  —  and,  at  once,  to  carve 
the  whole  into  states  of  convenient  size,  for  admission.  This  was  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  plan,  which  did  not  contemplate  territories,  but  states.  It  was  also 
sanctioned  by  General  Taylor,  and,  but  for  his  death,  would  have  been 
adopted. 

This  is  an  easy,  effectual  remedy,  within  the  power  of  Congress,  and  in 
its  nature  an  irrevocable  act.  There  is  no  necessity  of  an  amendment  to 
the  constitution.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  and  three-fourths  of  the  states  can  agree  to  any  amendments. 
Why  attempt  it,  unless  to  invite  new  contests,  to  again  arouse  sectional 
animosities?  We  know  that  if  Mexico  is  acquired  the  south  will  demand  it 
for  slavery,  and  the  north  for  free  institutions.  We  must  forego,  for  the 
present,  new  conquests,  unless  the  love  of  acquisition  is  stronger  than  the 
love  of  domestic  peace. 

Suppose  it  to  be  conceded  that  the  constitution  should  be  amended, 
what  amendment  will  satisfy  the  south?  Nothing  less  than  the  protection 
of  slavery  in  the  territories.  But  our  people  have  pronounced  against  it. 
All  who  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln  or  Mr.  Douglas- — over  three  million  three 
hundred  thousand  citizens  —  voted  against  this  claim.  Less  than  a  million 
voted  for  it.  Should  the  great  majority  yield  to  a  meagre  minority,  espe 
cially  under  threats  of  disunion?  This  minority  demand  that  slavery  be 
protected  by  the  constitution.  Our  fathers  would  not  allow  the  word 
4  slave  '  or  '  slavery '  in  the  constitution,  when  all  the  states  but  one  were 
slaveholding.  Shall  we  introduce  these  words  when  a  majority  of  the  states 
are  free,  and  when  the  progress  of  civilization  has  arrayed  the  world  against 
slavery?  If  the  love  of  peace,  and  ease,  and  office,  should  tempt  politi 
cians  and  merchants  to  do  it,  the  people  will  rebel.  I  assure  you,  whatever 
may  be  the  consequence,  they  will  not  yield  their  moral  convictions  by 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  207 

strengthening  the  influence  of  slavery  in  this  country.  Recent  events  have 
only  deepened  this  feeling. 

The  struggle  to  establish  slavery  in  Kansas  ;  the  frequent  murders 
and  mobbings,  in  the  south,  of  northern  citizens  ;  the  present  turbulence  and 
violence  of  southern  society  ;  the  manifest  fear  of  the  freedom  of  speech  and 
of  the  press  ;  the  danger  of  insurrection  ;  and  now  the  attempt  to  subvert 
the  government  rather  than  submit  to  a  constitutional  election  —  these 
events,  disguise  it  as  you  may,  have  aroused  a  counter  irritation  in  the  north 
that  will  not  allow  its  representatives  to  yield  merely  for  peace,  more  than 
is  prescribed  by  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  constitution.  Every  guarantee 
of  this  instrument  ought  to  be  faithfully  and  religiously  observed.  But 
when  it  is  proposed  to  change  it,  to  secure  new  guarantees  to  slavery,  to 
extend  and  protect  it,  you  invoke  and  arouse  the  anti-slavery  feeling  of 
the  north  to  war  against  slavery  everywhere. 

I  am,  therefore,  opposed  to  any  change  in  the  constitution,  and  to  any 
compromise  that  will  surrender  any  of  the  principles  sanctioned  by  the  peo 
ple  in  the  recent  contest.  If  the  personal-liberty  bills  of  any  state  infringe 
upon  the  constitution,  they  should  at  once  be  repealed.^  Most  of  them  have 
slumbered  upon  the  statute  book  for  years.  They  are  now  seized  upon,  by 
those  who  are  plotting  disunion,  as  a  pretext.  We  should  give  them  no  pre 
text.  It  is  always  right  and  proper  for  each  state  to  apply  to  state  laws  the 
test  of  the  constitution. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  neither  of  the  border  free  states  —  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  nor  Iowa  —  have  any  such 
upon  their  statute  books.  The  laws  of  these  states,  against  kidnapping,  are 
similar  to  those  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  The  laws  of  other  states,  so- 
called,  have  never  operated  to  release  a  single  fugitive  slave,  and  may  be 
regarded  simply  as  a  protest  of  those  states  against  the  harsh  features  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law.  So  far  as  they  infringe  upon  the  constitution,  or  impair, 
in  the  least,  a  constitutional  right,  they  are  void  and  ought  to  be  repealed. 

I  venture  the  assertion  that  there  have  been  more  cases  of  kidnapping 
of  free  negroes  in  Ohio,  than  of  peaceable  or  unlawful  rescue  of  fugitive 
slaves  in  the  whole  United  States.  It  has  been  shown  that  the  law  of  recap 
ture  and  the  penalties  of  rescue  have  been  almost  invariably  executed. 
Count  up  all  the  cases  of  rescue  of  negroes  in  the  north,  and  you  can  find  in 
your  newspapers  more  cases  of  unlawful  lynching  and  murder  of  white  men 
in  the  south.  These  cases  have  now  become  so  frequent  and  atrocious,  as  to 
demand  the  attention  of  the  general  government.  The  same  article  of  the 
constitution  that  secures  the  recapture  of  fugitives  from  service  and  justice, 
also  secures  the  rights  of  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  to  all  the  immu 
nities  and  privileges  of  citizens  of  the  several  states.  No  law  has  been 
passed  by  Congress  to  secure  this  constitutional  right.  No  executive  au 
thority  interposes  to  protect  our  citizens,  and  yet  we  hear  no  threats  of  re 
taliation  or  rebellion  from  northern  citizens  or  northern  states.  So,  I  trust, 
it  may  ever  be. 


208  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  great  danger  that  now  overshadows  us  does  not  arise  from  real 
grievances.  Plotters  for  disunion  avail  themselves  of  the  weakness  of  the 
executive  to  precipitate  revolution.  South  Carolina  has  taken  the  lead. 
The  movement  would  be  utterly  insignificant  if  confined  to  that  state.  She 
is  still  in  the  Union,  and  neither  the  President  nor  Congress  has  the  power 
to  consent  to  her  withdrawal.  This  can  only  be  by  a  change  in  the  consti 
tution  or  the  acquiescence  of  the  people  of  the  other  states.  The  defense  of 
the  property  of  the  United  States  and  the  collection  of  the  revenues  need 
not  cause  the  shedding  of  blood,  unless  she  commences  a  contest  of  physical 
force.  The  increase,  in  one  year,  of  our  population  is  greater  than  her 
entire  population,  white  and  black.  Either  one  of  several  congressional 
districts  in  the  west  has  more  white  inhabitants  than  she  has.  Her  military 
power  is  crippled  by  the  preponderance  of  her  slaves.  However  brave,  and 
gallant,  and  spirited  her  people  may  be,  and  no  one  disputes  these  traits, 
yet  it  is  manifest  she  is  weak  in  physical  force.  This  great  government 
might  well  treat  with  indulgence  paper  secession,  or  the  resolves  of  her  con 
vention  and  legislature,  without  invoking  physical  force  to  enforce  the  laws 
among  her  citizens. 

Without  disrespect  to  South  Carolina,  it  would  be  easy -to  show  that 
Shay's  rebellion  and  the  whisky  insurrection  involved  the  government  in 
greater  danger  than  the  solitary  secession  of  South  Carolina.  But  the 
movement  becomes  imposing  when  we  are  assured  that  several  powerful 
states  will  very  soon  follow  in  the  lead  of  South  Carolina;  and  when  we 
know  that  other  states,  still  more  powerful,  sympathize  with  the  seceding 
states,  to  the  extent  of  opposing,  and  perhaps  resisting,  the  execution  of  the 
laws  in  the  seceding  states. 

In  this  view  of  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs,  it  becomes  the 
people  of  the  United  States  seriously  to  consider  whether  the  government 
shall  be  arrested,  in  the  execution  of  its  undisputed  powers,  by  the  citizens 
of  one  or  more  states,  or  whether  we  shall  test  the  power  of  the  government 
to  defend  itself  against  dissolution.  Can  a  separation  take  place  without 
war  ?  If  so,  where  will  be  the  line  ?  Who  shall  possess  this  magnificent 
capital,  with  all  its  evidences  of  progress  and  civilization  ?  Shall  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  be  separated  from  its  sources  ?  Who  shall  possess  the 
territories  ?  Suppose  these  difficulties  to  be  overcome ;  suppose  that  in 
peace  we  should  huckster  and  divide  up  our  nationality,  our  flag,  our  his 
tory,  all  the  recollections  of  the  past ;  suppose  all  these  difficulties  over 
come,  how  can  two  rival  republics,  of  the  same  race  of  men,  divided  only 
by  a  line  of  a  river  for  thousands  of  miles,  and  with  all  the  present  difficul 
ties  aggravated  by  separation,  avoid  forays,  disputes,  and  war  ?  How  can 
we  travel  on  our  future  march  of  progress  in  Mexico,  or  on  the  high  seas, 
or  on  the  Pacific  slope,  without  collision  ?  It  is  impossible.  To  peaceably 
accomplish  such  results  we  must  change  the  nature  of  man.  Disunion  is 
war !  God  knows,  I  do  not  threaten  it,  for  I  will  seek  to  prevent  it 
in  every  way  possible.  I  speak  but  the  logic  of  facts,  which  we  should 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  209 

not  conceal  from  each  other.  It  is  either  hostilities  between  the  govern 
ment  and  the  seceding  states ;  or,  if  separation  is  yielded  peaceably, 
it  is  a  war  of  factions  —  a  rivalry  of  insignificant  communities,  hating 
eneh  other,  and  contemned  by  the  civilized  world.  If  war  results,  what 
a  war  it  will  be !  Contemplate  the  north  and  south,  in  hostile  array 
against  each  other.  If  these  sections  do  not  know  each  other  now  they 
will  then. 

We  are  a  nation  of  military  men,  naturally  turbulent  because 
we  are  free,  accustomed  to  arms,  ingenious,  energetic,  brave  and  strong. 
The  same  qualities  that  have  enabled  a  single  generation  of  men  to 
develop  the  resources  of  a  continent,  would  enable  us  to  destroy  more 
rapidly  than  we  have  constructed.  It  is  idle  for  individuals  of  either  sec 
tion  to  suppose  themselves  superior  in  military  power.  The  French  and 
English  tried  that  question  for  a  thousand  years.  We  ought  to  know  it 
now.  The  result  of  the  contest  would  not  depend  upon  the  first  blow  or 
the  first  year,  but  blood  shed  in  civil  war  will  yield  its  baleful  fruit  for 
generations. 

How  can  we  avert  a. calamity  at  which  humanity  and  civilization  shud 
der  ?  I  know  no  way  but  to  cling  to  the  government  framed  by  our  fathers, 
to  administer  it  in  a  spirit  of  kindness,  but  in  all  cases,  without  partiality,  to 
enforce  the  laws.  No  state  can  release  us  from  the  duty  of  obeying  the 
laws.  The  ordinance  or  act  of  a  state  is  no  defense  for  treason,  nor  does  it 
lessen  the  moral  guilt  of  that  crime.  Let  us  cling  to  each  other  in  the  hope 
that  our  differences  will  pass  away,  as  they  often  have  in  times  past.  For 
the  sake  of  peace,  for  the  love  of  civil  liberty,  for  the  honor  of  our  name, 
our  race,  our  religion,  let  us  preserve  the  Union,  loving  it  better  as  the 
clouds  grow  darker.  I  am  willing  to  unite  with  any  man,  whatever  may 
have  been  his  party  relations,  whatever  may  be  his  views  of  the  existing  dif 
ferences,  who  is  willing  to  rely  on  the  constitution,  as  it  is,  for  his  rights ;  and 
who  is  willing  to  maintain  and  defend  the  Union  under  all  circumstances, 
against  all  enemies,  at  home  or  abroad. 

Pardon  me,  gentlemen,  for  writing  you  so  fully.  I  feel  restrained,  by 
the  custom  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  from  engaging  there  in  polit 
ical  debate  ;  and  yet  I  feel  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  prepare  his  coun 
trymen  for  grave  events,  that  will  test  the  strength  and  integrity  of  the 
government. 

Believing  that  our  only  safety  is  in  a  firm  enforcement  of  the  laws,  and 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  execute  that  duty  without  partiality,  I  join  my  hearty 
congratulations  with  yours  that  he  is  so  soon  to  be  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  With  great  respect,  I  remain,  very  truly, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Messrs.  WM.   READ,   D.  J.  COCHRAN,  L.   S.   FLETCHER,  H.  E.  WALLACE, 
CHAS.  O'NEILL,  Committee." 


210  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  leading  events  in  the  progressive  secession  may  be 
briefly  stated.  The  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Missis 
sippi,  Florida,  Louisiana,  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Texas,  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Virginia,  severally  in  the  order  named, 
adopted  ordinances  of  secession.  Each  of  them  committed 
acts  of  war  against  the  United  States.  They  seized  forts,  navy 
yards,  arsenals,  customhouses,  post  offices  and  other  public  build 
ings  of  the  United  States.  South  Carolina,  on  the  27th  of  De 
cember,  I860,  seized  Fort  Moultrie  and  Castle  Pinckney,  a  light 
house  tender,  and  a  schooner.  On  the  31st,  she  took  possession 
of  the  United  States  arsenal,  post  office,  and  customhouse  in 
Charleston,  the  arsenal  containing  seventy  thousand  stand  of 
arms  and  other  stores.  On  the  9th  of  January,  1861,  she  took 
possession  of  the  steamer  "Marion"  at  Charleston,  and  on  that 
day  the  "  Star  of  the  West "  was  fired  upon. 

Georgia,  on  the  second  of  January,  1861,  took  possession  of 
Forts  Pulaski  and  Jackson  and  the  United  States  arsenal.  On 
the  12th  of  January,  she  took  possession  of  the  arsenal  at  Au 
gusta,  containing  howitzers,  cannon,  muskets  and  large  stores 
of  powder,  ball  and  grape.  On  the  same  day  she  seized  the 
United  States  steamer  "Ida."  On  the  8th  of  February,  she 
took  possession  of  all  the  money  received  from  customs.  On 
the  21st,  she  seized  three  New  York  vessels  at  Savannah.  Flo 
rida,  on  the  12th  of  January,  1861,  took  possession  of  the  navy 
yards  at  Fort  Barrancas  and  Mcllae  ;  also  the  Chattahoochee 
arsenal,  containing  800,000  cartridges  of  different  patterns  and 
50,000  pounds  of  gunpowder. 

Alabama  took  possession  of  Fort  Morgan,  the  Mount  Ver- 
non  arsenal,  some  pieces  of  cannon,  and  large  amounts  of  muni 
tions  of  war.  She  took  possession  also  of  the  revenue  cutter 
"  Lewis  Cass." 

Mississippi,  on  the  20th  of  January,  seized  the  fort  at  Ship 
Island  and  the  United  States  hospital  on  the  Mississippi  River. 

On  the  11  th  of  January,  Louisiana  took  possession  of  Forts 
Jackson,  St.  Phillips  and  Pike,  and  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge 
containing  fifty  thousand  small  arms,  twenty  heavy  pieces  of 
ordnance,  three  hundred  barrels  of  powder  and  other  military 
supplies.  On  the  28th,  she  took  possession  of  all  commissary 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  211 

and  quartermaster  stores  in  the  possession  of  United  States 
officials  within  her  borders.  On  the  first  of  February,  she 
seized  the  mint  and  customhouse  containing  $599,803  in  gold 
and  silver. 

Texas,  on  the  20th  of  February,  took  Forts  Chadbourne  and 
Belknap  with  all  the  property  of  the  Overland  Mail  Company. 
On  the  25th,  General  Twiggs,  an  officer  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  traitorously  surrendered  all  government  stores 
in  his  command,  estimated  at  $1,300,000  in  value,  including 
money  and  specie,  thirty-five  thousand  stand  of  arms,  twenty- 
six  pieces  of  mountain  artillery,  and  other  military  stores. 

On  the  2nd  of  March,  she  seized  the  revenue  cutter  "Dodge" 
and  Fort  Brown. 

Arkansas  seized  the  arsenal  at  Little  Rock,  containing  nine 
thousand  small  arms,  forty  cannon,  and  a  quantity  of  ammuni 
tion. 

Virginia,  according  to  the  statement  of  Governor  Letcher, 
would  have  seized  Fortress  Monroe,  but  that  it  was  firmly  held 
by  national  troops. 

These  were  some  of  the  acts  of  war  committed  by  the  seced 
ing  states  before  the  inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

What  was  done  by  the  administration  of  James  Buchanan 
to  meet  these  acts  of  war?  The  answer  to  this  question  is  a 
most  painful  confession  of  feebleness,  vacillation  and  dishonor. 
It  was  shown  conclusively  that  Floyd,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
during  1860  transferred  from  Springfield  and  other  armories  to 
southern  arsenals  65,000  percussion  muskets,  40,000  altered 
muskets  and  10,000  rifles.  On  the  20th  of  October,  he  ordered 
40  columbiads  and  four  32  pounders  to  be  sent  from  the  arsenal 
to  the  Fort,  at  Galveston  in  Texas,  the  building  of  which  had 
hardly  been  commenced.  It  was  shown  by  a  report  of  a  com 
mittee  of  the  House  that  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  were 
dispersed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  distant  ports,  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  their  use  in  the  defense  of  the  property 
of  the  United  States. 

The  Mobile  "Advertiser"  said: 

"  During  the  past  year,  135,430  muskets  have  been  quietly  transferred 
from  the  northern  arsenal  at  Springfield  alone,  to  those  in  the  southern 


212  RECOLLECTIONS 

states.  We  are  much  obliged  to  Secretary  Floyd  for  the  foresight  he  has 
thus  displayed  in  disarming  the  north  and  equipping  the  south  for  this  emer 
gency." 

Jefferson  Davis,  on  January  9,  1860,  in  introducing  into  the 
Senate  a  bill  to  authorize  the  sale  of  public  arms  to  the  several 
states  and  territories,  significantly  said:  "There  are  a  number 
of  volunteer  companies  wanting  to  purchase  arms,  but  the 
states  have  not  a  sufficient  supply." 

This  bill  wa.s  agreed  to  by  the  Senate  by  a  party  vote,  yeas 
28,  nays  18.  In  the  House  the  bill  was  never  reported. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  in  his  annual  message  at  the  beginning  of 
the  2nd  session  of  the  36th  Congress,  announced  the  startling 
doctrine  that  a  state  could  not  be  coerced  by  the  general  gov 
ernment,  and  said: 

"  After  much  serious  reflection,  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
no  such  power  has  been  delegated  to  Congress  nor  to  any  other  department 
of  the  federal  government.  It  is  manifest,  upon  an  inspection  of  the  con 
stitution,  that  this  is  not  among  the  specific  and  enumerated  powers  granted 
to  Congress  ;  and  it  is  equally  apparent  that  its  exercise  is  not  *  necessary 
and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution '  any  one  of  these  powers." 

Again  he  says: 

"  Without  descending  to  particulars,  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the 
power  to  make  war  against  a  state  is  at  variance  with  the  whole  spirit  and 
intent  of  the  constitution.  .  .  . 

"The  fact  is,  that  our  Union  rests  upon  public  opinion,  and  can  never 
be  cemented  by  the  blood  of  its  citizens  shed  in  civil  war.  If  it  cannot  live 
in  the  affections  of  the  people  it  must  one  day  perish.  Congress  possesses 
many  means  of  preserving  it  by  conciliation  ;  but  the  sword  was  not  placed 
in  their  hand  to  preserve  it  by  force." 

This  doctrine,  if  acquiesced  in,  would  leave  the  United 
States  utterly  powerless  to  preserve  its  own  life,  whatever 
might  be  the  exigencies,  even  against  the  most  insignificant 
state  in  the  Union.  It  was  manifest  that  while  Buchanan  re 
mained  President,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and 
navy,  it  was  utterly  futile  to  resist  the  secession  of  the  least  of 
these  states,  or  even  to  protect  the  public  property  in  them. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1860,  the  House  of  Representatives 
organized  what  is  known  as  the  "  committee  of  thirty-three," 
of  which  Mr.  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  was  chairman.  So  much  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  213 

President's  message  as  related  to  the  perilous  condition  of  the 
country  was  referred  to  it.  Propositions  of  all  kinds  were  sent 
to  the  committee,  but  the  final  result  was,  as  anticipated,  a 
disagreement  upon  all  the  measures  proposed. 

On  the  16th  of  January,  1861,  Mr.  Crittenden  offered  his  cele 
brated  resolutions,  proposing  certain  amendments  to  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  in  relation  to  slavery,  but  they 
were  rejected  in  the  Senate  and  were  not  acted  upon  in  the 
House. 

A  peace  conference  was  held  at  Washington,  at  the  request 
of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  composed  of  delegates  from  the 
several  states  appointed  by  the  governors  thereof.  John  Tyler 
was  president  and  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  was  one  of  the  most 
active  and  influential  members  of  the  conference.  It  sat  dur 
ing  nearly  all  the  month  of  February  and  recommended  seven 
articles  of  amendment  -to  the  constitution.  These  propositions 
were  adopted  by  the  conference  and  reported  to  the  Senate  on 
the  2nd  of  March,  and  were  rejected  by  a  vote  of  3  yeas  and 
34  nays.  Subsequently  they  were  again  offered  by  Mr.  Critten 
den  and  rejected  by  a  vote  of  7  yeas  and  28  nays.  They  were 
presented  to  the  House  on  the  1st  of  March,  1861,  and  were 
there  rejected. 

A  Senate  committee  of  13  was  organized  on  the  18th  of 
December,  1860,  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  country,  but 
its  report  was  disagreed  to  by  the  Senate.  Many  other  propo 
sitions  of  adjustment  were  made  both  in  the  Senate  and 
House,  but  none  of  them  were  agreed  to.  Not  only  were  no 
measures  adopted  to  prevent  secession,  but  it  was  proposed  by 
Mr.  Mason,  that,  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  a  conflict  between 
the  forces  of  the  army  and  navy  and  of  the  seceding  states,  all 
the  laws  providing  for  the  use  of  the  army  in  aid  of  the  civil 
authorities  in  executing  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  should 
be  suspended  and  made  inoperative  in  those  states.  These 
w^ere  the  laws  passed  during  the  term  of  President  Jackson  and, 
at  his  earnest  request,  to  enable  the  government  to  enforce  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  against  the  opposition  of  the  State  of 
South  Carolina.  It  was  a  striking  presentation  of  the  differ 
ence  between  General  Jackson  and  James  Buchanan. 


214  RECOLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  proposed  to  retrocede  to  the  seced 
ing  states,  the  property  of  the  United  States.  The  last  act  of 
Jefferson  Davis  was  to  offer  a  joint  resolution  providing: 

"  That  upon  the  application  of  a  state,  either  through  a  convention  or 
legislature  thereof,  asking  that  the  federal  forces  of  the  army  and  navy  may 
be  withdrawn  from  its  limits,  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  order 
the  withdrawal  of  the  federal  garrisons,  and  take  the  needful  security  for 
the  safety  of  the  public  property  which  may  remain  in  said  state. 

"That  whenever  a  state  convention,  duly  and  lawfully  assembled,  shall 
enact  that  the  safety  of  the  state  requires  it  to  keep  troops  and  ships  of  war, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  and 
directed  to  recognize  the  exercise  of  that  power  by  the  state,  and  by  proc 
lamation  to  give  notice  of  the  fact  for  the  information  and  government  of  all 
parties  concerned." 

On  the  llth  of  February,  1861,  Burton  Craige,  of  North  Caro 
lina,  offered  a  joint  resolution: 

"  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  is  hereby  required  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  said  government  (The  Confederacy  of 
the  United  States  South)  as  soon  as  he  is  informed  officially  of  its  establish 
ment  ;  and  that  he  receive  such  envoy,  ambassador,  or  commissioner  as  may 
or  shall  be  appointed  by  said  government  for  the  purpose  of  amicably  ad 
justing  the  matters  in  dispute  with  said  government." 

Such  was  the  hopeless  condition  of  the  United  States  in  the 
last  months  of  the  administration  of  James  Buchanan.  It 
would  appear  from  the  resolute  action  of  the  seceding  states, 
their  union  as  Confederate  States,  the  hopeless  imbecility  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  presence  of  the  seceded 
traitors  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  the  weakness  and  feeble 
ness  of  that  body,  left  but  little  hope  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  The  future  presaged  a  civil  war,  and  opened  up  a 
dark  prospect,  a  discouraging  example  for  future  republics,  but 
the  4th  of  March  came,  and  a  new  life  was  infused  into  the 
national  councils. 

The  second  session  of  the  36th  Congress  commenced  on  the 
3rd  day  of  December.  The  message  of  the  President  I  have 
already  commented  upon.  It  was  regarded  as  a  feeble  wail  of 
despair,  an  absolute  abnegation  of  the  powers  of  the  general 
government.  No  expectation  or  hope  was  indulged  in  that 
the  President  would  do  any  act  or  say  any  word  to  arrest  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  215 

delay  the  flagrant  treason,  then  being  committed  in  South 
Carolina.  "After  me  the  deluge  "  was  written  on  every  page 
of  his  message.  Our  only  hope  was  in  the  good  time  coming, 
when,  at  the  close  of  his  term,  he  would  retire  to  private  life. 

Having  charge  of  the  appropriation  bills  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  of  ways  and  means,  of  the  36th  Congress,  I  was  only 
solicitous  to  secure  the  passage  of  these  bills,  so  that  the  new 
administration  would  have  money  to  meet  the  current  wants 
of  the  government.  Within  a  few  days,  all  these  bills  were 
reported,  and  were  pushed  forward  and  passed  at  an  early 
period  of  the  session. 

I  purposely  postpone  consideration  of  the  financial  condi 
tion  of  the  United  States  during  this  session  so  as  to  consider 
it  in  connection  with  the  measures  adopted  at  the  called  ses 
sion  in  July,  1861. 

The  House  of  Representatives  was  almost  constantly  occu 
pied  in  considering  and  rejecting  the  many  schemes  "to  save 
the  country,"  already  referred  to.  The  only  political  speech  I 
made  was  in  reply  to  an  ingenious  speech  of  my  colleague, 
George  H.  Pendleton,  made  on  the  18th  day  of  January,  1861. 
I  replied  on  the  same  day  without  preparation,  but  with  a 
lively  appreciation  of  the  dangers  before  us.  As  I  believe  that 
it  states  fully  and  fairly  the  then  condition  of  the  impend 
ing  revolution,  I  insert  extracts  from  it  here: 

"  I  have  listened  with  respect  and  attention  to  all  that  has  fallen  from 
my  colleague.  Much  that  he  has  said  I  approve  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that 
instead  of  appealing  to  this  side  of  the  House  for  conciliation,  kindness  and 
forbearance,  he  should  appeal  to  those  around  him,  who  alone,  provoke  the 
excitement  now  prevailing  in  this  country. 

"  He  says  the  army  should  not  be  used  to  coerce  a  state.  If  by  this  he 
means  that  the  army  should  not  be  used  to  conquer  a  state,  to  compel  her  to 
be  represented,  to  maintain  the  courts  or  post  offices  within  her  limits,  to 
burn  her  cities  or  desolate  her  fields,  he  is  entirely  correct.  I  do  not  be 
lieve  that  any  administration  will  pursue  such  a  policy.  But,  sir,  we  have 
a  government,  a  great  government,  to  maintain.  It  is  supreme  within  the 
powers  delegated  to  it ;  and  it  is  provided  with  ample  authority  to  protect 
itself  against  foreign  or  domestic  enemies.  It  has  the  exclusive  right  to 
collect  duties  on  imports.  It  is  the  exclusive  owner  of  forts,  arsenals,  navy 
yards,  vessels,  and  munitions  of  war.  It  has  a  flag,  the  symbol  of  its  nation 
ality,  the  emblem  of  its  power  and  determination,  to  protect  all  those  who 

S.— 16 


216  RECOLLECTIONS 

may  of  right  gather  under  its  folds.  It  is  our  duty,  as  the  representatives 
of  this  government,  to  maintain  and  defend  it  in  the  exercise  of  its  just 
powers.  Has  it  trespassed  upon  the  rights  of  a  single  individual  ?  Does 
any  citizen  of  South  Carolina  allege  that  this  government  has  done  him 
wrong  ?  No  man  can  say  that.  The  government  for  years  has  been  in  the 
hands  of  the  Democratic  party,  whose  power  and  patronage  have  been  con 
trolled  chiefly  by  southern  citizens ;  and  now,  when  the  Republican  party  is 
about  to  assume  the  reins,  these  citizens  seek  to  subvert  it.  They  organize 
revolution  under  the  name  of  secession. 

"  What  have  they  done  ?  The  State  of  South  Carolina  has  seized  the 
customhouse  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  has  closed  that  port,  and  prevented 
the  United  States  from  the  exercise  of  their  conceded  exclusive  power  of 
collecting  the  revenue  from  imports.  It  has  taken,  by  force,  money  from 
the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  and  applied  it  to  its  own  use.  It  has 
seized  the  arms  and  munitions  of  war  of  the  United  States  deposited  in 
arsenals  within  the  conceded  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and 
turned  them  against  the  army  of  the  United  States.  It  has  seized  a  loyal 
citizen  of  the  United  States  engaged  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  impris 
oned  him,  and  threatened  his  life,  for  the  exercise  of  a  plain  constitutional 
duty,  charging  him  with  treason  against  the  State  of  South  Carolina.  It 
has  taken  citizens  of  different  states  rightfully  and  peacefully  attending  to 
their  business,  insulted  them,  inflicted  the  most  degrading  indignities  upon 
them,  and  then  forcibly  expelled  them.  It  has  raised  a  military  force  of 
artillery,  cavalry,  and  infantry,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  expelling,  or, 
to  use  their  own  chosen  word,  coercing,  the  United  States  from  the  forts, 
arsenals,  and  other  property  of  the  United  States.  When  Major  Anderson 
removed  from  Fort  Moultrie  to  Fort  Sumter,  it  seized  Fort  Moultrie,  Fort 
Pinckney,  and  other  property  of  the  United  States. 

"  More  recently  they  fired  upon  a  vessel  in  the  employ  of  the  United 
States,  conveying  reinforcements  and  provisions  to  our  troops.  In  this  act 
of  war,  they  used  the  cannon  and  munitions  of  war  paid  for  out  of  our 
treasury.  Forts  ceded  by  the  State  of  South  Carolina  to  the  United  States 
were  used  to  expel  a  vessel  of  the  United  States  in  the  pursuit  of  its  law 
ful  commerce.  When  the  '  star-spangled  banner '  was  hoisted  to  her  mast 
head,  as  a  sign  of  nationality,  appealing  to  all  the  patriotic  recollections 
which  cluster  around  it — your  flag,  my  flag,  the  flag  of  Virginia,  of  Ohio,  of 
Kentucky,  of  Massachusetts,  the  flag  of  every  state  and  of  the  whole  Union, 
the  rustle  of  whose  folds  has  so  often  excited  the  pride  and  patriotic  ardor 
of  Americans  in  every  part  of  the  habitable  globe — that  flag,  invoked  for 
the  protection  of  an  unarmed  vessel,  carrying  provisions  to  our  own  troops, 
was  fired  upon  and  dishonored.  An  act  of  war  by  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  therefore  an  act  of  treason,  was  applauded  by  officers  and  citi 
zens  of  that  state,  and  perhaps  by  those  of  other  states.  It  was  not  an  act 
of  war  against  you  and  me  merely,  but  against  every  loyal  and  patriotic 
citizen  of  this  great  republic.  Up  to  that  moment  we  had  done  nothing. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  217 

This  government  had  been  more  forbearing,  more  quiet,  more  complacent, 
under  this  series  of  offenses,  than  any  government  instituted  since  the  foun 
dation  of  governments. 

"  And  now,  Mr.  chairman,  the  same  lawless  violence  is  breaking  out  in 
other  parts  of  the  country.  Forts,  arsenals,  navy  yards,  and  vessels  of  war, 
intrusted  without  defense  to  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  have,  upon  one 
pretext  or  another,  been  seized,  and  are  now  held  by  lawless  force.  Upon 
the  recommendation  of  Members  of  Congress,  Fort  Pulaski  was  seized  by 
troops,  under  an  order  from  the  Governor  of  Georgia.  I  suppose  there  is 
not  a  Member  upon  the  other  side  who  will  declare  that  it  would  be  given 
up  peacefully  to  the  troops  of  the  United  States  if  it  were  demanded  by 
our  national  authorities.  More  recently  still,  the  navy  yard  at  Pensacola 
was  taken  by  an  armed  force,  under  the  order  of  the  Governor  of  Florida. 
I  have  here  a  telegraphic  dispatch  sent  to  this  government : 

1  January  12, 1861. — Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Governor  of  Florida, 
with  a  regiment  of  armed  men  at  the  gate,  demanded  the  surrender  of 
this  navy  yard,  having  previously  taken  possession  of  one  of  the  magazines. 
I  surrendered  the  place  and  struck  my  flag  at  half-past  one  o'clock,  p.  m., 
this  day.' 

"  Mr.  chairman,  suppose  Great  Britain,  suppose  France,  suppose  all  the 
powers  of  the  world  combined,  had  thus  outraged  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  ;  would  not  every  one  of  us  have  demanded  men  and  money  to  wipe 
out  the  indignity,  and  to  repel  further  like  assaults,  at  whatever  hazard  ? 
Yet,  sir,  the  Governor  of  Florida,  before  the  State  of  Florida  had  seceded, 
goes  with  an  armed  force,  seizes  upon  our  property,  and  turns  the  guns  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  against  the  army  and  the  navy  of  the  United 
States.  I  am  also  told— with  what  truth  I  do  not  know — that  cannon  are 
planted  upon  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  River,  at  or  near  the  city  of  Vicks- 
burg,  in  the  State  of  Mississippi,  and  that  our  steamboats  are  now  compelled 
to  land  there  and  to  give  an  account  of  themselves.  We  do  not  know  at  what 
moment  they  may  be  subject  to  tribute  and  seizure.  To  whom  ?  To  the 
State  of  Mississippi  ?  I  agree  with  all  my  colleagues  from  the  State  of 
Ohio,  from  both  sides  of  this  House,  that  there  is  one  thing  immutable — a 
law  that  is  a  higher  law.  It  is,  that  the  Mississippi  River,  gathering  all  the 
rivulets  of  the  northwest  into  one  current,  must  be  permitted  to  float  our 
commerce,  uninterrupted  and  untrammeled,  to  the  sea,  or  thousands  of  men 
will  float  down  upon  its  waters  and  make  it  free. 

"  No  one  doubts,  I  suppose,  that  the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
are  in  the  possession,  not  of  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  but  troops  that 
will  resist  the  troops  of  the  United  States.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Baton 
Rouge  has  been  seized  ;  no  doubt,  sir,  that  act  after  act  of  war  has  been 
repeated. 

"  I  ask  you,  as  the  representative  of  a  brave  people,  what  shall  we  do  ? 
The  question  is  not,  shall  we  coerce  a  state  ?  but  shall  we  not  defend  the 


218  RECOLLECTIONS 

property  of  the  United  States  against  all  enemies,  at  home  and  abroad,  here 
or  wherever  the  flag  of  our  country  floats  ?  Must  this  government  submit 
to  insult  and  indignity  ?  Must  it  surrender  its  property,  its  flag,  its  nation 
ality  ?  Do  you,  gentlemen  from  Virginia,  whose  great  statesman  had  so 
large  a  share  in  laying  the  foundations  of  our  government,  desire  to  see  it 
thus  dishonored  ?  Are  you  ready  to  join  excited  men,  who  will  not  listen 
to  reason  j  who  even  spurn  your  patriotism  as  timidity ;  who  reject  your 
counsels,  and  who  would  drag  you  as  unwilling  victims  at  the  heel  of  their 
car  of  juggernaut,  crushing  under  its  weight  all  hope  of  civil  liberty  for 
ages  to  come  ?  Are  you  aroused  into  madness  by  political  defeat  ?  .  .  . 
"  Sir,  it  was  but  the  other  day  that  I  was  told  by  a  distinguished  citizen 
of  an  absolute  monarchy  —  and  the  remark  made  a  deep  impression  on  my 
mind- — that  he  deplored  the  events  now  transacting  around  us  ;  that  he  de 
plored  what  he  considered  the  inevitable  fall  of  this  republic,  but,  said  he, 
one  good  will  result  from  it ;  it  will  stop  forever  the  struggle  for  free  insti 
tutions  in  Europe  ;  it  will  establish  upon  a  secure  basis  the  existing  govern 
ments  of  the  Old  World.  I  felt  that  the  remark  was  true.  If  this  govern 
ment  cannot  survive  a  constitutional  election  ;  if  it  cannot  defend  its  prop 
erty  and  protect  our  flag ;  if  this  government  crumbles  before  the  first  sign 
of  disaffection,  what  hope  is  there  for  free  institutions  in  countries  where 
kings  and  nobles  and  marshals  and  hereditary  institutions  and  laws  of 
primogeniture  have  existed  for  ages  ?  Sir,  when  the  masses  of  any  people, 
inspired  by  the  love  of  country,  have  demanded  in  modern  times  the  right  of 
self-government,  they  have  been  pointed  to  France  with  its  revolution  of 
1798,  to  South  America,  where  changing  republics  rise  and  disappear  so 
rapidly  that  not  ten  men  in  this  House  can  tell  me  their  names,  and  also  to 
Mexico.  God  forbid  that  the  despots  of  the  Old  World  should  ever  adorn 
their  infernal  logic  by  pointing  to  a  disrupted  Union  here  !  It  is  said,  with 
a  poet's  license,  that — • 

'  Freedom  shrieked  as  Kosciusko  fell.' 

"  But,  sir,  freedom  will  die  with  the  fall  of  this  republic,  and  the  sur 
vivors  of  the  calamity  will  find  springing  into  existence  military  despotism 
north,  south,  east  and  west.  Instead  of  two  divisions,  there  will  be  many 
divisions.  The  condition  of  this  country  will  be  worse  than  that  of  Mexico, 
because  we  are  a  braver,  a  more  powerful,  people,  who  will  fight  each 
other  with  greater  tenacity.  If  this  republic  is  dissolved,  the  man  now 
lives  who  will  be  the  Napoleon  of  some  section  thereof.  All  history  teaches 
us  that  whenever  a  free  government  is  disrupted  a  military  despotism  of 
force  is  substituted  for  the  will  of  the  people  ;  and  we  have  no  right  to  sup 
pose  that  our  country  will  be  an  exception  to  the  general  rule. 

"  I  appeal  to  the  Representatives  of  the  border  states  to  arrest  the  prog 
ress  of  this  storm  for  a  little  time,  at  least.  Let  us  see  whether  there  is 
any  hope  for  peace  and  conciliation.  If  there  is  not,  then,  if  we  cannot 
agree,  let  us  fight ;  but  if  we  can  agree,  let  us  do  it  like  men,  and  not  be 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  219 

hurried  off  by  wild  and  insane  feelings  of  rage  and  disappointment,  by  the 
weakest  state  in  this  confederacy.  Sirs,  if  you  do  calm  this  storm,  peace 
will  again  smile  upon  our  country.  If  you  do  not,  I  see  nothing  but  civil 
war  before  us.  My  colleague  may  paint  in  beautiful  language  the  blessings 
of  peace ;  and  cry  '  peace  !  peace  ! '  when  there  is  no  peace  ;  but,  Mr. 
chairman,  you  and  I  see  already  rising  in  the  west,  where  military  feeling  is 
so  rife,  a  spirit  which  will  not  brook  much  longer  the  insults  already  cast 
upon  the  flag  of  our  country.  I  do  not  threaten,  for  I  dread  —  not  for  you 
or  me,  or  the  Members  of  this  House,  for  I  suppose  we  have  the  ordinary 
courage  of  our  race,  and  we  are  but  atoms  in  the  storm  —  but  thousands  and 
millions  of  men,  like  us,  will  regret  the  day  when  this  government  was 
hurried  into  revolution,  without  opportunity  for  parley  or  delay. 

"  If  your  people  will  not  aid  the  government  in  maintaining  the  public 
property  in  the  seceding  states,  then  we  must  do  it  in  spite  of  you,  or  perish 
in  the  attempt.  We  must  not  allow  the  government  to  crumble  at  our  feet. 
You  can  arrest  this  movement,  and  you  alone  can  do  it.  I  ask  you,  gentle 
men  from  Virginia  and  the  south,  does  not  your  blood  boil  with  indignation 
when  you  read  of  the  surrender  of  our  forts  and  the  dishonor  of  our  flag  ? 
Are  they  not  yours  as  well  as  mine  ?  Has  the  feeling  of  sectionalism  become 
stronger  than  the  love  of  country  ?  I  ask  if  the  same  patriotism  which 
brought  your  fathers  and  mine  into  common  battlefields,  amid  all  the  storms 
of  the  Revolution,  does  not  now  rebel  when  you  are  forced  into  a  civil  war 
by  the  madness  of  a  few  men  in  the  southern  states  ?  Sir,  I  do  not  believe 
it.  For  the  moment,  under  the  smart  of  imaginary  wrongs,  under  the  dis 
appointment  of  political  defeat,  your  people  may  be  hurried  into  acts  of 
madness  ;  but  when  returning  reason  comes,  woe  be  to  those  who  have  led 
them  astray  !  Then  a  single  wave  of  the  star-spangled  banner  will  silence 
the  miserable  party  cries  with  which  you  have  misled  them. 

"  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves  with  the  idea  that  this  government  can 
be  broken  up  on  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  or  upon  any  other  line,  without  in 
volving  us  in  all  we  dread.  There  is  no  man,  with  a  head  to  reason  and  a 
heart  to  feel,  who  does  not  shudder  at  the  idea  of  civil  war.  Do  you  sup 
pose  that  this  government  can  be  divided  in  two,  according  to  the  plan  of 
the  gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Garnett),  with  this  capitol,  with  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  with  the  territories,  and  a  thousand  things  that  unite  us, 
without  provoking  civil  war  ?  Why,  sir,  we  may  do  all  we  can  to  prevent 
it ;  we  may  throw  ourselves  into  the  breach  ;  we  may  stand  up  and  yield 
everything,  or  cringe  down  and  yield  everything  ;  but  I  tell  you  that  will 
not  stop  the  surging  waves.  If  this  government  is  divided,  though  we  may 
agree  to  separate  in  peace  —  though  every  man  here  may  sign  the  bond  — 
we  know  that  events  hurriedly  running  forward  will  bring  these  two  sections 
in  hostile  array  against  each  other  ;  and  then,  what  a  war  is  there,  my 
countrymen  !  I  know  that  your  southern  people  are  brave,  spirited,  active, 
quick  ;  no  man  doubts  that  ;  but  if  you  have  made  any  misapprehen 
sion  about  the  northern  people  —  if  you  suppose  that,  because  they  are  cold, 


220  RECOLLECTIONS 

because  they  are  not  fired  by  your  hot  blood,  they  will  not  perform  their  duty 
everywhere,  you  are  very  much  mistaken.  We  are  the  equals  of  each  other  ; 
we  are  of  the  same  blood,  the  same  parentage,  the  same  character  ;  your 
warm  sun  has  quickened  your  blood,  but  our  cold  climate  has  steadied  our 
intellects  and  braced  our  energies. 

"  I  again  repeat,  Mr.  chairman,  that  we  should  not  allow  ourselves  to  be 
deceived  by  words.  The  question  is  not  whether  the  United  States  will 
coerce  a  state,  but  whether  a  state  shall  coerce  the  government ;  whether 
this  noble  fabric,  devised  by  our  fathers,  shall  fall  without  a  blow.  I  appeal 
to  you  again  ;  I  appeal  to  the  Representatives  of  all  the  states,  whether  wre 
shall  allow  Fort  Sumter,  the  only  place  where  our  flag  floats  in  the  harbor 
of  Charleston,  to  be  surrendered  at  discretion. 

"  For  one,  I  say,  NEVER  !  NEVER  !  Even  if  to-morrow  I  should  vote  to 
give  South  Carolina  license  to  leave  the  Confederacy,  if  I  had  the  power, 
yet,  while  that  flag  floats,  it  is  the  bounclen  and  sacred  duty  of  this  govern 
ment  to  protect  it  against  all  enemies,  and  at  all  hazards.  I  had  fondly 
hoped,  while  we  disagreed,  and  while  I  knew  that  our  disagreement  was 
marked  and  decided,  that  you,  gentlemen  of  the  south,  would  yourselves 
take  the  lead  in  the  defense  of  our  property  and  our  honor  ;  therefore  I 
sat  silent.  I  had  hoped  that,  while  we  were  discussing,  you  would  insist 
upon  the  protection  of  the  property  of  the  United  States,  and  that  our  flag 
should  not  be  dishonored  until  we  separated,  in  peace  or  in  war. 

"  I  was  much  struck  by  a  remark  made  the  other  day  by  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Mississippi  (Mr.  Davis),  that  if  we  could  not  agree  with  each 
other,  we  ought  to  separate  in  peace — -that  we  should  take  this  old  flag,  and 
fold  it  away,  and  keep  it  as  a  much-loved  memento  for  us  all.  But,  sir,  we 
cannot  do  that  now.  It  has  been  lowered  and  tarnished,  and  we  all  know 
and  feel  it. 

"  I  wras  surprised  that  my  colleague  (Mr.  Pendleton)  did  not  vote  for  the 
resolution  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey,  in  regard  to  Major 
Anderson.  I  hoped  that  the  Ohio  delegation  would  unite  in  favor  of  that 
resolution.  I  was  still  more  surprised,  allow  me  to  say  to  the  Representa 
tives  of  Kentucky,  that  when  their  own  gallant  son  had  but  performed  his 
bounden  duty  they  should  have  refused  to  vote  to  sustain  him  in  his  removal 
from  Fort  Moultrie  to  the  strongest  point  in  his  command. 

"  The  resolution  simply  expressed  a  desire  to  enforce  the  laws  and  to 
preserve  the  Union — no  more.  I  am  willing  to  stand  on  this  platform.  I 
can  join  heartily  with  all  those  who  made  that  pledge,  whatever  else  they 
may  think  or  believe  about  the  questions  that  divide  our  people.  If  we  can 
stand  by  each  other,  if  our  constituents  will  stand  by  us  in  that  emphatic 
declaration,  I  do  believe  the  good  ship  that  has  borne  us  thus  far  on  a 
prosperous  voyage  will  outlive  the  storm.  But,  sir,  if  we  yield  too  far  to  the 
fury  of  the  waves;  if  we  now  surrender,  without  resistance,  the  forts,  arsenals, 
dock-yards,  and  other  property  of  the  government,  we  only  demonstrate  that 
we  are  not  fit  for  the  duties  assigned  us ;  and,  if  our  names  survive  our 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  221 

times,  they  will  only  be  recorded  as  those  of  a  degenerate  race,  who  had  not 
the  manhood  to  preserve  what  their  fathers  won. 

"  Gentlemen  cannot  come  here  and  say,  'We  demand  this  ;  or,  we  de 
mand  that ;  stand  and  deliver.'  That  is  the  language  of  the  highwayman. 
This  is  a  great  tribunal,  where  men  reason  and  judge  and  weigh  and  doubt 
and  hesitate  and  talk — and  we  have  a  good  deal  of  that.  No  section  and  no 
state  can,  because  the  presidential  election  has  gone  against  it,  say,  'We 
will  have  this  change  in  the  constitution,  or  we  will  fire  upon  your  flag  ;  we 
will  have  that  change  in  the  constitution,  or  we  will  seize  upon  your  forts.' 
That  is  not  the  principle  upon  which  this  government  was  founded.  Mr. 
Jefferson,  when  elected  President  in  1801,  declared  the  true  principle.  He 
said  it  was  the  duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  obey  the  constitution  ;  to  submit 
to  a  constitutional  election  ;  and  he  congratulated  the  country  that  the 
Federalists  were  willing  to  give  the  Democrats  a  fair  trial. 

"  Under  the  grave  responsibility  upon  which  we  are  acting,  I  feel  it  to 
be  my  duty  to  you,  to  my  fellow-Members,  and  to  my  countrymen,  north 
and  south,  to  say  frankly,  that,  in  voting  for  this  army  bill,  I  vote  with  the 
expectation  that  the  army  will  be  used  in  protecting  the  acknowledged 
property  of  the  United  States,  in  recovering  that  which  has  been  unlawfully 
taken,  and  in  maintaining  the  Union. 

"  It  may  be  said  that  the  gravity  of  the  events  that  surround  us  demands 
a  greater  force  than  is  provided  by  this  bill.  The  regular  army  is  a  mere 
skeleton.  The  present  force  will  scarcely  defend  our  frontier  from  Indian 
incursions  ;  but  it  forms  a  nucleus  capable  of  any  re-enforcement  demanded 
by  the  exigencies  of  the  times.  I  do  not  contemplate,  in  any  event,  hostile 
invasions  of  the  soil  of  any  state,  unless  demanded  for  the  defense  of  the 
acknowledged  property  of  the  United  States.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  govern 
ment  to  suppress  insurrection  in  a  state  ;  but  in  this  event  the  military  power 
can  only  be  used  in  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  authority.  If  the  civil 
authority  refuse  to  call  for  such  aid,  or  suppress  the  courts,  the  military 
power  cannot  interfere.  If  the  courts  are  closed,  the  duties  of  postmasters 
cannot  be  enforced,  or  the  mails  protected,  and  therefore  the  postal  service 
must  necessarily  be  suspended.  No  doubt  this  measure  will  soon  be 
adopted.  If  the  revenue  is  refused,  or  cannot  be  collected,  then  goods  can 
not  be  imported,  and  ports  must  be  closed.  If  a  state  shall,  in  violation  of 
the  constitution,  undertake  to  regulate  commerce,  then  her  commerce  must 
be  suspended. 

"  No  doubt  other  measures  can  be  devised  that  will  preserve  the  peace 
of  the  country  until  the  people  of  the  states  may  confer  in  a  constitutional 
way,  unless  one  or  more  of  the  seceding  states  shall,  by  military  force,  shed 
the  blood  of  their  fellow-citizens,  or  refuse  to  surrender  to  the  proper 
authorities  the  acknowledged  property  of  the  government.  I  know  that  all 
the  gentlemen  around  me  must  deeply  deplore  a  civil  war,  especially  if  that 
war  shall  involve  the  fate  of  this  capital  and  the  disruption  of  the  gov 
ernment.  No  man  can  contemplate  the  inevitable  results  of  such  a  war 


222  RECOLLECTIONS 

without  the  most  serious  desire  to  avert  it.  It  is  our  duty  as  Members  of  this 
House,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress,  I  am  happy  to  say  it  is  now  the  acknowl 
edged  duty  of  the  President,  as  it  is  of  the  incoming  administration,  to  use 
forbearance  to  the  extremest  point.  Let  not  physical  force  be  arrayed  in 
civil  war  until  the  last  hope  of  peace  and  conciliation  has  been  exhausted  ; 
then  let  each  branch  of  the  government,  acting  in  concert  with  each  other, 
perform  its  respective  duties,  though  the  heavens  fall  ! 

"  What  *can  we  do  for  peace  and  conciliation  ?  I  anticipate  at  once 
your  reply  ;  you  say,  '  Let  us  compromise  ;  yield  what  we  demand  of  you.' 
Let  us  compromise,  and  we  will  preserve  the  Union  ;  civil  war  will  be 
averted.  This,  I  know,  is  the  earnest  appeal  of  patriotic  men  in  the  southern 
states,  who  would  gladly  give  their  lives  to  stop  the  march  of  treason  in  those 
states.  How  useless  it  is  to  talk  about  compromises,  concessions,  concilia 
tion,  adjustment,  when,  if  everything  was  conceded,  the  integrity  of  the 
government  may  be  broken  up  by  a  majority  of  a  single  state.  If  we  hold 
this  Union,  and  all  the  rights  it  secures  to  us,  and  all  the  hopes  we  base 
upon  it,  upon  the  whim  or  will  of  a  single  state,  then,  indeed,  it  is  the 
weakest  government  ever  devised  by  man.  If  a  single  state  may  destroy  our 
nationality,  then,  indeed,  is  the  wisdom  of  our  fathers  the  wisdom  of  babes. 
We  can  no  longer  talk  about  the  weakness  of  the  old  confederacy  or 
anarchy  of  Mexico. 

"  Sir,  we  owe  it  as  the  most  sacred  of  duties  to  put  down  this  heresy. 
If  it  now  fortifies  itself  by  sectional  animosities,  if  it  rises  from  party 
rebellion  to  sectional  and  civil  war,  still  it  must,  and  will,  be  met  with 
determined  resistance.  Upon  this  point,  I  am  glad  to  say,  the  people  of 
Ohio  are  united,  if  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  legislature  of  that  state  is  a 
true  indication. 

"  Again,  I  say,  what  is  the  use  of  concession,  conciliation,  or  com 
promise,  when,  if  we  yield  everything  you  demand,  you  cannot  say  to  us 
*  It  will  save  us  from  disunion  or  war  ? '  Are  we  not  in  danger  of  quarrel 
ing  about  terms  of  conciliation,  when  traitors  are  overthrowing  the  govern 
ment  we  wish  to  preserve?  Are  we  not  dividing  ourselves  for  their  benefit? 
What  will  satisfy  South  Carolina  and  Florida  and  Mississippi  and  Alabama? 
They  want  disunion,  and  not  compromise  or  conciliation.  The  Democratic 
party  would  not  agree  to  their  terms,  and  they  seceded  from  the  Charleston 
and  Baltimore  conventions.  Is  it  likely  that  we  will  yield  what  our  northern 
Democratic  friends  could  not  yield?  Can  you  expect  this  'black  Repub 
lican  party,'  as  you  please  to  call  it,  will  yield  to  you  what  your  northern 
Democratic  associates  dare  not?  It  is  utterly  idle  to  talk  about  any  such 
terms  of  concession.  I  do  not  believe  any  terms  which  our  people  could 
yield,  and  preserve  their  own  self-respect,  would  satisfy  South  Carolina, 
Florida,  or  some  of  the  other  southern  states,  because  they  are  bent  upon 
disunion. 

"  We  know  that  gentlemen  who  represented  South  Carolina  on  this 
floor,  if  the  newspapers  correctly  report  them,  declared  in  the  Charleston 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  223 

convention,  held  recently,  that  they  had  brooded  over  this  matter  from  long 
years,  and  that  they  only  sought  an  opportunity,  an  occasion,  or,  if  I  may 
use  the  word,  a  pretext,  for  the  secession  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina  and 
the  disruption  of  the  Union.  Some  stated  that  they  had  brooded  over  dis 
union  and  prayed  for  its  consummation  since  boyhood.  We  know,  sir,  that 
the  seeds  of  this  revolution  were  sowed  in  the  time  of  Andrew  Jackson  and 
John  C.  Calhoun.  We  know  that  in  1832  the  doctrines  upon  which  this 
revolution  is  going  forward  were  initiated,  and  from  that  time  the  young 
men  of  South  Carolina  have  been  educated  in  the  school  of  disunion.  They 
have  cherished  those  doctrines  in  their  innermost  hearts.  All  the  conces 
sions  we  might  make,  all  the  compromises  we  could  agree  to,  all  the  offer 
ings  of  peace  we  could  make  for  the  salvation  of  this  Union,  would  not  be 
able  to  secure  that  desired  end,  if  South  Carolina  could  prevent  it. 

"  Again,  we  might,  on  this  side,  properly  say  we  have  done  nothing  to 
impair  any  constitutional  right.  We  propose  to  do  nothing  to  infringe 
yours.  We  have  succeeded  in  a  constitutional  way  in  electing  a  President 
of  the  United  States.  All  we  ask  is  that  he  may  be  inaugurated  in  peace, 
and  may  develop  his  policy  in  the  usual  manner.  We  can  add  that  this  is 
the  demand  of  all  our  people,  not  only  of  those  who  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln, 
but  of  every  loyal  citizen.  You  tell  us  your  people  are  excited  and  alarmed, 
that  they  apprehend  that  an  overwhelming  anti-slavery  element  is  about  to 
be  inaugurated  in  power  that  will,  directly  or  indirectly,  affect  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  your  states. 

"  Perhaps  you  will  confess,  what  you  know  to  be  true,  that  for  political 
purposes,  in  the  struggle  of  partisans  for  ascendancy,  both  parties  in  the 
south  have  united  to  fire  the  southern  mind  against  the  hated  '  black  Re 
publicans  '  of  the  north.  Speeches  have  been  distorted,  single  sentences 
have  been  torn  from  their  context  and  made  to  deceive  and  mislead.  Gar 
rison,  Wendell  Phillips,  Seward,  Lincoln,  and  latterly  Douglas,  have  been 
mixed  in  a  hated  conglomerate,  and  used  to  excite  your  people.  A  philo 
sophic  opinion  of  Mr.  Seward  has  been  construed  as  the  statement  of  a 
settled  purpose  to  overthrow  slavery  in  the  states,  although  in  the  very 
paragraph  itself  all  idea  of  interference  by  the  people  of  the  free  states  with 
slavery  in  the  slave  states  is  expressly  excluded.  It  is  but  a  year  since  you 
inflamed  your  constituents  because  some  of  your  fellow-Members  recom 
mended,  without  reading,  a  book  written  by  one  of  your  own  citizens,  con 
taining  obnoxious  opinions  about  slavery.  Nearly  all  of  you  gave  birth, 
vitality,  and  victory  to  the  Republican  party,  by  adopting  a  policy  you  now 
join  in  condemning.  Some  of  you  broke  down  the  only  political  organiza 
tion  that  could  compete  with  us,  and  thus  gave  us  an  easy  victory.  You 
have  all  contributed,  more  or  less,  in  perverting  the  public  mind  as  to  our 
principles  and  purposes.  And  I  tell  you,  gentlemen,  that  when  you  call  the 
Republican  party  an  abolition  party,  in  the  sense  you  use  the  word  aboli 
tion  ;  when  you  quote  from  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  from  like 
extreme  men,  and  circulate  their  opinions  all  over  the  south,  telling  the 


224  RECOLLECTIONS 

people  of  your  states  that  the  people  of  the  north  have  been  educated  in 
these  sentiments,  profess  them,  and  are  going  to  put  down  slavery  in  the 
states,  you  do  a  great  injustice  to  the  intelligence  and  the  safety  of  your 
people. 

"  I  have  heard  here,  over  and  over  again,  this  course  of  agitation,  pur 
sued  only  the  other  day  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Douglas 
quoted  from  one  of  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Lincoln  that  passage  so  familiar  to 
us  all,  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  states  would  at  some  day  be  all  slave  or  all 
free.  Sir,  in  this  time  when  the  people  of  the  southern  states  are  in  a  storm 
of  excitement,  that  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Illinois  is  sent  over  those 
states  as  tending  to  show  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  in  some  way  interfere 
with  slavery  in  the  states.  Mr.  Lincoln  answered  this  inference  with  a 
solemn  disclaimer  over  and  over  again  on  the  same  '  stump  '  with  that  Sena 
tor.  I  ask  whether  it  was  just  to  quote  the  opinion  without  giving  the  dis 
claimer?  It  certainly  was  not.  We  might  answer  all  you  say  by  declaring 
that  the  Republican  party  does  not  propose  to  interfere  with  your  constitu 
tional  rights.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  will 
carry  out  the  doctrines  of  the  Chicago  platform  ;  but  not  the  platform  as 
you  pervert  it.  Sir,  it  will  convince  the  southern  people  that  all  the  things 
said  about  us  are  unfounded.  Wliat,  then,  will  be  the  fate  of  hundreds  of 
politicians  in  the  southern  states  who  have  stirred  their  people  up  to  the 
present  intense  excitement  ? 

"  Yet  the  baptism  of  misrepresentation,  through  which  this  Republican 
party  has  thus  far  advanced,  does  not  excuse  us  from  doing  all  in  our  power 
to  produce  conciliation,  harmony,  peace,  quiet,  a  fair  and  honest  adjustment 
of  all  the  difficulties  that  surround  us.  ... 

"  Now,  Mr.  chairman,  I  have  gone  over  the  whole  field.  I  have  given 
my  views,  speaking  for  no  other  man,  frankly  and  fearlessly,  and  I  will 
stand  by  them  now  and  in  the  future.  I  have  given  you  my  opinion  upon 
all  these  points.  I  tell  you  that  this  whole  controversy  was  fought  and 
won  by  us  two  years  ago,  and  all  you  have  to  do  now  is  to  admit  Kansas. 
That  is  the  only  act  of  power  now  needed.  There  let  it  stand.  Let  us 
live  together  like  a  band  of  brothers.  If  W7e  cannot  agree  with  you  about 
slavery,  why,  you  do  not  agree  with  us.  I  know  there  has  been  a  great 
deal  of  intemperance  of  language  on  this  subject  ;  but  I  ask,  if  it  has  been 
used  upon  our  side,  has  it  not  been  used  upon  yours  ?  If  there  has  been 
harsh  and  violent  words  used,  I  have  not  uttered  them  that  I  know  of.  If 
I  have,  I  beg  every  man's  pardon  ;  because  I  think  that  violent  language, 
calculated  to  stir  up  excitement  and  agitation,  ought  not  to  be  used  in  a 
deliberative  assembly.  I  ask  you  if  you  have  not  sins  to  repent  of,  if  we 
have  ?  Let  us  be  at  peace.  Let  us  go  on  with  the  administration  of  the 
government  kindly,  harmoniously,  hopefully,  trusting  in  that  providence  of 
Almighty  God  which  has  thus  far  guided  and  guarded  us,  until  this  nation  has 
become  a  marvel  to  the  world.  Can  we  not  go  on  in  the  same  way  in  which 
we  have  gone  on  in  the  past  ?  Why  not  let  the  Republican  administration 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  225 

be  inaugurated  in  peace  and  quiet  ?  Try  it  in  the  name  of  God  !  Are 
you  cowards,  that  you  would  flee  from  an  apprehension  ?  I  know  you  are 
not.  Stand  by  the  old  ship  of  state  !  Give  the  Republican  administration 
a  fair  chance.  If  it  does  not  do  right,  you  will  find  thousands  - —  ay,  mil 
lions —  in  the  northern  states  who  will  stand  by  you.  I  believe  it  will  do 
right.  Give  it  a  trial.  That  is  all  we  ask,  and  what  we  will  demand  at  all 
hazards." 

The  delegation  from  Ohio,  during  this  Congress,  was  re 
garded  as  a  very  strong  one.  I  do  not  disparage  any  by  a 
brief  reference  to  a  few. 

Thomas  Corwin  was,  by  far,  the  most  distinguished  member 
of  the  delegation.  I  have  already  referred  to  his  eminence  as 
a  popular  orator.  His  speech  against  the  Mexican  War,  though 
unfortunate  as  a  political  event,  has  always  been  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  eloquent  ever  made  in  either  House  of 
Congress.  His  speech  in  reply  to  Crary,  of  Michigan,  is  still 
remembered  as  the  best  specimen  of  humorous  satire  in  our 
language.  He  had  served  in  the  legislature  of  Ohio,  as  a  Mem 
ber  of  Congress  for  ten  years,  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  as  a  Member 
of  the  Senate,  and  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  After  an  ab 
sence  from  public  life  for  six  years,  he  was  elected  a  Member 
of  the  36th  Congress.  Here  he  was  regarded  as  the  "peace 
maker"  of  the  House.  In  the  contest  for  speaker,  he  made  a 
long  speech,  in  which  he  exhibited  marked  ability,  humor, 
pathos  and  persuasive  eloquence.  As  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  thirty,  he  did  all  that  man  could  do  to  quiet  the 
storm,  to  compromise  and  soothe  the  contending  factions,  but 
this  was  beyond  human  power.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  37th 
Congress,  but  in  1861  was  appointed  minister  to  Mexico 
by  Mr.  Lincoln.  In  December,  1865,  he  attended  a  party 
of  his  Ohio  friends,  at  which  I  was  present.  He  was  the 
center  of  attraction,  and,  apparently,  in  good  health  and  spirits. 
He  was  telling  amusing  anecdotes  of  life  in  Ohio  "in  the  olden 
times,"  to  the  many  friends  who  gathered  around  him,  when, 
without  warning,  he  suffered  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  and  died 
within  two  or  three  days,  leaving  behind  him  none  but  friends. 
Tom  Corwin,  "the  wagon-boy,"  had  traveled  through  all  the 
gradations  of  life,  and  in  every  stage  was  a  kind  friend,  a 
loving  father,  a  generous,  noble  and  honest  man. 


226  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  life  of  George  H.  Pendleton  was  a  striking  contrast  to 
that  of  Corwin.  He  was  a  favorite  of  fortune.  His  father  was 
a  distinguished  lawyer  and  Member  of  Congress.  George  had 
the  advantage  of  a  good  education  and  high  social  position,  a 
courtly  manner,  a  handsome  person  and  a  good  fortune.  He 
served  several  terms  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  six 
years  in  the  Senate.  He  was  the  candidate  for  Vice  President 
on  the  Democratic  ticket  with  McClellan,  and  a  prominent 
candidate  for  nomination  as  President  in  1868.  He  was  min 
ister  to  Germany  during  the  first  term  of  Cleveland  as  Presi 
dent.  He  died  November  24,  1889.  My  relations  with  him 
were  always  pleasant. 

Samuel  S.  Cox  was  an  active,  industrious  and  versatile 
Member  of  Congress  for  more  than  twenty  years.  He  was  born 
in  Ohio,  graduated  at  Brown  University,  was  admitted  to  the 
bar,  but,  I  believe,  rarely  practiced  his  profession.  His  natural 
bent  was  for  editorial  and  political  conflicts,  in  which  most  of 
his  life  was  spent.  He  was  a  good  debater,  overflowing  with 
humor  without  sarcasm.  In  the  campaign  of  1860,  he  and  I 
had  a  running  debate  at  long  range.  In  a  speech  at  Columbus, 
then  his  residence,  I  spoke  of  his  erratic  course  on  the  Lecomp- 
ton  bill.  He  replied  at  Mansfield  with  shrewdness,  humor  and 
ability.  I  reviewed  his  speech  at  the  same  place,  and  we  kept 
up  a  running  fire  during  that  canvass,  but  this  did  not  disturb 
our  friendly  relations.  Some  years  later,  he  removed  to  New 
York,  where  he  was  soon  taken  into  favor,  and  was  elected 
several  times  to  Congress.  He  was  the  author  of  several  books 
of  merit,  and  was  the  champion  of  a  measure  establishing  the 
life-saving  service  of  the  country  upon  its  present  footing.  He 
may  be  classified  as  a  leading  Member  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  a  bright  and  successful  speaker  and  a  copious 
author.  He  died  September  10,  1889. 

John  A.  Bingham  was  regarded,  next  to  Mr.  Corwin,  as  the 
most  eloquent  member  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  and,  perhaps 
with  one  or  two  exceptions,  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
He  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1840.  He 
served  for  sixteen  years  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
judiciary  and  other  important  committees,  and  took  an  active 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  227 

and  leading  part  in  all  the  debates  during  this  long  period. 
He  was  a  man  of  genial,  pleasing  address,  rather  too  much 
given  to  flights  of  oratory,  but  always  a  favorite  with  his  col 
leagues  and  associates.  He  was  subsequently  appointed  United 
States  minister  to  Japan,  where  he  remained  for  many  years. 
He  still  lives  at  a  ripe  old  age  at  Cadiz,  Ohio. 

During  the  existence  of  the  36th  Congress,  I  do  not  recall 
any  political  divisions  in  the  committee  of  ways  and  means, 
unless  the  tariff  is  considered  a  political  measure.  It  was  not 
so  treated  by  the  committee.  The  common  purpose  was  to 
secure  sufficient  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  government. 
The  incidental  effect  of  all  duties  was  to  encourage  home 
manufactures,  but,  as  the  rule  adopted  was  applied  impartially 
to  all  productions,  whether  of  the  farm,  mine,  or  the  workshop, 
there  was  no  controversy  except  as  to  the  amount  or  rate  of 
the  duty.  The  recent  dogma  that  raw  materials  should  not 
have  the  benefit  of  protection  did  not  enter  the  mind  of  any 
one.  The  necessity  of  economy  limited  the  amount  of  appro 
priations,  but  if  the  war  had  not  changed  all  conditions,  the 
revenues  accruing  would  have  been  sufficient  for  an  econom 
ical  administration  of  the  government. 

In  a  retrospect  of  my  six  years  as  a  Member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  I  can  see,  and  will  freely  admit,  that  my  chief 
fault  wras  my  intense  partisanship.  This  grew  out  of  a  con 
scientious  feeling  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  an  act  of  dishonor,  committed  by  a  dominating  party  con 
trolled  by  slaveholders  and  yielded  to  by  leading  northern 
Democrats,  headed  by  Douglas,  with  a  view  on  his  part  to  pro 
mote  his  intense  ambition  to  be  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  felt  that  this  insult  to  the  north  should  be  resented  by  the 
renewed  exclusion,  by  act  of  Congress,  of  slavery  north  of  the 
line  of  latitude  36  degrees  30  minutes.  This  feeling  was  in 
tensified  by  my  experience  in  Kansas  during  the  investigation 
of  its  affairs.  The  recital  by  the  Free  State  men  of  their  story, 
and  the  appearance  and  conduct  of  the  "border  ruffians,"  led 
me  to  support  extreme  measures.  The  political  feebleness  of  Mr. 
Buchanan,  and  the  infamy  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  appeared 
to  me  conclusive  evidence  of  the  subserviency  of  the  President 


228  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  Supreme  Court  to  the  slave  power.  The  gross  injustice 
to  me  personally,  and  the  irritating  language  of  southern  Mem 
bers  in  the  speakership  contest,  aroused  my  resentment,  so 
that  in  the  campaign  of  1860  I  was  ready  to  meet  the  threats 
of  secession  with  those  of  open  war. 

It  was  unfortunate  that  the  south  at  this  time  was  largely 
represented  in  Congress  by  men  of  the  most  violent  opinions. 
Such  men  as  Keitt,  Hindman,  Barksdale,  and  Eust,  were  offen 
sive  in  their  conduct  and  language.  They  were  of  that  class 
in  the  south  who  believed  that  the  people  of  the  north  were 
tradesmen,  hucksters,  and  the  like,  and  therefore  were  cowards ; 
that  one  southern  man  was  equal  in  a  fight  to  four  northern 
men;  that  slavery  was  a  patent  of  nobility,  and  that  the  owner 
of  slaves  was  a  lord  and  master.  It  is  true  that  among  the 
southern  Members  there  were  gentlemen  of  a  character  quite 
different.  Such  men  as  Letcher,  Aiken  and  Bocock  entertained 
no  such  opinions,  but  were  courteous  and  friendly.  But  even 
these  shared  in  the  opinions  of  their  people  that,  as  slavery 
was  recognized  by  the  constitution,  as  an  institution  existing 
in  many  of  the  states,  it  should  not  be  excluded  from  the  com 
mon  territory  of  the  Union,  except  by  the  vote  of  the  people  of 
a  territory  when  assuming  the  dignity  and  power  of  a  state.  It 
would  appear  that  as  in  1860  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from 
Kansas  was  definitely  settled  by  the  people  of  that  state,  and 
that  as  the  only  region  open  to  this  controversy  was  New 
Mexico,  from  which  slavery  was  excluded  by  natural  condi 
tions,  there  was  no  reason  or  ground  for  an  attempt  to  disrupt 
the  Union.  In  fact,  this  pretense  for  secession  was  abandoned 
by  South  Carolina,  and  the  only  ground  taken  for  attempting  it 
was  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  President  of  the  United 
States.  If  this  was  conceded  to  be  a  just  cause  for  secession, 
our  government  would  become  a  rope  of  sand;  it  would  be 
worse  than  that  of  any  South  American  republic,  because  our 
country  is  more  populous,  and  sections  of  it  would  have  greater 
strength  of  attack  and  defense.  This  pretense  for  secession 
would  not  have  been  concurred  in  by  any  of  the  states  north 
of  South  Carolina,  but  for  the  previous  agitation  of  slavery, 
which  had  welded  nearly  all  the  slaveholding  states  into  a 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  229 

compact  confederacy.  This  was  done,  not  for  fear  of  Lincoln, 
but  to  protect  the  institution  of  slavery,  threatened  by  the 
growing  sentiment  of  mankind.  Upon  this  question  I  had  been 
conservative,  but  I  can  see  now  that  this  contest  was  irrepres 
sible,  and  that  I  would  soon  have  been  in  favor  of  the  gradual 
abolition  of  slavery  in  all  the  states.  This  could  not  have  been 
effected  under  our  constitution  but  for  the  Rebellion,  so  that, 
in  truth,  South  Carolina,  unwittingly,  led  to  the  only  way  by 
which  slavery  could  be  abolished  in  the  present  century. 

The  existence  of  slavery  in  a  republic  founded  upon  the 
declaration  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  en 
dowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  and 
that  among  them  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 
is  an  anomaly  so  pregnant  with  evil  that  it  is  not  strange  that 
while  it  existed  it  was  the  chief  cause  of  all  the  serious  conten 
tions  that  threatened  the  life  of  the  republic.  The  framers  of 
the  constitution,  finding  slavery,  in  existence  in  nearly  all  the 
states,  carefully  avoided  mention  of  it  in  that  instrument,  but 
they  provided  against  the  importation  of  slaves  after  a  brief 
period,  and  evidently  anticipated  the  eventual  prohibition  of 
slavery  by  the  voluntary  action  of  the  several  states.  This  proc 
ess  of  prohibition  occurred  until  one-half  of  the  states  became 
free,  when  causes  unforeseen  made  slavery  so  profitable  that  it 
dominated  in  the  states  where  it  existed,  and  dictated  the 
policy  of  the  United  States.  The  first  controversy  about 
slavery  was  happily  settled  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  of 
1820.  But  a  greater  danger  arose  from  the  acquisition  of  ter 
ritory  from  Mexico.  This,  too,  was  postponed  by  the  com 
promise  of  1850,  but  unhappily,  within  four  years,  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  re-opened  the  controversy  that 
led  to  the  struggle  in  Kansas.  Douglas  prescribed  the  doc 
trine  of  popular  sovereignty.  Davis  contended  that  slaves 
were  property  and  must  be  protected  by  law  like  other 
property.  Lincoln  declared  that  "a  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand,"  that  slavery  must  be  lawful  or  unlawful 
in  all  the  states,  alike  north  as  well  as  south.  Seward  said 
that  an  irrepressible  conflict  existed  between  opposing  and 
enduring  forces,  that  the  United  States  must  and  would 


230  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

become  either  entirely  a  slaveholding  nation  or  entirely  a  free 
labor  nation.  Kansas  became  a  free  state  in  spite  of  Buchanan 
and  then  the  conflict  commenced.  The  southern  states  pre 
pared  for  secession.  Lincoln  became  President.  The  war  came 
by  the  act  of  the  south  and  ended  with  the  destruction  of  slav 
ery.  This  succession  of  events,  following  in  due  order,  was  the 
natural  sequence  of  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States. 

"  God  moves  in  a  mysterious  way, 
His  wonders  to  perform." 


CHAPTER  X. 
BEGINNING  OF  LINCOLN'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

Arrival  of  the  President  Elect  at  Washington  —  Impressiveness  of  His  Inaugural 

Address  —  I    am  Elected   Senator  from   Ohio  to  Succeed  Salmon  P.  Chase  — 

Letters  Written  to  and  Received  from  My  Brother  William  Tecumseh  — His 

Arrival  at  Washington  — A  Dark  Period  in  the  History  of  the  Country  — 

Letter  to  General  Sherman  on   the   Attack  Upon  Fort  Sumter  — 

Departure  for   Mansfield    to     Encourage  Enlistments  —  Ohio 

Regiments  Reviewed  by  the  President  —  General  McLaugh- 

lin    Complimented  —  My    Visit    to     Ex-President 

Buchanan— Meeting  Between  my  Brother 

and    Colonel    George   H.    Thomas. 

A3RAHAM  LINCOLN,  the  President  elect,  arrived  in  the 
city  of  Washington  on  the  23rd  day  of  February, 
1861,  and,  with  Mrs.  Lincoln,  stopped  at  Willard's 
Hotel  where  I  was  then  living.  On  the  evening  of 
his  arrival  I  called  upon  him,  and  met  him  for  the  first  time. 
When  introduced  to  him,  he  took  my  hands  in  both  of  his, 
drew  himself  up  to  his  full  height,  and,  looking  at  me  steadily, 
said:  "You  are  John  Sherman!  Well  I  am  taller  than  you;  let's 
measure."  Thereupon  we  stood  back  to  back,  and  some  one 
present  announced  that  he  was  two  inches  taller  than  I.  This 
was  correct,  for  he  was  6  feet  3|  inches  tall  when  he  stood 
erect.  This  singular  introduction  was  not  unusual  with  him, 
but  if  it  lacked  in  dignity,  it  was  an  expression  of  friendliness 
and  so  considered  by  him.  Our  brief  conversation  was  cheer 
ful,  and  my  hearty  congratulations  for  his  escape  from  the 
Baltimore  "roughs"  were  received  with  a  laugh. 

It  was  generally  understood  when  Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  that 
his  cabinet  was  definitely  formed,  but  rumors  soon  prevailed 
that  dissensions  existed  among  its  members,  that  Seward  and 
Chase  were  rivals,  that  neither  could  act  in  harmony  with  the 
other,  and  that  both  were  discontented  with  their  associates. 
I  became  satisfied  that  these  rumors  were  true.  I  do  not  feel 

S.-17  (231) 


232  RECOLLECTIONS 

at  liberty,  even  at  this  late  day,  to  repeat  what  was  said  to  me 
by  some  of  the  members  selected,  but  I  was  convinced  that 
Lincoln  had  no  purpose  or  desire  to  change  the  cabinet  he  had 
selected  in  Springfield,  and  that  he  regarded  their  jealousies  (if 
I  may  use  such  a  word  in  respect  to  gentlemen  so  distin 
guished)  as  a  benefit  and  not  an  objection,  as  by  that  means  he 
would  control  his  cabinet  rather  than  be  controlled  by  it. 

Mr.  Lincoln  delivered  his  inaugural  address  from  the  east 
steps  of  the  capitol,  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1861.  I  sat  near 
him  and  heard  every  word.  Douglas  stood  conspicuous  behind 
him  and  suggesting  many  thoughts.  I  have  witnessed  many  in 
augurations,  but  never  one  so  impressive  as  this.  The  condi 
tion  of  the  south  already  organized  for  war,  the  presence  of 
United  States  troops  with  general  Scott  in  command,  the  mani 
fest  preparation  against  threatened  violence,  the  sober  and 
quiet  attention  to  the  address,  all  united  to  produce  a  profound 
apprehension  of  evils  yet  to  come.  The  eloquent  peroration  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,  and  I  insert  it  here: 

"In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is 
the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  will  not  assail  you. 
You  can  have  no  conflict,  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You 
have  no  oath  registered  in  Heaven  to  destroy  the  government,  while  I  shall 
have  the  most  solemn  one  to  'preserve,  protect,  and  defend'  it. 

"I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not 
be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break,  our 
bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every 
battlefield  and  patriot  grave,  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone,  all 
over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again 
touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  then  Senator,  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  I  know  with  what  doubt  and  reluctance  he  ac 
cepted  this  office.  On  the  7th  of  March  his  resignation  as 
Senator  was  communicated  to  the  Senate.  In  anticipation  of 
it  the  legislature  of  Ohio  was  canvassing  for  his  successor. 
My  name  was  mentioned  with  many  others.  I  was  in  doubt 
whether  I  ought  to  be  a  candidate,  or  even  to  accept  the  posi 
tion  if  tendered.  I  had  been  elected  as  a  Member  of  the  next 
Congress  and  was  quite  certain  of  election  as  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  Republicans  had  a  decided 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

FROM  A  PKOTOCRAPH  TAKEN   IN  CHICAGO   IN    I860. 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  233 

majority  in  that  body  and  a  feeling  was  manifest  that  I  should 
have,  without  opposition,  the  position  of  which  I  had  been  un 
justly  deprived  by  the  previous  House.  This  was  to  me  a 
coveted  honor.  I,  therefore,  did  not  follow  the  advice  of  my 
friends  and  go  to  Columbus.  A  ballot  was  taken  in  the  caucus 
of  Republican  members  of  the  general  assembly,  and  I  received 
a  plurality  but  not  a  majority,  the  votes  being  scattered  among 
many  other  candidates  of  merit  and  ability.  My  name  was 
then  withdrawn.  Several  ballots  were  taken  on  a  number  of 
days  without  result.  I  was  then  telegraphed  to  come  to  Co 
lumbus.  I  went  and  was  nominated  on  the  first  vote  after  my 
arrival,  and  promptly  elected  as  Senator,  to  fill  the  vacancy 
occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Chase. 

I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation,  among  which 
were  two  which  I  insert : 

DUBUQUE,  March  23,  1861. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN  :  — Allow  me  to  sincerely  congratulate  you  upon 
your  signal  triumph  at  Columbus.  1  can  assure  you  that  no  recent  event 
has  given  me  so  much  sincere  gratification  as  your  election,  which  I  think  a 
most  worthy  reward  to  a  faithful  public  servant.  Republics  are  not  so 
ungrateful  as  I  supposed  when  I  was  defeated  for  dist.  atty. 

Sincerely  your  friend,  WM.  B.  ALLISON. 


STR  AFFORD,  April  1,  186.1. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  congratulate  you  upon  your  election  to  the  Senate 
of  the  U.  S.,  but  still  I  regret  that  you  have  left  the  House  where  I  think 
you  might  have  rendered  more  important  services  to  your  county  than  you 
will  find  opportunity  to  do  in  the  Senate.  You  could  without  doubt,  I 
think,  have  been  Speaker,  had  you  possessed  any  ambition  for  the  position. 
That  would  have  been  for  two  years  only,  but  it  would  be  at  a  crisis  that 
will  figure  in  our  history.  Then  you  are  greatly  needed  in  economical 
questions  with  our  party  —  many  of  whom  have  no  just  idea  of  the  responsi 
bility  of  the  Republican  party  or  a  Republican  Representative.  I  see  no 
material  worth  mentioning  for  leaders  in  our  House,  and  though  I  am  glad 
to  have  you  suited,  I  do  much  regret  your  translation  to  the  higher  branch. 
I  suppose  we  may  be  called  back  by  Seward  about  the  1st  of  June. 

Our  tariff  bill  is  unfortunate  in  being  launched  at  this  time,  as  it  will 
be  made  the  scape-goat  of  all  difficulties.  In  fact  the  southern  Confederacy 
would  have  made  a  lower  tariff  had  we  left  the  old  law  in  force  and  pre 
cisely  the  same  troubles  would  have  been  presented. 

Yours,  very  sincerely,  JUSTIN  S.  MORRILL. 


234  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  Senate  being  then  in  special  session,  the  oath  pre 
scribed  by  law  was  administered  to  me,  and  on  the  23rd  of 
March,  1861,  I  took  my  seat  in  that  body.  I  had,  however, 
before  my  election,  witnessed,  with  deep  humiliation,  the  Senate 
debates,  feeling  that  the  Republican  Senators  were  too  timid  in 
the  steps  taken  to  purge  that  body  of  persons  whom  I  regarded 
as  traitors.  I  cannot  now  read  the  debates  without  a  feeling 
of  resentment.  Breckenridge,  Mason,  Hunter  and  Powell  still 
retained  their  seats  as  Senators  from  Kentucky  and  Virginia, 
and  almost  daily  defended  the  secession  of  the  southern  states, 
declaring  that  the  states  they  represented  would  do  likewise. 
These  and  other  declarations  I  thought  should  have  been 
promptly  resented  by  the  immediate  expulsion  of  these  Sena 
tors.  Wigfall,  of  Texas,  though  his  state  had  seceded,  was  per 
mitted  to  linger  in  the  Senate  and  to  attend  executive  sessions, 
where  he  was  not  only  a  traitor  but  a  spy.  His  rude  and 
brutal  language  and  conduct  should  have  excluded  him  from 
the  Senate  in  the  early  days  of  the  session,  but  he  was  permit 
ted  to  retire  without  censure,  after  a  long  debate  upon  the 
terms  of  his  proposed  expulsion.  I  took  no  part  in  the  debate 
of  that  session,  which  closed  March  28,  1861,  five  days  after  my 
becoming  a  Member.  I  remained  in  Washington  until  after 
the  fall  of  Sumter  in  April  following. 

During  this  period  my  brother,  William  Tecumseh,  came  to 
Washington  to  tender  his  services  in  the  army  in  any  position 
in  which  he  could  be  useful.  I  had  corresponded  with  him 
freely  in  regard  to  his  remaining  in  Louisiana,  where  he  was 
president  of  the  Louisiana  State  Seminary  of  Learning  and 
Military  Academy.  He  had  been  embarrassed  in  his  position  by 
my  attitude  in  Congress,  and,  especially,  by  the  outcry  against 
me  for  signing  the  Helper  book.  He  was  very  conservative  in 
his  opinions  in  regard  to  slavery,  and  no  doubt  felt  that  I  was 
too  aggressive  on  that  subject.  In  the  summer  of  1860  he 
made  his  usual  visit  to  Lancaster,  and,  finding  that  I  was  en 
gaged  in  the  canvass  and  would  on  a  certain  day  be  at  Coshoc- 
ton,  he  determined  to  go  and  hear  me  "to  see  whether  I  was  an 
Abolitionist."  He  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  a  memorable 
speech  made  by  Mr.  Corwin,  the  principal  speaker  on  that 


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\ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  235 

occasion.  We  sat  upon  the  stand  together,  and  he  very  excit 
edly  said:  "John,  you  must  not  speak  after  Corwin."  He  was 
evidently  impressed  with  the  eloquence  of  that  orator  and  did 
not  wish  me  to  speak,  lest  the  contrast  between  our  speeches 
would  be  greatly  to  my  disparagement.  I  told  him  that  he 
need  not  trouble  himself,  that  I  was  to  speak  in  the  evening, 
though  I  might  say  a  few  words  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Corwin's 
address.  He  remained  and  heard  me  in  the  evening,  and  con 
cluded  on  the  whole  that  I  was  not  an  Abolitionist. 

After  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  I  wrote  him  a  letter, 
which  will  speak  for  itself,  as  follows: 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  November  26,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER:  —  Since  I  received  your  last  letter,  I  have  been  so 
constantly  engaged,  first  with  the  election  and  afterwards  in  arranging  my 
business  for  the  winter,  that  I  could  not  write  you. 

The  election  resulted  as  I  all  along  supposed.  Indeed,  the  division  of 
the  Democratic  party  on  precisely  the  same  question  that  separated  the  Re 
publican  party  from  the  Democratic  party  made  its  defeat  certain.  The  suc 
cess  of  the  Republicans  has  saved  the  country  from  a  discreditable  scramble 
in  the  House.  The  disorders  of  the  last  winter,  and  the  fear  of  their  re 
newal,  have,  without  doubt,  induced  many  good  citizens  to  vote  for  the 
Republican  ticket.  With  a  pretty  good  knowledge  of  the  material  of  our 
House,  I  would  far  prefer  that  any  one  of  the  candidates  be  elected  by  the 
people  rather  than  allow  the  contest  to  be  determined  in  Congress.  Well, 
Lincoln  is  elected.  No  doubt,  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  Louisiana 
think  this  a  calamity.  If  they  believe  their  own  newspapers,  or,  what  is  far 
worse,  the  lying  organs  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  free  states,  they  have 
just  cause  to  think  so.  But  you  were  long  enough  in  Ohio,  and  heard 
enough  of  the  ideas  of  the  Republican  leaders,  to  know  that  the  Republican 
party  is  not  likely  to  interfere,  directly  or  indirectly,  with  slavery  in  the 
states  or  with  the  laws  relating  to  slavery  ;  that,  so  far  as  the  slavery  ques 
tion  is  concerned,  the  contest  was  for  the  possession  of  Kansas  and  perhaps 
New  Mexico,  and  that  the  chief  virtue  of  the  Republican  success  was  in  its 
condemnation  of  the  narrow  sectionalism  of  Buchanan's  administration  and 
the  corruption  by  which  his  policy  was  attempted  to  be  sustained.  Who 
doubts  but  that,  if  Buchanan  had  been  true  to  his  promises  in  submitting 
the  controversy  in  Kansas  to  its  own  people,  and  had  closed  it  by  admitting 
Kansas  as  a  free  state,  that  the  Democratic  party  would  have  retained  its 
power  ?  It  was  his  infernal  policy  in  that  state  (I  can  hardly  think  of  the 
mean  and  bad  things  he  allowed  there  without  swearing)  that  drove  off 
Douglas,  led  to  the  division  of  the  Democratic  party  and  the  consequent 
election  of  Lincoln. 


236  RECOLLECTIONS 

As  a  matter  of  course,  I  rejoice  in  the  result,  for  in  my  judgment  the 
administration  of  Lincoln  will  do  much  to  dissipate  the  feeling  in  the  south 
against  the  north,  by  showing  what  are  the  real  purposes  of  the  Republican 
party.  In  the  meantime,  it  is  evident  we  have  to  meet  in  a  serious  way 
the  movements  of  South  Carolinian  Disunionists.  These  men  have  for  years 
desired  this  disunion  ;  they  have  plotted  for  it.  They  drove  Buchanan  into 
his  Kansas  policy ;  they  got  up  this  new  dogma  about  slave  protection  ; 
they  broke  'up  the  Charleston  convention  merely  to  advance  secession  ;  they 
are  now  hurrying  forward  excited  men  into  acts  of  treason,  without 
giving  time  for  passion  to  cool  or  reason  to  resume  its  sway.  God  knows 
what  will  be  the  result.  If,  by  a  successful  revolution,  they  can  go  out  of 
the  Union,  they  establish  a  principle  that  will  break  the  government  into 
fragments.  Some  local  disaffection  or  temporary  excitement  will  lead  one 
state  after  another  out  of  the  Union.  We  shall  have  the  Mexican  Repub 
lic  over  again,  with  a  fiercer  race  of  men  to  fight  with  each  other.  Seces 
sion  is  revolution.  They  seem  bent  upon  attempting  it.  If  so,  shall  the 
government  resist  ?  If  so,  then  comes  civil  war,  a  fearful  subject  for  Ameri 
cans  to  think  of. 

Since  the  election  I  have  been  looking  over  the  field  for  the  purpose 
of  marking  out  a  course  to  follow  this  winter,  and  I  have,  as  well  as  I 
could,  tested  my  political  course  in  the  past.  There  has  been  nothing  done 
by  the  Republican  party  but  what  merits  the  cordial  approval  of  my  judg 
ment.  There  have  been  many  things  said  and  done  by  Republican  leaders 
that  I  utterly  detest.  Many  of  the  dogmas  of  the  Democratic  party  I  like, 
but  their  conduct  in  administering  the  government,  and  especially  in  their 
treatment  of  the  slavery  question,  I  detest.  I  know  we  shall  have  trouble 
this  winter,  but  I  intend  to  be  true  to  the  moderate  conservative  course  I 
think  I  have  hitherto  undertaken.  Whatever  may  be  the  consequences,  I 
will  insist  on  preserving  the  unity  of  the  states,  and  all  the  states,  without 
exception  and  without  regard  to  consequences.  If  any  southern  state  has 
really  suffered  any  injury  or  is  deprived  of  any  right,  I  will  help  redress 
the  injury  and  secure  the  right.  These  states  must  not,  merely  because 
they  are  beaten  in  election,  or  have  failed  in  establishing  slavery  where  it 
was  prohibited  by  compromise,  attempt  to  break  up  the  government.  If 
they  will  hold  on  a  little  while,  they  will  find  no  injury  can  come  to  them, 
unless,  by  their  repeated  misrepresentation  of  us,  they  stir  up  their  slaves 
to  insurrection.  I  still  hope  that  no  state  will  follow  in  the  wake  of  South 
Carolina  ;  then  the  weakness  of  her  position  will  soon  bring  her  back  again 
or  subject  her  to  ridicule  and  insignificance. 

It  may  be  supposed  by  some  that  the  excitement  in  the  south  has 
produced  a  corresponding  excitement  in  the  north.  This  is  true  in  financial 
matters,  especially  in  the  cities.  In  political  circles  it  only  strengthens  the 
Republican  party.  Even  Democrats  of  all  shades  say,  '  The  election  is 
against  us  ;  we  will  submit  and  all  must  submit.'  Republicans  say,  '  The 
policy  of  the  government  has  been  controlled  by  the  south  for  years,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN  237 

we  have  submitted  ;  now  they  must  submit.'     And  why  not  ?  What  can 
the  Republicans  do  half  as  bad  as  Pierce  and  Buchanan  have  done  ? 

But  enough  of  this.  You  luckily  are  out  of  politics,  and  don't  sym 
pathize  with  my  Republicanism,  but  as  we  are  on  the  eve  of  important 
events,  I  write  about  politics  instead  of  family  matters,  of  which  there  is 
nothing  new.  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

In  December  I  received  this  letter  from  him: 

Louisiana  State  Seminary  of  Learning  and  Military  Academy,  ) 
ALEXANDRIA,  December  1,  1860.  J 

DEAR  BROTHER: —  .  .  .  The  quiet  which  I  thought  the  usual  acquies 
cence  of  the  people  was  merely  the  prelude  to  the  storm  of  opinion  that 
now  seems  irresistible.  Politicians,  by  hearing  the  prejudices  of  the  people 
and  running  with  the  current,  have  succeeded  in  destroying  the  govern 
ment.  It  cannot  be  stopped  now,  I  fear.  I  was  in  Alexandria  all  day 
yesterday,  and  had  a  full  and  unreserved  conversation  with  Dr.  S.  A.  Smith, 
state  senator,  who  is  a  man  of  education,  property,  influence,  and  qualified 
to  judge.  He  was,  during  the  canvass,  a  Breckenridge  man,  but,  though  a 
southerner  in  opinion,  is  really  opposed  to  a  dissolution  of  our  government. 
He  has  returned  from  New  Orleans,  where  he  says  he  was  amazed  to  see 
evidences  of  public  sentiment  which  could  not  be  mistaken. 

The  legislature  meets  December  10,  at  Baton  Rouge.  The  calling  of  a 
convention  forthwith  is  to  be  unanimous,  the  bill  for  army  and  state  ditto. 
The  convention  will  meet  in  January,  and  only  two  questions  will  be  agi 
tated, —  immediate  dissolution,  a  declaration  of  state  independence,  and  a 
general  convention  of  southern  states,  with  instructions  to  demand  of  the 
northern  states  to  repeal  all  laws  hostile  to  slavery  and  pledges  of  future 
good  behavior.  .  .  .  When  the  convention  meets  in  January,  as  they  will 
assuredly  do,  and  resolve  to  secede,  or  to  elect  members  to  a  general  con 
vention  with  instructions  inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  things,  I  must  quit 
this  place,  for  it  would  be  neither  right  for  me  to  stay  nor  would  the  gov 
ernor  be  justified  in  placing  me  in  this  position  of  trust ;  for  the  moment 
Louisiana  assumes  a  position  of  hostility,  then  this  becomes  an  arsenal  and 
fort.  .  .  . 

Let  me  hear  the  moment  you  think  dissolution  is  inevitable.  What 
Mississippi  and  Georgia  do,  this  state  will  do  likewise. 

Affectionately,  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

On  the  15th  of  December  I  wrote  him : 

"  I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  you  ought  not  to  remain  much  longer 
at  your  present  post.  You  will,  in  all  human  probability,  be  involved  in 
complications  from  which  you  cannot  escape  with  honor.  Separated  from 
your  family  and  all  your  kin,  and  an  object  of  suspicion,  you  will  find  your 
position  unendurable.  A  fatal  infatuation  seems  to  have  seized  the  southern 


238  RECOLLECTIONS 

mind,  during  which  any  act  of  madness  may  be  committed.  ...  If  the 
sectional  dissensions  only  rested  upon  real  or  alleged  grievances,  they 
could  be  readily  settled,  but  I  fear  they  are  deeper  and  stronger.  You  can 
now  close  your  connection  with  the  seminary  with  honor  and  credit  to  your 
self,  for  all  who  know  you  speak  well  of  your  conduct,  while  by  remaining 
you  not  only  involve  yourself,  but  bring  trouble  upon  those  gentlemen  who 
recommended  you. 

"  It  is  a  sa'd  state  of  affairs,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that  if  the  conven 
tions  of  the  southern  states  make  anything  more  than  a  paper  secession, 
hostile  collisions  will  occur,  and  probably  a  separation  between  the  free  and 
the  slave  states.  You  can  judge  whether  it  is  at  all  probable  that  the  pos 
session  of  this  capital,  the  commerce  of  the  Mississippi,  the  control  of  the 
territories,  and  the  natural  rivalry  of  enraged  sections,  can  be  arranged  with 
out  war.  In  that  event,  you  cannot  serve  in  Louisiana  against  your  family 
and  kin  in  Ohio.  The  bare  possibility  of  such  a  contingency,  it  seems  to 
me,  renders  your  duty  plain,  to  make  a  frank  statement  to  all  the  gentlemen 
connected  with  you,  and  with  good  feeling  close  your  engagement.  If  the 
storm  shall  blow  over,  your  course  will  strengthen  you  with  every  man 
whose  good  opinion  you  desire  ;  if  not,  you  will  escape  humiliation. 

"  When  you  return  to  Ohio,  I  will  write  you  freely  about  your  return  to 
the  army,  not  so  difficult  a  task  as  you  imagine." 

General  Sherman  then  wrote  me  as  follows: 

ALEXANDRIA,  LA.,  December,  1861. 

Events  here  seem  hastening  to  a  conclusion.  Doubtless  you  know 
more  of  the  events  in  Louisiana  than  I  do,  as  I  am  in  an  out-of-the-way 
place.  But  the  special  session  of  the  legislature  was  so  unanimous  in  arming 
the  state  and  calling  a  convention  that  little  doubt  remains  that  Louisiana 
will,  on  the  23rd  of  January,  follow  the  other  seceding  states.  Governor 
Moore  takes  the  plain  stand  that  the  state  must  not  submit  to  a  'black  Re 
publican  President.'  Men  here  have  ceased  to  reason ;  they  seem  to  con 
cede  that  slavery  is  unsafe  in  a  confederacy  with  northern  states,  and  that 
now  is  the  time ;  no  use  of  longer  delay.  All  concessions,  all  attempts  to 
remonstrate,  seem  at  an  end. 

A  rumor  says  that  Major  Anderson,  my  old  captain  (brother  of  Charles 
Anderson,  now  of  Texas,  formerly  of  Dayton  and  Cincinnati,  Larz,  William 
and  John,  all  of  Ohio),  has  spiked  the  guns  of  Fort  Moultrie,  destroyed  it, 
and  taken  refuge  in  Sumter.  This  is  right.  Sumter  is  in  mid-channel, 
approachable  only  in  boats,  whereas  Moultrie  is  old,  weak,  and  easily 
approached  under  cover.  If  Major  Anderson  can  hold  out  till  relieved  and 
supported  by  steam  frigates,  South  Carolina  will  find  herself  unable  to  con 
trol  her  commerce,  and  will  feel,  for  the  first  time  in  her  existence,  that  she 
can't  do  as  she  pleases.  .  .  . 

A  telegraph  dispatch,  addressed  to  me  at  Alexandria,  could  be  mailed 
at  New  Orleans,  and  reach  me  in  three  days  from  Washington. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  239 

I  wrote  him  the  following  letter  on  the  6th  of  January,  1861: 

DEAR  BROTHER  : —  ...  I  see  some  signs  of  hope,  but  it  is  probably 
a  deceptive  light.  The  very  moment  you  feel  uncomfortable  in  your  posi 
tion  in  Louisiana,  come  away.  Don't  for  God's  sake  subject  yourself  to 
any  slur,  reproach,  or  indignity.  I  have  spoken  to  General  Scott,  and  he 
heartily  seconds  your  desire  to  return  to  duty  in  the  army.  I  am  not  at  all 
sure  but  that,  if  you  were  here,  you  could  get  a  position  that  would  suit 
you.  I  see  many  of  your  friends  of  the  army  daily. 

As  for  my  views  of  the  present  crisis,  I  could  not  state  them  more 
fully  than  I  have  in  the  inclosed  printed  letter.  It  has  been  very  generally 
published  and  approved  in  the  north,  but  may  not  have  reached  you,  and 
therefore  I  send  it  to  you.  Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Later  he  wrote  me: 

ALEXANDRIA,  January  16,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  I  am  so  much  in  the  woods  here  that  I  can't 
keep  up  with  the  times  at  all.  Indeed,  you  in  Washington  hear  from  New 
Orleans  two  or  three  days  sooner  than  I  do.  I  was  taken  aback  by  the 
news  that  Governor  Moore  had  ordered  the  forcible  seizure  of  the  Forts 
Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ;  also  of  Forts 
Pike  and  Wood,  at  the  outlets  of  Lakes  Bogue  and  Pontchartrain.  All 
these  are  small  forts,  and  have  rarely  been  occupied  by  troops.  They  are 
designed  to  cut  off  approach  by  sea  to  New  Orleans,  and  were  taken  doubt 
less  to  prevent  their  being  occupied,  by  order  of  General  Scott.  But  the 
taking  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge  is  a  different  matter.  It  is  merely  an 
assemblage  of  store-houses,  barracks,  and  dwelling-houses,  designed  for  the 
healthy  residence  of  a  garrison,  to  be  thrown  into  one  or  the  other  of  the 
forts  in  case  of  war.  The  arsenal  is  one  of  minor  importance,  yet  the  stores 
were  kept  there  for  the  moral  effect,  and  the  garrison  was  there  at  the 
instance  of  the  people  of  Louisiana.  To  surround  with  the  military  array, 
to  demand  surrender,  and  enforce  the  departure  of  the  garrison,  was  an  act 
of  war.  It  amounted  to  a  declaration  of  war  and  defiance,  and  was  done  by 
Governor  Moore  without  the  authority  of  the  legislature  or  convention. 
Still,  there  is  but  little  doubt  but  that  each  of  these  bodies,  to  assemble 
next  week,  will  ratify  and  approve  these  violent  acts,  and  it  is  idle  to 
discuss  the  subject  now.  The  people  are  mad  on  this  question. 

I  had  previously  notified  all  that  in  the  event  of  secession  I  should 
quit.  As  soon  as  a  knowledge  of  these  events  reached  me,  I  went  to  the 
vice  president,  Dr.  Smith,  in  Alexandria,  and  told  him  that  I  regarded 
Louisiana,  as  at  war  against  the  federal  government,  and  that  I  must  go. 
He  begged  me  to  wait  until  some  one  could  be  found  to  replace  me.  The 
supervisors  feel  the  importance  of  system  and  discipline,  and  seem  to  think 
that  my  departure  will  endanger  the  success  of  this  last  effort  to  build  up 
an  educational  establishment.  .  .  .  You  may  assert  that  in  no  event 


240  RECOLLECTIONS 

will  I  forego  my  allegiance  to  the  United  States  as  long  as  a  single  state  is 
true  to  the  old  constitution.     .     .     . 

Yours,  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

And  again : 

Louisiana  State  Seminary  of  Learning  and  Military  Academy,  ) 
ALEXANDRIA,  January  18,  1861.  j 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  Before  receiving  yours  of  the  6th,  I  had  addressed 
a  letter  to  Governor  Moore  at  Baton  Rouge,  of  which  this  is  a  copy: — 

'Sir: — As  I  occupy  a  quasi  military  position  under  the  laws  of  the  state, 
I  deem  it  proper  to  acquaint  you  that  I  accepted  such  position  when  Louisi 
ana  was  a  state  in  the  union  and  when  the  motto  of  this  seminary  was 
inscribed  in  marble  over  the  main  door:  "By  the  liberality  of  the  General 
Government.  The  Union  Esto  perpetua."  Recent  events  foreshadow  a  great 
change,  and  it  becomes  all  men  to  choose.  If  Louisiana  withdraw  from 
the  federal  Union,  I  prefer  to  maintain  my  allegiance  to  the  old  constitu 
tion  as  long  as  a  fragment  of  it  survives,  and  my  longer  stay  here  would  be 
wrong  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  In  that  event,  I  beg  that  you  will  send 
or  appoint  some  authorized  agent  to  take  charge  of  the  arms  and  munitions 
of  war  here  belonging  to  the  state,  or  advise  me  what  disposition  to  make  of 
them.  And  furthermore,  as  president  of  the  board  of  supervisors,  I  beg 
you  to  take  immediate  steps  to  relieve  me  as  superintendent  the  moment 
the  state  determines  to  secede ;  for  on  no  earthly  account  will  I  do  any  act 
or  think  any  thought  hostile  to,  or  in  defiance  of,  the  United  States. 

With  respect,  etc.,  W.  T.  SHERMAN.' 

I  regard  the  seizure  by  Governor  Moore  of  the  United  States  arsenal 
as  the  worst  act  yet  committed  in  the  present  revolution.  I  do  think  every 
allowance  should  be  made  to  southern  politicians  for  their  nervous  anxiety 
about  their  political  powers  and  the  safety  of  slaves.  I  think  that  the  con 
stitution  should  be  liberally  construed  in  their  behalf,  but  I  do  regard  this 
civil  war  as  precipitated  with  undue  rapidity.  .  .  .  It  is  inevitable.  All 
legislation  now  would  fall  powerless  on  the  south.  You  should  not  alienate 
such  states  as  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Missouri.  My  notion  is 
that  this  war  will  ruin  all  politicians,  and  that  military  leaders  will  direct 
the  events.  Yours,  W.  T.  S. 

On  the  first  of  February  he  wrote  as  follows: 

"  I  have  felt  the  very  thoughts  you  have  spoken.  It  is  war  to  surround 
Anderson  with  batteries,  and  it  is  shilly-shally  for  the  south  to  cry  '  Hands 
off !  No  coercion  ! '  It  was  war  and  insult  to  expel  the  garrison  at  Baton 
Rouge,  and  Uncle  Sam  had  better  cry  '  Cave  ! '  or  assert  his  power.  Fort 
Sumter  is  not  material  save  for  the  principle  ;  but  Key  West  and  the  Tor- 
tugas  should  be  held  in  force  at  once,  by  regulars  if  possible,  if  not,  by 
militia.  Quick  !  They  are  occupied  now,  but  not  in  force.  Whilst  main 
taining  the  high,  strong  ground  you  do,  I  would  not  advise  you  to  inter 
pose  an  objection  to  securing  concessions  to  the  middle  and  moderate 
states, — -Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  Missouri.  Slavery  there  is 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  241 

local,  and  even  if  the  world  were  open  to  them,  its  extension  would  involve 
no  principle.  If  these  states  feel  the  extreme  south  wrong,  a  seeming  con 
cession  would  make  them  committed.  The  cotton  states  are  gone,  I  sup 
pose.  Of  course,  their  commerce  will  be  hampered.  . 

"  But  of  myself.  I  sent  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  Governor. 
Here  is  his  answer : 

'  Dear  Sir  :— -It  is  with  the  deepest  regret  I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  18th  instant.  In  the  pressure  of  official  business  I  can 
only  request  you  to  transfer  to  Professor  Smith  the  arms,  munitions,  and 
funds  in  your  hands,  whenever  you  conclude  to  withdraw  from  the  position 
you  have  filled  with  so  much  distinction.  You  cannot  regret  more  than  I 
do  the  necessity  which  deprives  us  of  your  services,  and  you  will  bear  with 
you  the  respect,  confidence,  and  admiration  of  all  wlio  have  been  associated 
with  you.  Very  truly,  your  friend  and  servant, 

THOS.  D.  MOORE.' 

"  This  is  very  handsome,  and  I  do  regret  this  political  imbroglio.  I  do 
think  it  was  brought  about  by  politicians.  The  people  in  the  south  are 
evidently  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  slavery  is  endangered  by  the  cur 
rent  of  events,  and  it  is  useless  to  attempt  to  alter  that  opinion.  As  our 
government  is  founded  on  the  will  of  the  people,  when  that  will  is  fixed, 
our  government  is  powerless,  and  the  only  question  is  whether  to  let  things 
slide  into  general  anarchy,  or  the  formation  of  two  or  more  confederacies 
which  will  be  hostile  sooner  or  later.  Still,  I  know  that  some  of  the  best 
men  of  Louisiana  think  this  change  may  be  effected  peacefully.  But  even 
if  the  southern  states  be  allowed  to  depart  in  peace,  the  first  question  will 
be  revenue. 

"Now,  if  the  south  have  free  trade,  how  can  you  collect  revenues  in  the 
eastern  cities  ?  Freight  from  New  Orleans  to  St.  Louis,  Chicago,  Louisville, 
Cincinnati,  and  even  Pittsburg,  would  be  about  the  same  as  by  rail  from 
New  York,  and  importers  at  New  Orleans,  having  no  duties  to  pay,  would 
undersell  the  east  if  they  had  to  pay  duties.  Therefore,  if  the  south  make 
good  their  confederation  and  their  plan,  the  northern  confederacy  must  do 
likewise  or  blockade.  Then  comes  the  question  of  foreign  nations.  So, 
look  on  it  in  any  view,  I  see  no  result  but  war  and  consequent  changes  in 
the  form  of  government." 

These  letters,  written  at  their  dates,  on  the  spur  of  the  mo 
ment,  present  the  condition  of  affairs  as  viewed  by  General 
Sherman  and  myself  when  they  occurred. 

With  the  convictions  just  stated  General  Sherman  came  to 
Washington  about  the  time  of  my  election  to  the  Senate.  He 
was  deeply  impressed  with  the  certainty  of  war  and  of  its  mag 
nitude,  and  was  impelled  by  the  patriotic  sentiment  that,  as 
he  had  been  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  government  for 
military  service,  it  was  his  duty,  in  the  then  condition  of  the 


242  RECOLLECTIONS 

country,  to  tender  his  services.  I  therefore  escorted  him  to  the 
White  House.  His  statement  of  the  interview  given  in  his 
"Memoirs"  is  not  very  full,  for,  while  Mr.  Lincoln  did  say,  in 
response  to  his  tender,  "I  guess  we  will  manage  to  keep  house," 
he  also  expressed  a  hope,  which  General  Sherman  knew  to  be 
delusive;  that  the  danger  would  pass  by  and  that  the  Union 
would  be  restored  by  a  peaceful  compromise.  This  was,  un 
doubtedly,  the  idea  then  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  both  the 
President  and  Mr.  Seward.  At  this  time  the  public  mind  in 
the  north  was  decidedly  in  favor  of  concessions  to  the  south. 
The  Democrats  of  the  north  would  have  agreed  to  any  proposi 
tion  to  secure  peace  and  the  Union,  and  the  Republicans  would 
have  acquiesced  in  the  Crittenden  Compromise,  or  in  any  meas 
ure  approved  by  Lincoln  and  Seward. 

The  period  between  the  4th  of  March  and  the  12th  of  April 
was  the  darkest  one  in  the  history  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
a  time  of  humiliation,  timidity  and  feebleness.  Fortunately  for 
the  future  of  our  country  the  rebels  of  the  south  were  bent  upon 
disunion;  they  were  hopeful  and  confident,  and  all  the  signs  of 
the  times  indicated  their  success.  They  had  possession  of  all  the 
forts  of  the  south,  except  Fortress  Monroe,  Fort  Sumter,  and 
two  remote  forts  in  Florida.  They  had  only  to  wait  in  patience, 
and  Fort  Sumter  would  necessarily  be  abandoned  for  want  of 
supplies.  Fortress  Monroe  could  not  be  held  much  longer  by  the 
regular  army,  weakened  as  it  was  by  the  desertion  of  officers  and 
men,  and  public  sentiment  would  not  justify  a  call  for  troops  in 
advance  of  actual  war.  The  people  of  South  Carolina  were 
frenzied  by  their  success  thus  far,  and,  impatient  of  delay, 
forced  an  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  then  held  by  a  small  garrison 
under  command  of  Major  Robert  Anderson.  The  first  gun 
fired  on  the  12th  of  April,  1861,  resounded  throughout  the 
United  States  and  the  civilized  world,  touching  an  electric 
chord  in  every  family  in  the  northern  states  and  changing  the 
whole  current  of  feeling.  From  this  time  forth,  among  the 
patriotic  people  of  the  loyal  states,  there  was  no  thought  or 
talk  of  compromise.  That  this  insult  to  our  flag  must  be  pun 
ished,  "that  the  Union  must  and  shall  be  preserved,"  were  the 
resolves  of  millions  of  men,  without  respect  to  party,  who  but 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  243 

the  day  before  were  eager  for  compromise.  The  cold  and  cau 
tious  men  of  the  north  were  at  last  awakened  from  their  in 
difference. 

The  impression  made  upon  my  mind  by  the  attack  on  Fort 
Sumter  is  expressed  in  a  letter  I  wrote  from  Washington 
to  my  brother,  General  Sherman,  as  he  was  then  called, 
at  midnight  of  the  12th  of  April: 

WASHINGTON,  April  12,  1861. 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  I  was  unexpectedly  called  here  soon  after  receiving 
your  letter  of  the  8th,  and  at  midnight  write  you.  The  military  excitement 
here  is  intense.  Since  my  arrival  I  have  seen  several  officers,  many  citizens, 
and  all  the  heads  of  departments  except  Blair.  There  is  a  fixed  determina 
tion  now  to  preserve  the  Union  and  enforce  the  laws  at  all  hazards.  Civil 
war  is  actually  upon  us,  and,  strange  to  say,  it  brings  a  feeling  of  relief  ;  the 
suspense  is  over.  I  have  spent  much  of  the  day  in  talking  about  you. 
There  is  an  earnest  desire  that  you  go  into  the  war  department,  but  I  said 
this  was  impossible.  Chase  is  especially  desirous  that  you  accept,  saying 
that  you  would  be  virtually  Secretary  of  War,  and  could  easily  step  into 
any  military  position  that  offers. 

It  is  well  for  you  seriously  to  consider  your  conclusion,  although  my 
opinion  is  that  you  ought  not  to  accept.  You  ought  to  hold  yourself  in 
reserve.  If  troops  are  called  for,  as  they  surely  will  be  in  a  few  days, 
organize  a  regiment  or  brigade,  either  in  St.  Louis  or  Ohio,  and  you  will 
then  get  into  the  army  in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  promotion.  By  all  means 
take  advantage  of  the  present  disturbances  to  get  into  the  army,  where  you 
will  at  once  put  yourself  in  a  high  position  for  life.  I  know  that  promotion 
and  every  facility  for  advancement  will  be  cordially  extended  by  the  author 
ities.  You  are  a  favorite  in  the  army  and  have  great  strength  in  political 
circles.  I  urge  you  to  avail  yourself  of  these  favorable  circumstances  to 
secure  your  position  for  life  ;  for,  after  all,  your  present  employment  is  of 
uncertain  tenure  in  these  stirring  times. 

Let  me  now  record  a  prediction.  Whatever  you  may  think  of  the 
signs  of  the  times,  the  government  will  rise  from  this  strife  greater, 
stronger,  and  more  prosperous  than  ever.  It  will  display  energy  and  mili 
tary  power.  The  men  who  have  confidence  in  it,  and  do  their  full  duty  by 
it,  may  reap  whatever  there  is  of  honor  and  profit  in  public  life,  while  those 
who  look  on  merely  as  spectators  in  the  storm  will  fail  to  discharge  the 
highest  duty  of  a  citizen,  and  suffer  accordingly  in  public  estimation.  .  .  . 

I  write  this  in  great  hurry,  with  numbers  around  me,  and  exciting  and 
important  intelligence  constantly  repeated,  even  at  this  hour;  but  I  am 
none  the  less  in  earnest.  I  hope  to  hear  that  you  are  on  the  high  road  to 
the  «  General '  within  thirty  days.  Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

S.-18 


244  RECOLLECTIONS 

Two  days  later  I  wrote  him : 

WASHINGTON,  Sunday,  April  14,  1861. 

DEAR  BROTHER:—  .  .  .  The  war  has  really  commenced.  You  will 
have  full  details  of  the  fall  of  Sumter.  We  are  on  the  eve  of  a  terrible 
war.  Every  man  will  have  to  choose  his  position.  You  fortunately  have 
the  military  education,  prominence,  and  character,  that  will  enable  you  to 
play  a  high  part  in  the  tragedy.  You  can't  avoid  taking  such  a  part.  Neu 
trality  and  indifference  are  impossible.  If  the  government  is  to  be  main 
tained,  it  must  be  by  military  power,  and  that  immediately.  You  can  choose 
your  own  place.  Some  of  your  best  friends  here  want  you  in  the  war 
department ;  Taylor,  Shiras,  and  a  number  of  others,  talk  to  me  so.  If  you 
want  that  place,  with  a  sure  prospect  of  promotion,  you  can  have  it,  but  you 
are  not  compelled  to  take  it ;  but  it  seems  to  me  you  will  be  compelled  to 
take  some  position,  and  that  speedily.  Can't  you  come  to  Ohio  and  at  once 
raise  a  regiment  ?  It  will  immediately  be  in  service.  The  administration 
intends  to  stand  or  fall  by  the  Union,  the  entire  Union,  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws.  I  look  for  preliminary  defeats,  for  the  rebels  have  arms, 
organization,  unity ;  but  this  advantage  will  not  last  long.  The  government 
will  maintain  itself  or  our  northern  people  are  the  veriest  poltroons  that 
ever  disgraced  humanity. 

For  me,  I  am  for  a  war  that  will  either  establish  or  overthrow  the  gov 
ernment  and  will  purify  the  atmosphere  of  political  life.  We  need  such  a 
war,  and  we  have  it  now.  .  .  .  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

He  wrote  in  reply : 

"  The  time  will  come  in  this  country  when  professional  knowledge  will 
be  appreciated,  when  men  that  can  be  trusted  will  be  wanted,  and  I  will 
bide  my  time.  I  may  miss  the  chance;  if  so,  all  right ;  but  I  cannot  and 
will  not  mix  myself  in  this  present  call. 

"  The  first  movements  of  the  government  will  fail  and  the  leaders  will 
be  cast  aside.  A  second  or  third  set  will  rise,  and  among  them  I  may  be, 
but  at  present  I  will  not  volunteer  as  a  soldier  or  anything  else.  If  Con 
gress  meet,  or  if  a  national  convention  be  called,  and  the  regular  army  be 
put  on  a  footing  with  the  wants  of  the  country,  if  I  am  offered  a  place  that 
suits  me,  I  may  accept.  But  in  the  present  call  I  will  not  volunteer." 

He  criticised  the  call  for  75,000  militia  for  three  months, 
saying  that  the  best  of  men  could  only  be  made  indifferent  sol 
diers  in  three  months,  and  that  the  best  of  soldiers  could  ac 
complish  nothing  in  three  months  in  such  a  country  as  ours. 
He  therefore  would  not  volunteer  for  such  a  service,  but  his 
mind  was  occupied  with  military  plans.  The  correspondence 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  245 

between  us  shows  that  he  had  a  better  conception  of  the  mag 
nitude  and  necessities  of  the  war  than  civilians  like  myself. 

He  wrote  to  Mr.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  from  St.  Louis, 
on  May  8,  1861 : 

"  I  hold  myself  now,  as  always,  prepared  to  serve  my  country  in  the 
capacity  for  which  I  was  trained.  I  did  not  and  will  not  volunteer  for 
three  months,  because  I  cannot  throw  my  family  on  the  cold  support  of 
charity,  but  for  the  three  years'  call  made  by  the  President  an  officer  could 
prepare  his  command  and  do  good  service.  I  will  not  volunteer,  because, 
rightfully  or  wrongfully,  I  feel  myself  unwilling  to  take  a  mere  private's 
place,  and  having  for  many  years  lived  in  California  and  Louisiana,  the 
men  are  not  well  enough  acquainted  with  me  to  elect  me  to  my  appro 
priate  place.  Should  my  services  be  needed,  the  record  or  the  war  depart 
ment  will  enable  you  to  designate  the  station  in  which  I  can  render  best 
service." 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  President,  there  was  no  gen 
eral  feeling  among  the  northern  people  that  war  would  result 
from  his  election.  It  was  not  believed,  although  it  had  been 
threatened,  that  the  southern  states  would  take  up  arms  to  re 
sist  the  accession  of  a  President  not  of  their  choice.  The  love 
of  Union  and  the  orderly  obedience  to  constituted  authority 
had  been  so  well  established  among  our  people  that,  while  poli 
ticians  might  threaten,  but  few  really  believed  that  war,  of 
which  they  knew  nothing,  was  to  come  upon  us.  The  result 
was  that  when  the  southern  states,  one  by  one,  seceded,  and 
Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  and  the  forts  and  arsenals  of  the 
south  were  captured,  a  new  inspiration  dawned  upon  the  peo 
ple  of  the  north,  a  determination  became  general  that,  cost  what 
it  would,  the  Union  should  be  preserved  to  our  children  and  our 
children's  children.  That  feeling  was  not  confined  to  party 
lines.  I  am  bound  to  say  that  the  members  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  loyal  States,  in  the  main,  evinced  the  same  patri 
otic  determination  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the  Union,  as 
those  of  the  Republican  party.  Their  sons  and  their  kindred 
formed  part  of  every  regiment  or  force  raised  in  the  United 
States. 

At  this  distance  of  time  from  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War, 
I  have  endeavored  to  take  an  impartial  retrospect  of  the 
causes  that  led  the  south  to  engage  therein.  Undoubtedly,  the 


246  RECOLLECTIONS 

existence  of  negro  slavery  in  the  south  was  the  governing  in 
citement  to  war.  The  owners  of  slaves  knew  that  the  tenure 
of  such  property  was  feeble.  Besides  the  danger  of  escape, 
there  was  the  growing  hostility  to  slavery  in  a  preponderance 
of  the  people  of  the  "United  States,  restrained  only  by  its  recog 
nition  by  the  constitution.  The  slave  owners  believed  that, 
by  secession,  they  could  establish  a  republic,  founded  on  slav 
ery,  with  an  ample  field  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  for 
conquest  and  expansion.  They  had  cultivated  a  bitter  sectional 
enmity,  amounting  to  contempt,  for  the  people  of  the  north, 
growing  partly  out  of  the  subserviency  of  large  portions  of  the 
north  to  the  dictation  of  the  south,  but  chiefly  out  of  the  wordy 
violence  and  disregard  of  constitutional  obligations  by  the 
Abolitionists  of  the  north.  They  believed  in  the  doctrine  of  an 
irrepressible  conflict  long  before  it  was  announced  by  Seward. 

South  Carolina,  far  in  advance  of  other  southern  states,  led 
in  promulgating  the  legal  rights  of  secession,  until  they  came 
to  be  acquiesced  in  by  all  these  states.  They  committed  them 
selves  to  it  in  the  Charleston  convention.  Their  speakers  de 
clared,  during  the  canvass,  that  if  Lincoln  was  elected,  their 
states  would  secede.  When  elected,  the  first  gun  was  fired  on 
Fort  Sumter,  in  South  Carolina,  where  all  the  people  were 
determined  on  war.  The  struggle  once  commenced,  the  natu 
ral  sympathy  of  the  southern  states  was  with  South  Carolina. 
The  States  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee,  where  a 
strong  Union  sentiment  prevailed,  hesitated  and  delayed,  but 
the  young  and  active  spirits  were  with  the  south,  and  these 
carried  the  states  named  into  the  general  conflict.  Once  in 
the  war,  there  was  no  way  but  to  fight  it  out.  I  have  no  sym 
pathy  with  secession,  but  I  can  appreciate  the  action  of 
those  who  were  born  and  reared  under  the  influence  of  such 
teachings.  Who  of  the  north  can  say,  that  in  like  conditions, 
he  would  not  have  been  a  rebel? 

Looking  back  from  my  standpoint  now,  when  all  the  states 
are  re-united  in  a  stronger  Union,  when  Union  and  Confeder 
ate  soldiers  are  acting  together  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  in 
legislating  for  the  common  good,  when,  since  1861,  our  coun 
try  has  more  than  doubled  its  population  and  quadrupled  its 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  247 

resources,  when  its  institutions  have  been  harmonized  by  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  when  the  seceding  states  are  entering  into 
a  friendly  and  hopeful  rivalry,  in  the  development  of  their 
great  resources,  when  they  have  doubled  or  trebled  their  pro 
duction  of  cotton,  when  they  are  producing  the  greater  part  of 
their  food,  when  they  are  developing  their  manufactures  of 
iron  and  steel,  and  introducing  the  spindle  and  loom  into  their 
cities  and  villages,  it  seems  to  me  that  men  of  the  south  surely 
will  appreciate,  if  they  do  not  approve,  what  I  said  in  the  Sen 
ate  early  in  the  war: 

"  I  would  stake  the  last  life,  the  last  dollar,  the  last  man,  upon  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  Indeed,  I  cannot  contemplate  the  condition  of  my 
country  if  it  shall  be  dissevered  and  divided.  Take  the  loyal  states  as  they 
now  stand  and  look  at  the  map  of  the  United  States,  and  regard  two  hostile 
confederacies  stretching  along  for  thousands  of  miles  across  the  continent. 
Do  you  not  know  that  the. normal  condition  of  such  a  state  of  affairs  would 
be  eternal,  everlasting  war  ?  Two  nations  of  the  same  blood,  of  the  same 
lineage,  of  the  same  spirit,  cannot  occupy  the  same  continent,  much  less 
standing  side  by  side  as  rival  nations,  dividing  rivers  and  mountains  for 
their  boundary.  No,  Mr.  president,  rather  than  allow  this  war  to  terminate 
except  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Union  intact  in  all  its  breadth  and  length, 
I  would  sacrifice  the  last  man  and  see  the  country  itself  submerged. 

"  Rather  than  yield  to  traitors  or  the  intervention  of  foreign  powers, 
rather  than  bequeath  to  the  next  generation  a  broken  Union,  and  an  inter 
minable  civil  war,  I  would  light  the  torch  of  fanaticism  and  destroy  all  that 
the  labor  of  two  generations  has  accumulated.  Better  a  desert  and  univer 
sal  poverty  than  disunion  ;  better  the  war  of  the  French  Revolution  than  an 
oligarchy  founded  upon  the  labor  of  slaves.  But,  sir,  there  is  no  need  of 
this.  The  resources,  wealth,  and  labor  of  twenty  millions  of  freemen  are 
amply  sufficient  to  meet  not  only  the  physical,  but  financial,  difficulties  of 
the  war.  Thank  God  !  the  test  to  which. all  nations  in  the  course  of  their 
history  are  subjected,  is  applied  to  us  when  we  have  an  insignificant  na 
tional  debt ;  when  our  resources  were  never  more  manifest ;  when  the  loyal 
states  are  so  thoroughly  united ;  when  our  people  are  filled  with  a  generous 
enthusiasm  that  will  make  the  loss  of  life  and  burden  of  taxation  easy  to 
bear.  If  we  conquer  a  peace  by  preserving  the  Union,  the  constitution, 
our  nationality,  all  our  ample  territories,  the  rebound  of  prosperity  in  this 
country  will  enable  a  single  generation  easily  to  pay  the  national  debt, 
even  if  the  war  is  protracted  until  desolation  is  written  upon  every  rebel 
hearthstone." 

This,  I  believe,  expressed  the  spirit  and  determination  of 
the  loyal  states  of  the  north,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 


248  RECOLLECTIONS 

With  opinions  so  widely  divergent  in  the  two  sections,  and 
with  a  fixed  purpose  of  each  to  stand  by  them,  there  was  no 
way  that  poor  frail  human  nature  could  devise  to  decide  the 
controversy  except  to  fight. 

From  the  graves  of  the  dead,  who  fought  on  opposite  sides 
for  their  country  or  their  state,  there  has  been  a  resurrection, 
honorable  to  both  sections,  a  Union  stronger,  more  united  and 
glorious  than  the  Union  established  by  our  fathers,  and  with  a 
rebound  of  prosperity  greater  than  we  could  conceive  of  in 
1862.  This  war,  though  fearful  in  the  sacrifice  of  property 
and  life,  has  resulted  in  a  better  understanding  among  the 
people  of  both  sections.  Each  has  for  the  other  a  higher 
respect  and  regard.  I  sincerely  hope  and  believe  in  the  good 
time  coming  when  sectional  lines  will  not  divide  political  par 
ties,  and  common  interests  and  a  broader  nationality  will  have 
destroyed  sectional  feeling  and  jealousy. 

As  the  result  of  the  war  we  command  the  respect  of  all  for 
eign  nations.  The  United  States,  as  a  great  republic,  has  be 
come  an  example  already  followed  by  European  nations.  It 
has  at  least  secured  the  respect  and  forbearance  of  the  ruling 
class  in  Great  Britain,  who  never  forgot  or  forgave  the  rebel 
lion  of  our  ancestors  against  King  George  III  and  the  parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain.  It  has  stamped  the  language,  the  laws, 
and  the  boasted  freedom  of  Englishmen,  upon  a  population 
double  that  in  the  mother  country,  and  they,  in  turn,  are  tak 
ing  lessons  from  us  in  extending  to  their  people  equality  of 
rights  and  privileges. 

I  remained  in  Washington  a  few  days  and  then  started  for 
my  home  at  Mansfield,  to  encourage  enlistments,  but  found 
that  no  help  was  needed;  that  companies  were  enlisted  in  a 
day.  One  was  recruited  by  William  McLaughlin,  a  gallant 
soldier  in  the  war  in  Mexico,  a  major  general  of  Ohio  militia 
who  had  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixty  years.  He  dropped  his  law 
books  and  in  twelve  hours  had  a  company  of  one  hundred  men 
ready  to  move  at  the  command  of  the  governor.  A  like  pa 
triotism  was  aroused  in  all  parts  of  the  state,  so  that  in  a  very 
short  time  two  full  regiments,  numbering  2,000  men,  were  or 
ganized  under  the  command  of  Colonel  A.  McD.  McCook,  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  249 

United  States  army,  and  were  on  the  way  to  Washington,  then 
blockaded  by  the  roughs  of  Baltimore.  I  met  them  at  Harris- 
burg  and  went  with  them  to  Philadelphia.  They  were  camped 
at  Fairmont  Park,  and  were  drilled  with  other  regiments  by 
Colonel  Fitz  John  Porter,  the  entire  force  being  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Patterson. 

When  the  blockade  was  opened,  by  the  skill  and  audacity  of 
General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  the  two  Ohio  regiments  were  or 
dered  to  Washington  and  were  there  reviewed  by  President  Lin 
coln,  at  which  time  a  pleasant  incident  occurred  which  may  be 
worthy  of  mention.  I  accompanied  the  President  to  the  parade, 
and  passed  with  him  down  the  line.  He  noticed  a  venerable 
man  with  long  white  hair  and  military  bearing,  standing  in  posi 
tion  at  the  head  of  his  company  with  arms  presented,  and  in 
quired  his  name.  I  said  it  was  General  McLaughlin  and  hur 
riedly  told  him  his  history,  his  politics  and  patriotism.  The 
President,  as  he  came  opposite  him,  stopped,  and  leaving  his 
party  advanced  to  McLaughlin  and  extended  his  hand.  Mc 
Laughlin,  surprised,  had  some  difficulty  in  putting  his  sword 
under  his  left  arm.  They  shook  hands  and  Lincoln  thanked  him, 
saying  when  men  of  his  age  and  standing  came  to  the  rescue  of 
their  country  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  our  success.  McLaugh 
lin  highly  appreciated  this  compliment.  He  afterwards  en 
listed  for  the  war  and  died  in  the  service  of  his  country. 

These  two  regiments  were  subsequently  ordered  to  Harris- 
burg,  to  which  place  they  went,  accompanied  by  me,  and  there 
they  formed  a  part  of  the  command  of  General  Patterson,  which 
was  to  advance  on  Martinsburg  and  Winchester  to  aid  in  a 
movement  of  General  McDowell  against  the  enemy  at  Bull 
Run.  I  was  serving  on  the  staff  of  General  Patterson  as  a  vol 
unteer  aid  without  pay.  While  at  Harrisburg  it  was  suggested 
to  me  that  ex-President  Buchanan,  then  at  his  country  home 
near  that  city,  had  expressed  a  wish  to  see  me.  As  our  per 
sonal  relations  had  always  been  pleasant,  though  our  political 
opinions  were  widely  different,  I  called  upon  him,  I  think  with 
Colonel  Porter,  and  we  were  cordially  received.  I  was  sur 
prised  at  the  frankness  and  apparent  sincerity  of  the  opinions 
expressed  by  him  in  relation  to  the  war.  He  said  he  had  done 


250  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

all  he  could  to  prevent  the  war,  but  now  that  it  was  upon  us  it 
was  the  duty  of  all  patriotic  people  to  make  it  a  success,  that 
he  approved  all  that  had  been  done  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  whom 
he  spoke  in  high  terms  of  praise.  I  believe  he  was  sincere 
in  the  opinions  he  then  expressed,  and  know  of  nothing  said  or 
done  by  frim  since  that  time  that  could  create  a  doubt  of  his 
sincerity. 

About  the  middle  of  June  the  command  of  General  Patter 
son  moved  slowly  to  Chambersburg,  where  it  remained  several 
days  under  constant  drill,  then  to  Hagerstown  and  to  the  vil 
lage  of  Williamsport  on  the  Potomac.  While  at  the  latter 
place  General  Sherman,  who  had  been  at  Washington  and 
received  his  commission  as  colonel  of  the  13th  United  States 
infantry,  then  being  recruited,  came  to  visit  me  at  my  lodg 
ings  in  a  country  tavern.  He  then  met  for  the  first  time 
in  many  years  his  old  classmate,  Colonel,  afterwards  Major-Gen 
eral,  George  H.  Thomas,  who  then  commanded  a  regular  regi 
ment  of  the  United  States  army  in  the  force  under  the 
command  of  General  Patterson.  The  conversation  of  these 
two  officers,  who  were  to  be  so  intimately  associated  in  great 
events  in  the  future,  was  very  interesting.  They  got  a  big  map 
of  the  United  States,  spread  it  on  the  floor,  and  on  their  hands 
and  knees  discussed  the  probable  salient  strategic  places  of 
the  war.  They  singled  out  Richmond,  Vicksburg,  Nashville, 
Knoxville  and  Chattanooga.  To  me  it  has  always  appeared 
strange  that  they  were  able  confidently  and  correctly  to  desig 
nate  the  lines  of  operations  and  strategic  points  of  a  war  not 
yet  commenced,  and  more  strange  still  that  they  should  be 
leading  actors  in  great  battles  at  the  places  designated  by  them 
at  this  country  tavern. 

The  next  day  General  Thomas  crossed  the  river  into  Vir 
ginia,  but  the  order  was  soon  countermanded,  it  is  said,  by 
General  Scott,  and  General  Thomas  returned  to  the  north  bank 
of  the  Potomac.  General  Sherman  returned  to  Washington  to 
drill  his  raw  troops  for  the  battle  of  Bull  Run.  I  soon  after  re 
turned  by  stage  to  Frederick,  Maryland,  to  take  my  seat  in  the 
Senate,  Congress  having  been  convened  to  meet  in  special 
session  cm  the  4th  of  July, 


CHAPTER  XL 
SPECIAL  SESSION  OF  CONGRESS  TO  PROVIDE  FOR  THE  WAR. 

Condition  of  the  Treasury  Immediately  Preceding  the  War  — Not  Enough  Money 
on  Hand  to  Pay   Members   of   Congress  —  Value  of  Fractional  Silver  of 
Earlier   Coinage  —  Largely   Increased    Revenues    an   Urgent    Neces 
sity — Lincoln's  Message  and  Appeal  to  the  People  —  Issue  of 
New  Treasury  Notes  and  Bonds — Union  Troops  on 
the  Potomac  —  Battle  of   Bull  Run— Organ 
ization  of  the  "Sherman  Brigade"  — 
The   President's   Timely  Aid  — 
.  Personnel  of  the  Brigade. 

TO  understand  the  measures  to  be  submitted  to  Congress 
at  its  approaching  session,  it  is  necessary  to  have  a 
clear  conception  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury  at 
that  time,  and  of  the  established  financial  policy  of 
the  government  immediately  before  the  war. 

On  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1860,  the  treasury 
was  empty.  There  was  not  enough  money  even  to  pay 
Members  of  Congress.  The  revenues  were  not  sufficient  to 
meet  the  demands  for  ordinary  expenditures  in  time  of  peace. 
Since  1857  money  had  been  borrowed  by  the  sale  of  bonds  and 
the  issue  of  treasury  notes  bearing  interest,  to  meet  deficien 
cies.  The  public  debt  had  increased  during  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Buchanan  about  $70,000,000.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Howell  Cobb,  resigned  on  the  10th  of  December,  1860, 
declaring  that  his  duty  to  Georgia  required  such  action.  He 
had  aided  in  every  possible  way  to  cripple  the  department 
while  in  charge  of  it. 

On  the  16th  of  the  same  month  Congress  authorized  the 
issue  of  $10,000,000  treasury  notes,  to  bear  interest  at  the 
lowest  rate  bid.  On  the  18th  Secretary  Philip  F.  Thomas,  Mr. 
Cobb's  successor,  invited  bids  for  $5,000,000  of  treasury  notes, 
part  of  the  $10,000,000  authorized,  at  par,  at  the  rate  of  interest 


252  RECOLLECTIONS 

offered  by  the  lowest  bidder.  Offers  at  12  per  cent,  or  less 
were  made  for  $1,831,000  (the  bulk  of  the  offers  being  at  12 
per  cent.),  which  were  accepted  and  additional  offers  were  re 
ceived  at  interest  varying  from  15  to  36  per  cent.,  but  were 
refused.  Immediately  after  the  decision  of  the  department 
on  these  offers  was  announced,  the  assistant  treasurer  at 
New  York  advised  the  secretary  that  certain  parties  would 
take  the  residue  of  the  $5,000,000  offered,  through  the 
Bank  of  Commerce,  at  12  per  cent.  This  proposition  was 
accepted,  on  condition  that  the  amount  required  to  make  up 
the  five  millions  should  be  deposited  without  delay.  The 
whole  amount  was  applied  to  the  payment  of  overdue  treasury 
notes  and  other  pressing  demands  on  the  treasury. 

Secretary  Thomas  resigned  on  the  llth  of  January,  1861, 
and  John  A.  Dix  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  In 
answer  to  my  inquiry  Secretary  Dix,  in  an  official  letter, 
dated  January  18,  1861,  stated  the  terms  of  the  sale  of 
treasury  notes  and  that:  "The  amount  required  to  meet 
the  outstanding  current  and  accruing  dues  before  the  close 
of  the  present  fiscal  year,  besides  any  additional  charges  on 
the  treasury  created  by  legislation  during  the  present  ses 
sion  of  Congress,  is  $44,077,524.63."  He  recommended  a  fur 
ther  issue  of  $25,000,000  of  bonds,  and  suggested  that  the  states 
which  had  received  deposits  under  the  act  for  the  distribution 
of  surplus  revenue  in  General  Jackson's  time  might  be  called 
upon  to  return  such  deposits,  and  added:  "If,  instead  of  calling 
for  these  deposits,  it  should  be  deemed  advisable  to  pledge  them 
for  the  repayment  of  any  money  the  government  might  find  it 
necessary  to  borrow,  a  loan  contracted  on  such  a  basis  of  secu 
rity,  superadding  to  the  plighted  faith  of  the  United  States  that 
of  the  individual  states,  could  hardly  fail  to  be  acceptable  to 
capitalists." 

In  this  connection  I  received  the  following  note  : 

TREASURY   DEPARTMENT,  February  6,  1861. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  send  a  preamble  and  resolution,  and  a  letter  to  your 
governor.  Will  you  read  and  send  them  at  once  ?  You,  as  a  Member 
of  Congress,  can  say  what  I  cannot  with  propriety  —  that  no  states  which 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  253 

guarantee  bonds  of  the  United  States  to  the  amount  of  the  public  moneys 
in  its  hands,  will  be  likely  to  be  called  on  to  repay  those  moneys — at  all 
events  during  the  twenty  years  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  will  run. 

I  am  truly  yours,  JOHN  A.   Dix. 

P.  S. — I  cannot  put  out  my  notice  for  a  loan  till  your  state  acts,  and 
the  time  is  very  short. 

Subsequently  I  received  the  following  letter: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  February  11,  1861,  7  p.  m. 
DEAR  SIR  : — My  plan  for  raising  money  to  meet  the  outstanding  liabili 
ties  of  the  government,  and  to  enable  the  incoming  administration  to  carry 
on  its  financial  operations  without  embarrassment  till  it  shall  have  time  to 
mature  a  plan  for  itself,  has  met  with  an  obstacle  quite  unexpected  to  me. 
The  committee  of  ways  and  means  in  the  House  has  declined  to  report  a 
bill  to  authorize  me  to  accept  the  guaranties  voluntarily  tendered  by  the 
states.  Mr.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  I  learn, 
have  objections.  Unless  they  withdraw  their  opposition  the  bill  cannot  be 
reported,  and  the  plan  must  fail.  In  that  case  I  shall  not  deem  it  proper  to 
ask  for  a  loan  of  more  than  two  millions  to  meet  the  redemption  of  treasury 
notes,  which  fall  due  before  the  4th  of  March.  The  state  of  the  country  is 
such  that  a  larger  amount  thrown  on  the  market  would  have  a  most  disas 
trous  influence  on  the  public  credit.  I  do  not  think  I  can  borrow  two  mil 
lions  at  more  than  90  per  cent.  With  a  guaranty  such  as  the  states  have 
offered,  I  can  get  eight  millions  at  par.  The  alternative  is  to  authorize  me 
to  accept  the  guaranty,  or  leave  the  treasury  with  scarcely  anything  in  it  and 
with  outstanding  demands,  some  of  them  very  pressing,  of  at  least  six  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  for  you  and  your  political  friends  to  provide  for.  If  any 
thing  is  done  it  should  be  to-morrow,  as  I  ought  to  publish  the  notice  on 
Wednesday.  Perhaps  you  can  see  the  gentlemen  referred  to  to-night  and 
remove  their  objections.  I  am,  very  truly,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  Dix. 

On  the  8th  of  February,  1861,  a  bill  became  a  law  providing 
for  the  sale  of  $20,000,000  six  per  cent,  bonds,  and  these  were 
sold  at  the  rate  of  $89.10  for  $100,  yielding  $18,415,000. 

Such  was  the  humiliating  financial  condition  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Buchanan's 
administration.  The  expenditures  of  the  government  for  the 
fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1861,  were  $84,577,258.60,  of  which 
$42,064,082.95  was  procured  from  loans  and  treasury  notes, 
leaving  a  balance  in  the  treasury,  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year 
1861,  of  $2,395,635.21.  This  condition  still  existed  when  Con 
gress  subsequently  met  in  special  session. 


254  RECOLLECTIONS 

Under  the  sub-treasury  laws  then  in  force,  the  revenues  of 
the  government  were  received  and  held  only  in  the  treasury  at 
Washington,  and  in  sub-treasuries  located  in  a  few  of  the  prin 
cipal  cities  of  the  United  States,  and  could  be  paid  out  only 
upon  the  draft  of  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States,  drawn 
agreeably  to  appropriations  made  by  law.  No  money  could  be 
received  into  the  treasury  except  gold  and  silver  coin  of  the 
United  States,  and  such  treasury  notes  as  were  receivable  for 
bonds.  State  bank  notes  were  not  received  for  government 
dues.  This  exclusion  grew  out  of  the  general  failure  of  banks 
after  the  War  of  1812  and  the  panic  of  1837,  and  had  caused  the 
outcry  in  1840  of :  "Gold  for  the  office  holders;  rags  for  the 
people."  But  this  policy  of  the  government  to  receive  only  its 
own  coin  or  notes  was  sustained  by  popular  opinion. 

Silver  dollars  were  not  in  circulation  in  1861.  Their  issue 
was  provided  for  at  the  beginning  of  our  government,  but,  as 
they  were  most  of  the  time  more  valuable  than  gold  coin  of 
like  face  value,  they  were  hoarded  or  exported.  Their  coinage 
was  suspended  by  an  order  of  President  Jefferson  in  1805,  and 
after  this  order  only  1,300  silver  dollars  were  coined  by  the 
United  States  prior  to  1836.  From  1836  to  1861  silver  dollars 
were  coined  in  small  quantities,  the  aggregate  being  less  than 
one  and  one-half  million,  and  they  were  generally  exported. 
It  is  probable  that  when  Mr.  Chase  became  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  there  was  not  in  the  United  States  one  thousand  sil 
ver  dollars.  In  1853,  and  prior  to  that  year,  fractional  silver 
coins  were  worth  for  bullion  more  than  their  face  value,  and, 
therefore,  did  not  circulate.  Small  change  was  scarce,  and  frac 
tional  notes,  called  "  shinplasters,"  were  issued  in  many  parts 
of  the  United  States.  Mexican  coin,  debased  and  worn,  was  in 
circulation.  To  remedy  this  evil,  Congress,  by  the  act  of  Feb 
ruary  21,  1853,  during  Pierce's  administration,  prescribed  the 
weight  of  the  silver  half  dollar  as  192  grains  instead  of  206  J 
grains,  fixed  by  the  coinage  act  of  1792,  and  the  weight  of  the 
quarter,  dime  and  half  dime  of  silver  was  reduced  in  the  same 
proportion.  As  these  new  coins  were  less  valuable  than  gold 
at  the  rate  coined,  they  were  made  a  legal  tender  in  payment 
of  debts  only  for  sums  not  exceeding  five  dollars.  The  silver 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  255 

bullion  for  these  coins  was  purchased  at  market  value,  and  the 
privilege  theretofore  granted  to  a  depositor  of  silver  bullion  to 
have  it  coined  for  him  was  repealed.  This  law  had  the  benefi 
cial  effect  of  driving  out  of  circulation  "  shinplasters  "  and  worn 
coins,  and  supplied  in  ample  quantity  new  full  weight  silver 
coins  of  handsome  device,  the  government  receiving  the  profit 
of  the  difference  between  the  market  value  of  the  silver  and 
its  coinage  value.  Under  this  law  the  coinage  of  silver  rapidly 
increased,  so  that,  within  two  years  after  the  passage  of  the  act 
of  1853,  more  silver  was  converted  into  fractional  coins  and 
was  in  active  use  among  the  people  than  was  contained  in  all 
the  silver  dollars  coined  under  "free  coinage"  from  the  begin 
ning  of  the  government  to  1878. 

While  silver  was  thus  made  useful  to  the  fullest  extent  pos 
sible,  it  was,  from  its  weight  and  bulk,  inadequate  and  incon 
venient  for  the  vast  demands  of  the  government  during  the 
the  war.  Silver  and  gold  together  could  not  meet  this  demand. 
There  was  known  to  be  in  the  country  at  that  time,  of  specie 
in  circulation,  $250,000,000,  of  state  bank  notes,  $180,000,000,  in 
all  $430,000,000.  This  amount,  experience  had  shown,  was 
necessary  to  meet  exchanges  in  ordinary  times  of  peace.  The 
disturbance  of  a  civil  war  would  likely  stimulate  production 
for  a  time  and  require  even  more  circulation  for  current  busi 
ness.  This  circulation,  if  drawn  from  its  ordinary  channels, 
would  bring  no  end  of  confusion  and  distress  to  the  people,  and 
the  government,  to  meet  the  demand  occasioned  by  carrying  on 
a  war,  must  look  elsewhere  for  a  circulating  medium  with  which 
to  meet  its  enormous  disbursements  which  must  necessarily  be 
made  almost  wholly  in  actual  cash — checks  being,  from  the 
character  of  the  payments,  of  little  avail. 

There  was  no  escaping  the  issue  of  credit  money  in  some 
form,  and  of  whatever  form  adopted  we  knew  that  gold  and 
silver  would  soon  disappear  under  the  shadow  of  war — that 
they  would  be  hoarded  or  exported. 

This  is  the  universal  result  of  great  wars  long  protracted.  It 
was  our  experience  during  our  Revolution  and  the  War  of  1812, 
and  of  Great  Britain  and  all  European  nations  during  the  Na 
poleonic  wars.  What  should  take  the  place  of  gold  and  silver 


256  RECOLLECTIONS 

for  currency  ?  The  only  answer  was  to  substitute  for  the  time 
the  notes  of  the  United  States,  with  all  the  sanction  and  credit 
which  the  republic  could  confer,  in  the  place  of  coin.  We 
could  not,  with  safety,  accept  bank  notes  issued  by  state  cor 
porations,  varying  in  terms  and  credit  according  to  the  laws  of 
twenty-three  separate  states. 

To  establish  a  credit  of  our  bonds  and  notes  these  measures 
at  least  were  necessary :  First,  increase  largely  the  revenues 
from  customs  duties  to  be  paid  in  coin;  second,  impose  all  forms 
of  internal  taxes  authorized  by  the  constitution  ;  third,  create 
a  national  currency  redeemable  in  coin,  with  no  fixed  time  for 
redemption,  but  made  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and 
private,  except  customs  duties  ;  fourth,  borrow  any  moneys 
needed  on  the  most  favorable  terms  possible. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  the  Senate  convened  in  com 
pliance  with  the  proclamation  of  the  President,  from  whom  it 
received  a  message  containing  a  clear  statement  of  the  events 
that  followed  his  inaugural  address.  He  described  the  attack 
upon  Fort  Sumter  and  said  : 

"By  the  affair  at  Fort  Sumter,  with  its  surrounding  circumstances,  that 
point  was  reached.  Then  and  thereby  the  assailants  of  the  government 
began  the  conflict  of  arms,  without  a  gun  in  sight  or  in  expectancy  to  return 
their  fire,  save  only  the  few  in  the  fort,  sent  to  that  harbor  years  before  for 
their  own  protection,  and  still  ready  to  give  that  protection  in  whatever  was 
lawful.  In  this  act,  discarding  all  else,  they  have  forced  upon  the  country 
the  distinct  issue,  *  immediate  dissolution  or  blood.' 

"  And  this  issue  embraces  more  than  the  fate  of  these  United  States.  It 
presents  to  the  whole  family  of  man  the  question,  whether  a  constitutional 
republic,  or  democracy — a  government  of  the  people  by  the  same  people — 
can  or  cannot  maintain  its  territorial  integrity  against  its  own  domestic  foes. 
It  presents  the  question,  whether  discontented  individuals,  too  few  in  num 
bers  to  control  administration  according  to  organic  law  in  any  case,  can 
always,  upon  the  pretenses  made  in  this  case,  or  on  any  other  pretenses,  or 
arbitrarily,  without  any  pretense,  break  up  their  government,  and  thus  prac 
tically  put  an  end  to  free  government  upon  the  earth.  It  forces  us  to  ask: 
'Is  there,  in  all  republics,  this  inherent  and  fatal  weakness?'  '  Must  a  govern 
ment,  of  necessity,  be  too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  its  own  people,  or  too 
weak  to  maintain  its  own  existence?' 

"  So  viewing  the  issue,  no  choice  was  left  but  to  call  out  the  war  power 
of  the  government ;  and  so  to  resist  force  employed  for  its  destruction,  by 
force  for  its  preservation." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  257 

He  closed  with  this  appeal  to  the  people : 

"  It  was  with  the  deepest  regret  that  the  Executive  found  the  duty  of 
employing  the  war  power  in  defense  of  the  government  forced  upon  him. 
He  could  but  perform  this  duty,  or  surrender  the  existence  of  the  govern 
ment.  No  compromise  by  public  servants  could  in  this  case  be  a  cure  ;  not 
that  compromises  are  not  often  proper,  but  that  no  popular  government  can 
long  survive  a  marked  precedent  that  those  who  carry  an  election  can  only 
save  the  government  from  immediate  destruction  by  giving  up  the  main 
point  upon  which  the  people  gave  the  election.  The  people  themselves,  and 
not  their  servants,  can  safely  reverse  their  own  deliberate  decisions. 

"As  a  private  citizen,  the  Executive  could  not  have  consented  that 
these  institutions  shall  perish  ;  much  less  could  he,  in  betrayal  of  so  vast  and 
so  sacred  a  trust  as  these  free  people  have  confided  to  him.  He  felt  that  he 
had  no  moral  right  to  shrink,  or  even  to  count  the  chances  of  his  own  life,  in 
what  might  follow.  In  full  view  of  his  great  responsibility,  he  has,  so  far, 
done  what  he  has  deemed  his  duty.  You  will  now,  according  to  your  own 
judgment,  perform  yours.  He  sincerely  hopes  that  your  views  and  your 
action  may  so  accord  with  his  as  to  assure  all  faithful  citizens  who  have  been 
disturbed  in  their  rights  of  a  certain  and  speedy  restoration  to  them,  under 
the  constitution  and  the  laws. 

"  And  having  thus  chosen  our  course,  without  guile  and  with  pure  pur 
pose,  let  us  renew  our  trust  in  God,  and  go  forward  without  fear  and  with 
manly  hearts." 

Secretary  Chase  also  submitted  to  Congress,  on  the  first  day 
of  the  session,  a  clear  statement  of  the  financial  condition  of 
the  United  States.  He  estimated  the  sum  needed  for  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  1862,  at  $318,519,581.  He  recommended 
a  large  increase  of  duties  on  imports,  especially  upon  such 
articles  as  were  then  free  from  duty;  also  a  direct  tax  of  $20,- 
000,000,  to  be  apportioned  among  the  states  according  to 
population;  also  a  tax  on  distilled  spirits,  ale,  beer,  tobacco, 
bank  notes,  and  other  articles  of  domestic  production.  He 
also  suggested  that  the  property  of  those  engaged  in  insurrec 
tion  or  in  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  insurgents  should  be  made 
to  contribute  to  the  expenditures  made  necessary  by  their 
criminal  misconduct.  As  the  receipts  from  taxation  would 
still  be  inadequate  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war,  he  dis 
cussed  the  best  mode  and  form  of  borrowing  money,  including 
bonds  running  for  a  long  period  with  a  fixed  rate  of  interest, 
and  treasury  notes  bearing  interest,  payable  on  demand. 

S— 19 


258  RECOLLECTIONS 

Kansas  having  recently  been  admitted  into  the  Union, 
twenty-three  states  were  represented  in  the  Senate  by  forty-six 
Senators.  Eleven  states  being  in  open  war  against  the  United 
States,  twenty-one  of  their  Senators  withdrew,  but  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  denying  the  validity  of  the  secession  of 
his  state;  remained  in  the  Senate,  making  the  total  of  Senators 
forty-seven.  Some  of  these  Senators  were  new  in  congres 
sional  life,  and  some  had  been  transferred  from  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives.  This  transfer  of  a  Member,  though  eagerly 
sought,  is  not  for  a  time  agreeable.  However  conspicuous  the 
Member  may  have  been  in  the  House,  he  must  take  his  place 
in  the  Senate  at  the  bottom  of  the  ladder,  and,  according  to 
Senatorial  usage,  must  be  reasonably  modest  in  expressing  his 
opinions.  The  withdrawal  of  so  many  Senators  in  1861,  how 
ever,  gave  the  new  Members  better  positions  than  usual.  I 
was  assigned  to  the  committee  on  finance  and  on  naval  affairs. 

At  that  time  the  committee  on  finance  had  charge  of  all  bills 
appropriating  money  for  the  support  of  the  government,  all  tax 
or  revenue  bills,  all  loan  and  coinage  bills,  and,  generally,  all 
bills  relating  to  the  treasury  department,  and  to  the  finances  of 
the  government.  It  wras  soon  manifest  that,  in  view  of  the 
war,  and  the  enormous  sums  required  to  conduct  it,  the  task  of 
the  committee  would  be  a  Herculean  one,  and  that  the  labor 
required  would  fall  chiefly  on  Mr.  Fessenden,  the  chairman  of 
the  committee,  and,  I  may  with  due  modesty  add,  myself.  My 
former  position  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  my  personal  associa 
tion  with  Secretary  Chase,  with  whom  I  was  intimate,  led  to 
my  taking  an  active  part  in  financial  legislation,  which  was 
considered  my  specialty.  Congress,  in  substantial  conformity 
with  the  recommendations  of  Secretary  Chase,  passed  the  act 
to  authorize  a  loan  which  was  approved  July  17,  1861,  provid 
ing  for  the  issue  of  $250,000,000  of  bonds  running  twenty  years, 
bearing  not  exceeding  seven  per  cent,  interest,  or  treasury 
notes  for  not  less  than  fifty  dollars  each,  bearing  interest  at  not 
less  than  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent,  annually,  and  paya 
ble  in  three  years,  and  treasury  notes  of  less  denomination  than 
fifty  dollars,  not  bearing  interest  and  not  exceeding  $50,000,000, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  259 

payable  on  demand,  and  commonly  known  as  demand  notes. 
We  knew  that  this  act  was  entirely  inadequate  for  the  great 
struggle  before  us.  The  problem  was  not  whether  we  could 
muster  men,  but  whether  we  could  raise  money.  We  had  to 
create  a  system  of  finance  that  would  secure  an  enlarged  reve 
nue,  unquestioned  credit,  absolute  certainty  of  payment  of 
interest  in  coin,  a  national  currency,  and  such  economy  as  is 
possible  during  war. 

The  first  feeble  attempt  to  create  a  national  currency  was 
the  issue  of  demand  notes  under  the  act  of  July  17,  1861, 
described  as  follows: 

"And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  also  issue,  in  exchange  for 
coin,  and  as  part  of  the  above  loan,  or  may  pay  for  salaries  or  other  dues 
from  the  United  States,  treasury  notes  of  a  less  denomination  than  fifty 
dollars,  not  bearing  interest,  but  payable  on  demand  by  the  assistant  treas 
urer  of  the  United  States,  at  Philadelphia,  New  York  or  Boston." 

The  fatal  defect  of  these  notes  was  the  promise  to  pay  on 
demand.  How  could  they  be  paid?  In  what  kind  of  money? 
They  could  not  be  paid  out  of  the  current  revenue,  for  that 
was  insufficient  to  meet  current  expenses.  No  reserve  was 
provided  for  their  payment,  and,  when  paid,  there  was  no 
authority  for  their  re-issue.  All  other  forms  of  securities  bore 
interest,  and  these  notes,  not  bearing  interest,  were  convertible 
into  bonds  and  that  was  the  end  of  them.  If  that  was  the  proc 
ess  why  issue  them  at  all?  They  did  not  prevent,  but  rather 
expedited,  the  disappearance  of  gold.  Of  American  silver 
dollars  there  were  none.  Even  the  new  fractional  silver  coins 
rose  to  a  premium,  and  were  hoarded  or  exported.  Still,  the 
necessity  existed  for  some  form  of  paper  money  that  would  be 
available  for  circulation.  The  solution  of  this  problem  was 
properly  left  to  the  next  regular  session  of  Congress. 

Congress  did  not  act  upon  the  recommendations  for  internal 
taxes,  but  this  subject  was  also  left  over  until  the  next  session. 
It  did  provide,  however,  for  a  large  increase  of  revenue  from 
imports,  mainly  upon  articles  that  were  then  free  from  taxa 
tion  and  upon  articles  regarded  as  luxuries ;  also  for  a  direct 
tax  on  the  states  of  $20,000,000,  and  for  a  graded  tax,  from  and 
after  the  first  day  of  January,  1862,  upon  the  annual  income 


260  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  every  person  residing  in  the  United  States,  from  whatever 
source  the  income  should  be  derived ;  if  such  annual  income 
should  exceed  the  sum  of  $800  a  tax  of  three  per  cent,  on  its 
excess  above  that  limit.  A  provision  was  made  reducing  the 
tax  on  incomes  from  treasury  notes  and  other  securities  of  the 
United  States  one-half.  The  tax  on  incomes  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States  residing  abroad  was  placed  at  five  per  cent.,  ex 
cept  on  that  portion  derived  from  interest  on  treasury  notes 
and  other  securities  of  the  United  States,  which  was  taxed 
one  and  one-half  per  cent. 

While  Congress  was  engaged  in  legislative  duties  in  Wash 
ington,  the  military  forces  of  the  Confederate  States  were  gath 
ering  in  Virginia,  with  the  principal  force  at  Manassas,  about 
twenty-five  miles  southwest  of  Washington,  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Beauregard.  The  Union  troops,  composed 
mainly  of  three  months'  volunteers,  were  in  camp  occupying 
the  region  about  Washington  on  both  banks  of  the  Potomac 
Eiver,  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  McDowell, 
but  with  Lieutenant  General  Scott  in  full  command.  I  fre 
quently  visited  the  Union  camps  where  the  soldiers,  fresh  from 
civil  life  and  confident  of  easy  success  over  the  "  rebels,"  were 
being  drilled.  The  cry  was,  "On  to  Richmond!"  They  could 
not  foresee  the  magnitude  of  the  task  they  had  undertaken.  I 
will  not  attempt  to  narrate  the  incidents  of  the  Battle  of  Bull 
Eun.  I  knew  it  was  to  be  fought  on  Sunday,  the  21st  of  July. 
Soon  after  noon  of  that  day  I  mounted  my  horse,  and  with  James 
Rollins,  a  Member  of  Congress  from  Missouri,  called  on  Gen 
eral  Scott,  and  inquired  for  news  of  the  battle  then  going  on. 
He  told  us  he  was  quite  sure  of  a  favorable  result,  but  feared 
the  loss  of  his  gallant  officers  as,  the  troops  being  raw,  it  would 
be  necessary  for  their  officers  to  lead  them.  We  crossed  the 
pontoon  bridge  from  Georgetown,  and  then,  passing  by  Arling 
ton,  we  went  to  a  new  fort  on  the  main  road  from  the  Long 
Bridge.  As  we  approached  we  could  hear  the  distant  firing  of 
cannon.  We  asked  a  sentinel  on  duty  if  he  had  heard  the 
sound  all  day.  He  said,  "  Yes,  but  not  so  loud  as  now."  This 
was  significant  but  not  encouraging.  We  returned  to  my  lodg 
ings  on  Fifteenth  street.  Everywhere  there  was  an  uneasy 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  261 

feeling.  At  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  I  started  for  the  resi 
dence  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  get  information  of  the  battle. 
As  I  approached  I  was  seized  by  the  arm,  and,  turning,  saw 
Secretary  Cameron.  I  asked  about  the  battle,  but,  without 
answering,  he  hurried  me  into  his  house  and  said:  "Our  army 
is  defeated,  and  my  brother  is  killed."  He  then  gave  way  to 
passionate  grief.  His  brother,  Colonel  Cameron,  had  been 
killed,  and  the  Union  army  was  in  full  retreat.  I  was  enjoined 
to  sa.y  nothing  until  morning.  I  obeyed  his  injunction.  At 
eleven  o'clock  that  night  I  heard  the  clatter  of  a  horse's  feet  in 
full  gallop.  My  nephew,  Robert  McComb,  a  boy  about  nine 
teen,  a  private  soldier  in  an  Ohio  regiment,  but  detailed  as  an 
orderly,  had  been  sent  to  the  rear  with  a  message.  He  saw 
the  army  in  retreat,  and,  being  well  mounted  and  believing 
that  discretion  was  the  better  part  of  valor,  rode  rapidly  to  my 
lodgings  in  Washington.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  or 
"  Bull-Run  "  Russell,  an  English  reporter,  made  the  best  time  to 
the  Long  Bridge.  McComb  gave  me  a  doleful  account  of  the 
battle  and  retreat.  The  official  reports  from  both  armies  show 
that  it  was  a  drawn  battle.  General  Sherman,  in  his 
"  Memoirs,"  gives  a  graphic  history  of  the  battle  and  expresses 
the  same  opinion. 

Still,  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  an  important  event.  It 
dispelled  the  illusion  of  the  people  of  the  north  as  to  the 
duration  and  gravity  of  the  war.  It  demonstrated  the 
folly  of  ninety  days'  enlistments.  It  brought  also,  to  every 
intelligent  mind,  the  dangers  that  would  inevitably  result 
from  disunion.  On  the  22nd  of  July,  the  day  after  the  battle, 
the  bill  to  authorize  the  employment  of  500,000  volunteers 
became  a  law. 

On  the  29th  of  July  two  bills,  one  for  the  increase  of  the 
military  establishment  of  the  United  States,  and  one  to  provide 
for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  were  passed.  On  the  5th 
of  August  an  act  passed  for  the  better  organization  of  the  mili 
tary  establishment.  Armed  with  the  largest  military  power 
ever  conferred  upon  a  President,  with  the  almost  unlimited 
power  of  taxation,  the  administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  entered 
upon  the  task  before  it. 


262  RECOLLECTIONS 

Having  passed  these  provisions  in  aid  of  the  government, 
the  special  session  of  Congress  closed  on  the  6th  of  August, 
1861. 

I  immediately  returned  to  my  home  at  Mansfield.  Regi 
ments  were  being  organized  but  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  mode 
of  enlistment  was  too  slow.  The  people,  though  still  resolute, 
were  somewhat  troubled  by  the  failure  of  military  operations. 
I  felt  this  so  strongly  that  I  determined  at  once  to  adopt  some 
plan  to  raise  a  brigade  to  be  composed  of  two  regimen.ts  of 
infantry,  one  battery  of  artillery  and  one  squadron  of  cavalry. 
When  I  made  application  to  Governor  Dennison  for  the  req 
uisite  authority,  he  feared  my  plan  might  interfere  with 
existing  organizations  then  being  enlisted  in  the  different  parts 
of  the  state,  and  I  was  persuaded  to  wait  until  after  the  15th 
regiment  was  recruited  and  in  the  field,  and  the  42nd  was  well 
under  way.  I  also  made  up  my  mind  to  delay  actual  recruiting 
until  after  the  election  in  October  of  that  year,  so  that  no 
political  bias  might  enter  into  it. 

On  the  24th  of  September  I  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Hon. 
Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  as  follows  : 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  September  24,  1861. 
HON.  SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War : 

DEAR  SIR:  —  I  respectfully  ask  for  an  order  granting  me  leave  to  re 
cruit  and  organize,  in  this  part  of  Ohio,  a  brigade  of  two  regiments  of 
infantry,  one  squadron  of  cavalry,  and  two  companies  of  artillery.  I  know 
I  can  do  it  promptly.  The  squadron  of  cavalry  authorized  to  Major  Mc- 
Laughlin  may,  if  desired,  be  considered  as  part  of  the  brigade. 

For  reasons  that  are  probably  unjust  the  governor  and  state  mili 
tary  authorities  are  less  successful  than  I  hoped,  and  I  know  that  I  can  get 
you  recruits  that  they  cannot.  I  wish  no  rank,  pay,  or  expenses  for  myself, 
and  will  freely  act  without  compensation.  I  care  not  who  are  the  field 
officers,  so  I  know  they  are  men  of  honor,  honesty  and  experience.  I  will 
only  ask  of  the  department  the  usual  rations,  pay  and  armament  and  equi 
page  for  the  men  ;  I  ask  nothing  for  myself,  will  undertake  upon  my  individ 
ual  responsibility  to  purchase  any  of  them  desired,  receiving  in  return  gov 
ernment  securities  therefor. 

I  will  so  execute  the  order  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  state  authori 
ties,  and  will  act  in  subordination  to  them.  I  will  freely  confer  with  the 
government  as  to  details,  but  would  rather  be  left  as  free  as  practicable  in 
the  selection  of  officers. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  263 

I  hope,  my  dear  sir,  this  application  will  receive  your  sanction,  and  I 
will  stake  my  reputation  and  property  that  what  I  offer  shall  be  accom 
plished.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  the  same  day,  in  order  to  secure  the  active  cooperation 
of  Secretary  Chase,  I  wrote  him  as  follows: 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  September  24,  1861. 
HON.  S.  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  have  to-day  written  to  General  Cameron,  asking  an 
order  allowing  me  to  recruit  a  brigade  in  this  part  of  Ohio.  I  know  I  can 
do  it.  I  ask  no  office,  rank,  pay,  or  expenses  for  myself,  and  will  under 
take  to  recruit  this  force  in  subordination  to  the  state  and  general  govern 
ment,  and  within  such  limits  as  may  be  allowed.  Whatever  may  be  the 
reason,  it  is  manifest  that  voluntary  enlistment  needs  the  spur  of  active  ex 
ertion  and  solicitation.  This  I  am  willing  to  give,  and,  from  offers  freely 
made  to  me  by  personal  acquaintances,  know  that  I  can  enlist  hundreds 
whom  the  state  authorities  cannot  reach. 

Can  I  ask  your  favorable  influence  and  cooperation  ?  I  will  pay  my 
own  expenses,  and  ask  only  rations,  tents  and  armament  for  the  men.  Any 
of  these  I  am  willing  to  purchase  upon  my  individual  credit,  receiving  in 
payment  government  securities.  I  pledge  you  my  reputation  and  all  I  am 
worth  to  accomplish  what  I  offer. 

If  it  is  objected  that  my  operation  "will  interfere  with  state  enlistments, 
I  will  agree  to  subordinate  my  movements  to  the  orders  of  the  governor, 
but  for  the  good  of  the  service  I  hope  to  be  left  as  free  as  possible.  In  the 
selection  of  officers  I  should  want  to  be  especially  consulted,  so  as  to  insure 
the  honor,  probity  and  personal  habits  of  such  officers.  Further  than  this  I 
have  no  choice. 

If  this  meets  your  approbation  promptly  say  so  to  General  Cameron, 
and  let  him  set  me  to  work.  Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

About  the  same  time  I  had  arranged  with  Governor  Denni- 
son  for  a  plan  of  enlistment  which  enabled  the  recruits  to 
select  their  officers,  by  allowing  persons  securing  a  certain 
number  of  recruits  to  be  captains,  a  less  number  first  lieuten 
ants,  and  a  less  number  second  lieutenants.  The  governor  very 
kindly  agreed  that  he  would  commission  the  persons  selected 
in  this  way,  leaving  the  regimental  organization  to  be  com 
posed  of  the  best  material  that  could  be  found  anywhere.  On 
the  28th  of  September  I  issued  and  distributed,  mainly  in  the 


264  RECOLLECTIONS 

region  near  the  line  of  the  Pittsburg,  Fort  Wayne  &  Chicago 
railroad,  this  circular: 

"TO  THE  YOUNG  MEN  OF  OHIO. 

"I  am  authorized  by  the  governor  of  Ohio  to  raise  at  once  two  regi 
ments  of  infantry  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  and  a  squadron  of  cavalry. 

"I  am  also  authorized  to  recommend  one  lieutenant  for  each  company, 
who  shall  at  once  receive  their  commission  and  be  furnished  with  proper 
facilities  for  enlisting.  I  am  now  ready  to  receive  applications  for  such 
appointments,  accompanied  with  evidence  of  good  habits  and  character,  the 
age  of  applicant,  and  his  fitness  and  ability  to  recruit  a  company. 

"  Major  Wm.  McLaughlin  will  command  the  squadron  of  cavalry. 

"  The  company  officers  will  be  designated  by  the  soldiers  of  each  com 
pany,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  governor. 

"The  field  officers  are  not  yet  designated,  but  shall  be  men  of  expe 
rience,  and,  if  possible,  of  military  education. 

"The  soldiers  shall  have,  without  diminution,  all  they  are  entitled  to  by 
law. 

"Danger  is  imminent.  Promptness  is  indispensable.  Let  the  people 
of  Ohio  now  repay  the  debt  wrhich  their  fathers  incurred  to  the  gallant  peo 
ple  of  Kentucky  for  the  defense  of  Ohio  against  the  British  and  Indians. 
They  now  appeal  to  us  for  help  against  an  invasion  more  unjustifiable  and 
barbarous. 

"Letters  can  be  addressed  to  me,  marked  "Free,"  at  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

JOHN  SHERMAN." 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  September  28,  1861. 

The  matter  thus  rested  until  after  the  election  on  the  9th  of 
October,  when  squads  rapidly  formed  into  companies,  and  with 
in  twenty  days  Camp  Buckingham  was  opened  near  Mansfield. 

In  the  performance  of  this  self-imposed  duty,  I  encountered 
but  one  difficulty,  and  at  one  time  a  very  serious  one,  the 
selection  of  regimental  officers,  and.  especially  of  commanders 
of  regiments.  I  knew  that  military  warfare  was  an  art,  a  trade, 
an  occupation,  where  education,  experience  and  preparation 
are  absolutely  essential  to  effective  service.  The  materials  for 
soldiers  abound  everywhere,  but  without  discipline,  order, 
obedience,  and  severe  drilling  men  are  not  soldiers.  It  was  my 
desire  to  secure  for  the  commanders  of  regiments  two  gradu 
ates  of  West  Point.  I  made  application  directly  to  Washington 
for  various  details  of  officers  of  the  regular  army,  so  that  the 
soldiers  in  Camp  Buckingham  might  have  experienced  drill 
masters  from  the  beginning.  I  failed  to  receive  an  answer, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  265 

and  went  to  Washington,  earnestly  impressed  with  the  impor 
tance  of  my  mission,  and  determined,  if  possible,  that  these 
men  enlisted  by  me  should  not  be  placed  in  the  front  of  the 
enemy  until  they  had  had  all  the  benefit  they  could  derive 
from  military  discipline  and  drilling.  When  I  arrived  I  found 
that  Secretary  Cameron  was  indisposed  to  interfere  with  the 
purely  military  details  of  the  army,  while  General  Scott,  a 
brave  old  soldier  whom  I  always  loved  and  admired,  was  firmly 
of  the  opinion  that  the  favorable  result  of  the  war  depended 
upon  strengthening  the  regular  army,  maintaining  its  force 
and  discipline,  and  especially  retaining  its  valuable  officers. 
The  regular  army,  almost  disbanded  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
was  gradually  filling  up  upon  the  basis  of  a  new  organization 
and  long  enlistments,  but  it  was  idle,  it  seemed  to  me,  to  expect 
that  the  young  men  of  the  country  would  enlist  in  the  regular 
service.  While  ready  to  respond  to  the  call  of  their  country 
in  its  actual  peril,  they  had  no  purpose  to  become  regular  sol 
diers  for  life.  It  appeared  to  me,  therefore,  that  the  manifest 
policy  of  the  government  should  be  to  allow  the  regular  army 
to  be  gradually  absorbed  into  the  volunteer  service,  where  the 
young  officers  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  government 
might  impart  instruction  to  regiments  and  brigades,  instead  of 
to  squads  and  companies.  I  spoke  to  General  Scott  about  this, 
and  the  result  of  my  interview  was  very  unpleasant.  I  fear  we 
both  lost  our  temper,  though  I  never  ceased  to  respect  the  old 
general  for  the  great  service  he  had  rendered  his  country;  but 
his  day  was  past. 

After  consulting  Major  Garesche,  Assistant  Adjutant  General, 
as  to  the  names  of  officers,  I  then  applied  to  the  President,  ex 
plained  to  him  fully  the  situation  of  affairs,  my  promise,  the 
gathering  of  the  soldiers  in  Camp  Buckingham,  their  inexpe 
rience,  and  want  of  drill  masters,  their  ardent  patriotism,  stated 
my  interview  with  General  Scott,  and  appealed  to  him  to  help 
me  out  of  the  dilemma. 

I  never  shall  forget  the  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  for  he 
did  not  hesitate,  but  sent  for  Major  Garesche,  and  gave  me  the 
coveted  order  before  I  left  him,  directing  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  detail  two  second  lieutenants,  James  William  Forsyth,  of 


266  RECOLLECTIONS 

Ohio,  and  Charles  Garrison  Harker,  of  New  Jersey,  and  Sergeants 
Bradley  and  Sweet,  of  the  regular  army,  for  service  in  the  Ohio 
Volunteers,  under  my  direction.  This  order  was  the  key  that 
unlocked  the  difficulty  and  gave  to  the  force  the  elements  of 
military  discipline.  At  the  same  time  the  requisite  orders 
were  given  for  uniforms,  arms  of  the  best  pattern,  cannon, 
horses  and  various  equipments. 

I  then  procured  the  detail  of  Major  Eobert  S.  Granger, 
of  the  United  States  army,  to  command  the  camp  and  to  or 
ganize  the  force.  He  had  graduated  as  a  cadet  from  Ohio, 
was  one  of  the  officers  of  the  regular  army  surrendered  by 
General  Twiggs  to  the  State  of  Texas  before  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  and  had  given  his  parole  not  to  serve  in  the  army 
until  exchanged.  Though  this  was  not  held  to  apply  to  the 
enlistment  of  volunteers  he  so  construed  his  parole  as  to  pre 
vent  him  from  serving  in  his  regiment  until  duly  exchanged. 
When  this  was  done  he  entered  the  service  and  was  rapidly 
promoted  to  Major  General  of  Volunteers. 

Within  sixty  days  2,340  young  men  of  Ohio  were  formed 
into  the  64th  and  65th  regiments,  the  6th  battery  of  artillery, 
and  McLaughlin's  squadron  of  cavalry,  armed  with  the  best 
arms  then  in  the  service,  uniformed,  equipped  and  partly 
drilled  as  soldiers,  ready  to  march,  and  actually  marching, 
to  the  seat  of  war.  No  better  material  for  soldiers,  and  no 
better  soldiers  in  fact,  ever  enlisted  in  any  cause  or  any  service. 

I  insert  a  letter  from  General  Garfield  written  when  he  was 
in  command  of  this  brigade : 

HEADQUARTERS,  20TH  BRIGADE,  ) 

IN  THE  FIELD,  6  MILES  FROM  CORINTH,  Miss.,  MAY  17,  1862.  J 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington,  D.  C. 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  am  now  in  command  of  the  20th  Brigade,  composed  of 
the  64th  and  65th  Ohio  (the  regiments  raised  by  yourself)  and  the  13th 
Michigan  and  51st  Indiana  Regiments.  I  have  sent  forward  to  Washington 
the  name  of  Lt.  D.  G.  Swain  (65th  Ohio)  of  Salem,  O.,  for  appointment  as 
A.  A.  Gen.  on  my  staff.  He  is  an  excellent  officer,  and  his  nomination  has 
been  approved  by  Gen.  Buell.  I  will  be  particularly  obliged  to  you  if  you 
will  aid  in  securing  his  appointment  as  soon  as  possible.  The  whole  army 
advances  toward  Corinth  this  morning. 

Very  respectfully  yours,  J.  A.  GARFIELD, 

Brig.  Gen.  Vols.,  U.  S.  A. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  267 

When  General  Sherman  was  in  Louisville  in  October,  1861, 
he  was  called  upon  by  Secretary  Cameron,  and  they  engaged 
in  a  general  discussion  of  the  military  situation.  General 
Sherman  said  that  for  aggressive  movements,  the  United  States 
would  require  200,000  men.  This  was  so  far  beyond  the  ideas 
of  the  time  that  he  was  regarded  as  crazy,  and  was  soon  after 
relieved  from  his  command  by  General  Buell.  Secretary  Cam 
eron  was  blamed  for  this,  but  his  letter  to  me,  here  inserted, 
shows  that  he  was  absent  from  Washington  when  the  order 
was  made : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  November  14,  1861. 

SIR:  —  Your  letter  of  the  10th  inst.  is  received.  General  Sherman 
was  recalled  from  the  command  in  Kentucky  during  my  absence  at  the 
north  on  official  business.  Since  my  return  on  the  llth,  I  have  not  had 
time  to  make  any  inquiries  concerning  the  cause  of  the  change,  but  I  feel 
certain  it  was  not  from  any  want  of  confidence  in  the  patriotism  or  capacity 
of  your  brother.  He  has  been  ordered  to  Missouri,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Major  General  Halleck,  of  the  regular  army,  and  the  fact  that 
he  has  been  so  assigned  is  evidence  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  him. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
PASSAGE  OF  THE  LEGAL  TENDER  ACT  IN  1862. 

My  Interview  with  Lincoln  About  Ohio  Appointments  —  Governmental  Expenses 
Now  Aggregating  Nearly  $2,000,000  Daily  — Secretary  Chase's  Annual  Report 
to  Congress  in  December,  1861  —  Treasury  Notes  a  Legal  Tender  in  Pay 
ment  of  Public  and  Private  Debts  —  Beneficial  Results  from  the  Pas 
sage  of  the  Bill  — The  War  Not  a  Question  of  Men  but  of  Money  — 
Proposed  Organization    of  National  Banks — Bank  Bills  Not 
Taxed  — Local  Banks  and  Their  Absorption  by  the  Govern 
ment  —  The  1862  Issue  of   $150,000,000  in  "  Green 
backs  " — Legal  Tender  Act  a  Turning  Point  in 
Our  Financial  History  —  Compensation 
of    Officers  of   the  Government. 

ABOUT  this  time  I  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln 
which  may  be  of  interest.  In  making  the  local  ap 
pointments  in  Ohio  he  was  naturally  governed  largely 
by  his  strong  affinities  for  old  Whig  associates  in  Con 
gress,  of  one  of  whom,  General  Schenck,  he  was  especially  fond. 
I  thought  some  of  his  appointments  in  Ohio  were  not  judicious, 
and  concluded  I  would  go  to  him  and  make  a  general  com 
plaint  of  the  distribution  of  these  offices.  I  felt  that  he  failed  to 
consider  the  fact  that  the  Republican  party  contained  many  men 
who  had  not  belonged  to  the  Whig  party.  I  requested  an  inter 
view  with  him  which  was  promptly  granted,  and  called  at  his 
office  one  evening.  He  was  seated  in  an  easy  chair  and  seemed 
to  be  in  excellent  humor.  I  proceeded  to  complain  of  some  of 
his  appointments  in  Ohio  and  as  I  progressed  the  expression  of 
his  face  gradually  changed  to  one  of  extreme  sadness.  He  did 
not  say  a  word,  but  sank  in  his  chair,  placing  his  feet  upon  the 
table,  and  looking,  as  I  thought,  the  picture  of  despair.  I  pro 
ceeded  with  my  complaint  until  I  began  mentally  to  reproach 
myself  for  bothering  the  President  of  the  United  States  with 
so  unimportant  a  matter  as  the  choice  of  persons  to  fill  local 
offices  in  Ohio,  when  the  country  was  in  the  throes  of  revolution. 

(268) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  269 

Finally  I  told  him  I  felt  ashamed  to  disturb  him  with  such  mat 
ters  and  would  not  bother  him  again  with  them.  His  face  bright 
ened,  he  sat  up  in  his  chair  and  his  whole  manner  changed,  until 
finally  he  almost  embraced  me.  He  then  told  me  many  interest 
ing  stories  of  his  short  service  in  Congress  and  of  the  men  with 
whom  he  was  brought  in  contact.  The  close  of  the  interview 
was  very  pleasant  and  I  kept  my  promise  to  him  about  his 
appointments. 

When  Congress  convened  on  the  2nd  of  December,  1861, 
the  financial  condition  of  the  government  was  more  alarming 
than  at  any  other  period  during  the  war. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  ample  and  complete  au 
thority,  given  him  by  the  act  of  July,  1861,  to  borrow  money 
on  the  credit  of  the  government,  but  he  could  not  deal  with  the 
system  of  state  banks  then  existing  in  the  several  states.  He 
was  forbidden,  by  the  sub-treasury  act  of  1846,  to  receive  notes 
of  state  banks  and  was  required  to  receive  into  and  pay  from 
the  treasury  only  the  coin  of  the  United  States  ;  but  by  the 
act  of  August  5,  1861,  he  was  permitted  to  deposit  to  the  credit 
of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  in  such  solvent  specie- 
paying  banks,  as  he  might  select,  any  of  the  moneys  obtained 
from  loans,  the  moneys  thus  deposited  to  be  withdrawn  only 
for  transfer  to  the  regularly  authorized  depositaries,  or  for  the 
payment  of  public  dues,  including  certain  notes  payable  on 
demand,  as  he  might  deem  expedient.  He  had,  however,  no 
authority  to  receive  from  individuals  or  banks  any  money 
but  coin. 

The  coin  received  from  the  Boston,  New  York,  and  Phila 
delphia  banks,  in  payment  of  their  subscriptions  to  the  govern 
ment  loans,  to  the  amount  of  nearly  $150,000,000,  had  to  be 
sent  to  every  point  in  the  United  States  to  meet  public  obliga 
tions,  and,  when  thus  scattered,  was  not  readily  returned  to 
the  banks,  thus  exhausting  their  resources  and  their  ability  to 
loan  again. 

The  demand  notes,  authorized  by  the  act  of  July  17,  1861, 
were  also  paid  out  by  the  treasury;  but  from  time  to  time 
were  presented  for  redemption  in  coin  or  in  payment  of  cus 
toms  duties  to  the  exclusion  of  coin,  and  thus  both  the  banks 


270  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  government  were  greatly  crippled,  the  tanks  suspend 
ing  specie  payments  on  the  30th  day  of  December,  1861. 

At  this  time  an  army  of  500,000  Union  soldiers  was  in  the 
field,  and  a  powerful  navy,  with  vast  stores  of  artillery  and. 
ammunition,  had  been  created.  In  providing  for  their  suste 
nance,  comfort  and  equipment  the  government  had  been 
obliged  to  incur  expenses  far  exceeding  in  magnitude  any 
which  had  been  hitherto  known  in  its  history,  aggregating 
nearly  $2,000,000  per  day. 

It  was  apparent  that  a  radical  change  in  existing  laws 
relating  to  our  currency  must  be  made,  or  the  govern 
ment  would  practically  be  unable  to  make  the  current  dis 
bursements  on  account  of  the  war,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  Union  would  be  unavoidable,  notwithstanding  the  im 
mense  resources  of  the  country  which  had  then  hardly  been 
touched. 

The  annual  report  of  Secretary  Chase  reached  Congress  on 
the  10th  of  December,  having  been  delayed  by  the  press  of 
business.  So  much  of  it  as  related  to  the  currency  was  the 
basis  of  the  long  debates  that  followed.  The  circulation  of 
the  banks  of  the  United  States  on  the  1st  of  January,  1861, 
was  reported  at  $202,000,767.  Of  this  $152,000,000,  in  round 
numbers,  was  in  the  loyal  states,  including  West  Virginia,  and 
$50,000,000  in  the  rebel  states,  the  whole  constituting  a  loan 
without  interest  from  the  people  to  the  banks,  costing  the  lat 
ter  only  the  expense  of  issue  and  redemption  and  the  interest 
on  the  specie  kept  on  hand  for  the  latter  purpose.  The  secre 
tary  called  especial  attention  to  the  organization  and  nature  of 
these  banks,  and  questioned  whether  a  currency  of  banks  is 
sued  by  local  institutions  under  state  laws  was  not  in  fact  pro 
hibited  by  the  national  constitution.  He  said : 

"Such  emissions  certainly  fall  within  the  spirit,  if  not  within  the  letter, 
of  the  constitutional  prohibition  of  the  emission  of  '  bills  of  credit '  by  the 
states,  and  of  the  making  by  them  of  anything  except  gold  and  silver  coin 
a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  too  clear 
to  be  reasonably  disputed  that  Congress,  under  its  constitutional  powers  to 
lay  taxes,  to  regulate  commerce,  and  to  regulate  the  value  of  coin,  possesses 
ample  authority  to  control  the  credit  circulation  which  enters  so  largely  into 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  271 

the  transaction  of  commerce,  and  affects  in  so  many  ways  the  value  of  coin. 
In  the  judgment  of  the  secretary,  the  time  has  arrived  when  Congress 
should  exercise  this  authority." 

He  described  with  great  force  the  weakness  of  the  state 
banking  system,  and  the  repeated  losses  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States  on  account  of  the  failure  of  such  banks.  He 
recommended  two  plans  by  either  of  which  he  held  that  these 
banks  might  be  absorbed,  and  a  national  currency  be  substi 
tuted  in  the  place  of  their  issues.  One  plan  proposed  the  grad 
ual  withdrawal  from  circulation  of  the  notes  of  private  corpo 
rations,  and  the  issue  in  their  stead  of  United  States  notes, 
payable  in  coin  on  demand,  in  amounts  sufficient  for  the  useful 
ends  of  a  representative  currency.  The  other  proposed  a  sys 
tem  of  national  banks  authorized  to  issue  notes  for  circulation 
under  national  direction,  to  be  secured  as  to  prompt  converti 
bility  into  coin  by  the  pledge  of  the  United  States  bonds  and 
other  needful  regulations.  He  discussed  these  two  plans  at 
length,  but  concluded  by  recommending  a  system  of  national 
banks,  the  advantages  of  which  would  be  uniformity  in  cur 
rency,  uniformity  in  security,  an  effectual  safeguard  against 
depreciation,  and  protection  from  losses  from  discounts  and  ex 
changes.  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  such  notes  would  give 
to  the  government  the  further  advantage  of  a  large  demand 
for  government  securities,  of  increased  facilities  for  obtaining 
the  loans  required  for  the  war,  a  reduction  of  interest,  and  a 
participation  by  the  government  in  the  profit  of  circulation 
without  risking  the  perils  of  a  great  money  monopoly.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  the  secretary  nowhere  suggested  the  suspension 
of  coin  payments,  or  making  the  notes  a  legal  tender  in  pay 
ment  of  public  and  private  debts,  or  the  redemption  in  coin  of 
the  bank  notes  to  be  issued. 

These  recommendations  were  referred  to  the  committee  of 
ways  and  means  of  the  House,  and  by  it  to  a  sub-committee, 
of  which  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York,  was  chairman. 
Undoubtedly  we  owe  to  him,  more  than  to  any  other  individual 
Member,  the  important  and  radical  changes  made  in  our  cur 
rency  system  by  the  act  reported  by  him  to  the  House  and 
amended  in  the  Senate.  Mr.  Spaulding  perceived  the  objection 

8.— 20 


272  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  the  recommendations  of  Secretary  Chase  that  they  did  not 
provide  for  any  payments  but  in  coin,  or  call  for  a  suitable 
provision  that  the  notes  when  issued  should  be  a  legal  tender 
for  public  and  private  debts,  or  for  their  reissue  in  case  of  pay 
ment,  nor  did  they  provide  for  the  absorption  of  the  demand 
notes  outstanding,  which  were,  on  their  face,  payable  on  de 
mand,  an  obligation  that  could  not  be  ignored  without  severely 
impairing  the  public  credit.  It  was  also  apparent  that  the  sys 
tem  of  national  banks  proposed  by  the  secretary  could  not  be 
organized  and  put  in  effective  force  for  a  year  or  more,  and 
that  in  the  meantime  the  state  banks  would  be  in  a  condition 
of  suspension,  without  coin  or  the  possibility  of  obtaining  it, 
and,  with  no  effective  money  which  the  people  were  bound  to 
receive,  or  which  the  government  could  receive,  it  would  have 
been  difficult  to  carry  on  the  operations  of  the  war. 

The  first  bill  introduced  by  Mr.  Spaulding,  on  the  30th  of 
December,  met  some  of  these  difficulties.  It  provided  for  the 
issue  of  $50,000,000  treasury  notes,  payable  on  demand,  the 
notes  to  be  receivable  for  all  debts  and  demands  due  to  or  by 
the  United  States,  to  be  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  all  debts, 
public  or  private,  within  the  United  States,  and  exchangeable 
at  their  face  value,  the  same  as  coin,  at  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  offices  of  the  assistant  treasurers  in 
New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  St.  Louis,  and  Cincinnati,  for 
any  of  the  coupon  or  registered  bonds  which  the  secretary 
was  authorized  to  issue.  It  also  contained  this  provision: 
"  Such  treasury  notes  may  be  reissued  from  time  to  time  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  public  service  may  require,"  the  first  au 
thority  ever  given  for  the  reissue  of  treasury  notes  after  re 
demption. 

On  the  7th  of  January,  1862,  Mr.  Spaulding  reported  the  bill 
to  the  House  with  some  important  changes,  and  it  soon  became 
the  subject  of  a  long  and  interesting  debate.  On  the  22nd  of 
January,  Secretary  Chase  returned  Mr.  Spaulding's  bill  to  him 
and  suggested  some  modifications,  referring  to  the  legal  tender 
clause  as  follows,  being  his  first  reference  to  that  clause: 

"Regretting  exceedingly  that  it  is  found  necessary  to  resort  to  the 
measure  of  making  fundable  notes  of  the  United  States  a  legal  tender,  but 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  273 

heartily  desiring  to  cooperate  with  the  committee  in  all  measures  to  meet 
existing  necessities  in  the  most  useful  and  least  hurtful  to  the  general  in 
terest,  I  remain,"  etc. 

In  a  letter  to  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  on  the 
29th  of  January,  the  secretary  said: 

"The  condition  of  the  treasury  certainly  needs  immediate  action  on  the 
subject  of  affording  provision  for  the  expenditures  of  the  government,  both 
expedient  and  necessary.  The  general  provisions  of  the  bill  submitted  to 
me  seem  to  me  well  adapted  to  the  end  proposed.  There  are,  however, 
some  points  which  may,  perhaps,  be  usefully  amended. 

"  The  provision  making  United  States  notes  a  legal  tender  has  doubt 
less  been  well  considered  by  the  committee,  and  their  conclusion  needs  no 
support  from  any  observation  of  mine.  I  think  it  my  duty,  however,  to 
say,  that  in  respect  to  this  provision  my  reflections  have  conducted  me  to 
the  same  conclusions  they  have  reached.  It  is  not  unknown  to  them  that 
I  have  felt,  nor  do  I  wish  to  conceal  that  I  now  feel,  a  great  aversion  to 
making  anything  but  coin  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  It  has  been 
my  anxious  wish  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  such  legislation.  It  is,  however, 
at  present  impossible,  in  consequence  of  the  large  expenditures  entailed  by 
the  war,  and  the  suspension  of  the  banks,  to  procure  sufficient  coin  for  dis 
bursements  ;  and  it  has,  therefore,  become  indispensably  necessary  that  we 
should  resort  to  the  issue  of  United  States  notes.  .  .  .  Such  discrimi 
nation  should,  if  possible,  be  prevented ;  and  the  provision  making  the  notes 
a  legal  tender,  in  a  great  measure  at  least,  prevents  it,  by  putting  all  citi 
zens,  in  this  respect,  on  the  same  level,  both  of  rights  and  duties." 

On  the  3rd  of  February  the  secretary  wrote  to  Mr.  Spaulding 
as  follows: 

"  Mr.  Seward  said  to  me  on  yesterday  that  you  observed  to  him  that  my 
hesitation  in  coming  up  to  the  legal  tender  proposition  embarrassed  you, 
and  I  am  very  sorry  to  observe  it,  for  my  anxious  wish  is  to  support  you  in 
all  respects. 

"  It  is  true  that  I  came  with  reluctance  to  the  conclusion  that  the  legal 
tender  clause  is  a  necessity,  but  I  came  to  it  decidedly,  and  I  support  it 
earnestly.  I  do  not  hesitate  when  I  have  made  up  my  mind,  however  much 
regret  I  may  feel  over  the  necessity  of  the  conclusion  to  which  I  come." 

On  the  5th  of  February  the  secretary  became  more  urgent, 
and  wrote  to  Mr.  Spaulding  the  following  brief  note: 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  make  the  above  extract  from  a  letter  received  from 
the  collector  of  New  York  this  morning.  It  is  very  important  the  bill 
should  go  through  to-day,  and  through  the  Senate  this  week.  The  public 
exigencies  do  not  admit  of  delay.  Yours  truly, 

HON.  E.  G.  SPAULDING.  S.  P.  CHASE. 


274  RECOLLECTIONS 

It  will  thus  be  perceived  that,  whatever  may  have  been  the 
constitutional  scruples  of  Secretary  Chase  in  respect  to  the 
legal  tender  clause,  he  yielded  to  it  under  the  pressure  of  neces 
sity,  and  expressed  no  dissent  from  it  until,  as  chief  justice,  his 
opinion  was  delivered  in  the  case  of  Hepburn  vs.  Griswold,  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

The  bill,  much  modified  from  the  original,  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives  by  the  decided  vote  of  yeas  93,  nays  59.  As  it 
passed  the  House  it  contained  authority  to  issue,  on  the  credit 
of  the  United  States,  United  States  notes  to  the  amount  of 
$150,000,000,  not  bearing  interest,  payable  to  bearer  at  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States,  at  Washington  or  New  York. 
It  provided  that  $50,000,000  of  said  notes  should  be  in  lieu  of 
the  demand  treasury  notes  authorized  by  the  act  of  July  17, 
1861,  and  that  said  demand  notes  should  be  taken  up  as  rapidly 
as  practicable.  It  provided  that  the  treasury  notes  should  be 
receivable  in  payment  of  all  taxes,  duties,  imports,  excise,  debts 
and  demands  of  all  kinds  due  to  the  United  States,  and  all 
debts  and  demands  owing  by  the  United  States  to  individ 
uals,  corporations  and  associations  within  the  United  States, 
and  should  be  lawful  money  and  a  legal  tender,  in  payment  of 
all  debts,  public  and  private,  within  the  United  States. 

This  bill  came  to  the  Senate  on  the  7th  of  February.  It 
was  followed  on  the  same  day  by  a  letter  from  Secretary  Chase 
to  Mr.  Fessenden,  as  follows: 

SIR: — The  condition  of  the  treasury  requires  immediate  legislative  pro 
vision.  What  you  said  this  morning  leads  me  to  think  that  the  bill  which 
passed  the  House  yesterday  will  hardly  be  acted  upon  by  the  Senate  this 
week.  Until  that  bill  shall  receive  the  final  action  of  Congress,  it  seems 
advisable  to  extend  the  provisions  of  the  former  acts,  so  as  to  allow  the  issue 
of  at  least  $10,000,000  in  United  States  notes,  in  addition  to  the  $50,000,000 
heretofore  authorized.  I  transmit  a  bill  framed  with  that  object,  which  will, 
I  trust,  meet  your  approval  and  that  of  Congress.  Immediate  action  on  it  is 
exceedingly  desirable. 

The  request  for  authority  to  issue  $10,000,000  additional 
demand  notes  was  immediately  granted,  and  the  bill  was  passed 
without  opposition. 

The  currency  bill  was  considered  in  the  committee  on  finance 
of  the  Senate,  and  four  important  and  radical  amendments 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  275 

were  reported  by  that  committee.    These  amendments  were  as 
follows : 

First — That  the  legal  tender  notes  should  be  receivable  for 
all  claims  and  demands  against  the  United  States,  of  every  kind 
whatsoever,  "except  for  interest  on  bonds  and  notes,  which  shall  be 
paid  in  coin." 

Second — That  the  secretary  might  dispose  of  United  States 
bonds,  "  at  the  market  value  thereof,  for  coin  or  treasury  notes." 

Third — A  new  section  authorizing  deposits  in  the  sub-treas 
uries  at  five  per  cent.,  for  not  less  than  thirty  days,  to  the  amount 
of  $25,000,000,  for  which  certificates  of  deposit  might  be  issued. 

Fourth — An  additional  section,  No.  5,  "  that  all  duties  on 
imported  goods  and  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands,"  etc., 
should  be  set  apart  to  pay  coin  interest  on  the  debt  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  one  per  cent,  for  a  sinking  fund,  etc. 

It  was  felt  that  if  no  provision  was  made  for  the  payment 
of  the  interest  on  the  bonds  in  coin,  they  would  depreciate 
more  and  more,  while  such  payment  would  tend,  as  it 
did,  to  maintain  them  nearer  to  the  specie  standard.  In 
order  to  obtain  coin  for  the  payment  of  interest,  provision 
was  made  that  all  duties  on  imported  goods,  and  the  proceeds 
of  the  sale  of  public  lands,  should  be  payable  in  coin  and  be  set 
apart  to  pay  coin  interest  on  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  and 
one  per  cent,  for  a  sinking  fund  to  provide  for  ultimate  redemp 
tion  of  the  bonds.  These  amendments  were  considered  of 
prime  importance.  It  was  felt  that  the  duty  on  imported 
goods  should  not  be  lessened  by  any  depreciation  of  our  local 
currency.  Such  importations  were  based  upon  coin  values,  and 
the  tax  levied  upon  them  was  properly  required  to  be  paid  in 
coin.  This  security  of  coin  payment  enabled  the  government 
to  sell  the  bonds  at  a  far  higher  rate  than  they  would  have 
commanded  without  it,  and  tended  also  to  limit  the  deprecia 
tion  of  United  States  notes.  The  bill  and  amendments  were 
reported  on  the  12th,  and  became  the  subject  of  what  was 
regarded  as  a  very  able  debate. 

There  was  decided  opposition  in  the  Senate  to  the  legal  ten 
der  clause,  headed  by  Mr.  Fessenden.  Mr.  Collamer,  who  also 
was  opposed  to  it,  made  a  motion  to  strike  it  out.  Upon  that 


276  RECOLLECTIONS 

subject  I  made  my  first  lengthy  speech  in  the  Senate,  a  few 
extracts  from  which  I  insert : 

"  The  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Vermont  now  for  the  first  time  pre 
sents  to  the  Senate  the  only  question  upon  which  the  members  of  the  com 
mittee  of  finance  had  any  material  difference  of  opinion,  and  that  is,  whether 
the  notes  provided  for  in  this  bill  shall  be  made  a  legal  tender  in  payment 
of  public  and  private  debts.  Upon  this  point  I  will  commence  the  argu 
ment  where  the  Senator  from  Maine  left  it. 

"  In  the  first  place,  I  will  say,  every  organ  of  financial  opinion — if  that  is 
a  correct  expression — in  this  country  agrees  that  there  is  such  a  necessity,  in 
case  we  authorize  the  issue  of  demand  notes.  You  commence  with  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  who  has  given  this  subject  the  most  ample  considera 
tion.  He  declares,  not  only  in  his  official  communications  here,  but  in  his 
private  intercourses  with  the  members  of  the  committee,  that  this  clause  is 
indispensably  necessary  to  the  security  and  negotiability  of  these  demand 
notes.  We  all  know  from  his  antecedents,  from  his  peculiar  opinions,  that 
he  would  probably  be  the  last  man  among  the  leading  politicians  of  our 
country  to  yield  to  the  necessity  of  substituting  paper  money  for  coin.  He 
has  examined  this  question  in  all  its  length  and  breadth.  He  is  in  a  position 
where  he  feels  the  necessity.  He  is  a  statesman  of  admitted  ability,  and  dis 
tinguished  in  his  high  position.  He  informs  us  that,  without  this  clause,  to 
attempt  to  circulate  as  money  the  proposed  amount  of  demand  notes  of  the 
United  States,  will  prove  a  fatal  experiment. 

"  In  addition  to  his  opinion,  we  have  the  concurring  opinion  of  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  city  of  New  York.  With  almost  entire  una 
nimity  they  have  passed  a  resolution  on  the  subject,  after  full  debate  and 
consideration.  That  resolution  has  been  read  by  your  secretary.  You  have 
also  the  opinion  of  the  committee  of  public  safety  of  the  city  of  New  York, 
composed  of  distinguished  gentlemen,  nearly  all  of  whom  are  good  finan 
ciers,  who  agree  fully  in  the  same  opinion.  I  may  say  the  same  in  regard 
to  the  Chambers  of  Commerce  of  the  city  of  Boston,  of  the  city  of  Philadel 
phia,  and  of  almost  every  recognized  organ  of  financial  opinion  in  this 
country.  They  have  said  to  us,  in  the  most  solemn  form,  that  this  measure 
was  indispensably  necessary  to  maintain  the  credit  of  the  government,  and 
to  keep  these  notes  anywhere  near  par.  In  addition,  we  have  the  deliberate 
judgment  and  vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  After  a  full  debate, 
in  which  the  constitutionality,  expediency  and  necessity  of  this  measure 
were  discussed,  in  which  all  the  objections  that  have  been  made  here,  and 
many  more,  were  urged,  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  a  large  vote, 
declared  that  it  was  necessary  to  issue  United  States  notes,  and  that  this 
clause  was  indispensable  to  their  negotiation  and  credit. 

"A  hard  necessity  presses  the  government.  $100,000,000  is  now  due 
the  army,  and  $250,000,000  more  up  to  July  first.  The  banks  of  New 
York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia,  have  exhausted  their  capitals  in  making 
loans  to  the  government.  They  have  already  tied  up  their  capital  in  your 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  277 

bonds.  Among  others,  Mr.  Vail,  the  cashier  of  the  Bank  of  Commerce,  the 
largest  bank  corporation  in  the  United  States,  and  one  that  has  done  much 
to  sustain  the  government,  appeared  before  the  finance  committee,  and 
stated  explicitly  that  the  Bank  of  Commerce,  as  well  as  other  banks  of 
New  York,  could  aid  the  government  no  further,  unless  your  proposed  cur 
rency  was  stamped  by,  and  invested  with,  the  attributes  of  lawful  money, 
which  they  could  pay  to  others  as  well  as  receive  themselves. 

"  Bonds  cannot  be  sold  except  at  a  great  sacrifice,  because  there  is  no 
money  to  buy  them.  As  soon  as  the  banks  suspended,  gold  and  silver 
ceased  to  circulate  as  money.  You  cannot  sell  your  bonds  for  gold  and 
silver,  which  is  the  only  money  that  can  now  be  received  under  the  sub- 
treasury  law.  This  currency  made  a  legal  tender  was  necessary  to  aid  in 
making  further  loans.  I  insisted  that  the  bill  was  constitutional.  The 
Senator  from  Vermont  has  read  extracts  from  the  debates  in  the  national 
convention,  and  from  Story's  "Commentaries,"  tending  to  show  that  Congress 
cannot  authorize  the  issue  of  bills  of  credit.  But  I  submit  to  him  that  this 
question  has  been  settled  by  the  practice  of  the  government.  We  issued 
such  bills  during  the  War  of  1812,  during  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  at  the 
recent  session  of  Congress.  We  receive  them  now  for  our  services  ;  we  pay 
them  to  our  soldiers  and  our  creditors.  These  notes  are  payable  to  bearer ; 
they  pass  from  hand  to  hand  as  currency;  they  bear  no  interest.  If  the  argu 
ment  of  that  Senator  is  true,  then  all  these  notes  are  unauthorized.  The 
Senator  admits  that  when  we  owe  a  debt  and  cannot  pay  it,  we  can  issue 
a  note.  But  where  does  he  find  the  power  to  issue  a  note  in  the  constitution? 
Where  does  he  find  the  power  to  prescribe  the  terms  of  the  note,  to  make  it 
transferable,  receivable  for  public  dues?  He  draws  all  these  powers  as  in 
cidents  to  the  power  to  borrow  money.  According  to  his  argument,  when 
we  pay  a  soldier  a  ten  dollar  demand  bill,  we  borrow  ten  dollars  from  the 
soldier  ;  when  I  apply  to  the  secretary  of  the  Senate  for  a  month's  pay,  I  loan 
the  United  States  $250.  This  certainly  is  not  the  view  we  take  of  it  when  we 
receive  the  money.  On  the  other  hand,  we  recognize  the  fact  that  the  gov 
ernment  cannot  pay  us  in  gold.  We  receive  notes  as  money.  The  govern 
ment  ought  to  give,  and  has  the  power  to  give,  to  that  money,  all  the  sanc 
tion,  authority,  value,  necessary  and  proper,  to  enable  it  to  borrow  money. 
The  power  to  fix  the  standard  of  money,  to  regulate  the  medium  of  ex 
changes,  must  necessarily  go  with,  and  be  incident  to,  the  power  to  reg 
ulate  commerce,  to  borrow  money,  to  coin  money,  to  maintain  armies  and 
navies.  All  these  high  powers  are  expressly  prohibited  to  the  states  and 
also  the  incidental  power  to  omit  bills  of  credit,  and  to  make  anything  but 
gold  and  silver  a  legal  tender.  But  Congress  is  expressly  invested  with 
all  these  high  powers,  and,  to  remove  all  doubt,  is  expressly  authorized  to  use 
all  necessary  and  proper  means  to  carry  these  powers  into  effect. 

"If  you  strike  out  the  legal  tender  clause  you  do  so  with  a  knowledge 
that  these  notes  will  fall  dead  upon  the  money  market  of  the  world.  When 
you  issue  demand  notes,  and  announce  to  the  world  your  purpose  not  to  pay 


278  RECOLLECTIONS 

any  more  gold  and  silver,  you  then  tender  to  those  who  have  furnished  you 
provisions  and  services  this  paper  money.  What  can  they  do  ?  They  can 
not  pay  their  debts  with  it;  they  cannot  support  their  families  with  it,  with 
out  a  depreciation.  The  whole  then  depends  on  the  promise  of  the  govern 
ment  to  pay  at  some  time  not  fixed  on  the  note.  Justice  to  our  creditors 
demands  that  it  should  be  a  legal  tender ;  it  will  then  circulate  all  over  this 
country,  and  it  will  be  the  lifeblood  of  the  whole  business  of  the  country, 
and  it  will  enable  capitalists  to  buy  your  bonds.  The  only  objection  to  the 
measure  is  that  too  much  may  be  issued.  He  did  not  believe  the  issue  of 
$150,000,000  would  do  any  harm.  It  is  only  a  mere  temporary  expedi 
ent. 

"  I  have  thus,  Mr.  president,  endeavored  to  reply  to  the  constitutional 
argument  of  the  Senator  from  Vermont.  Our  arguments  must  be  submitted 
finally  to  the  arbitration  of  the  courts  of  the  United  States.  When  I  feel 
so  strongly  the  necessity  of  this  measure,  I  am  constrained  to  assume  the 
power,  and  refer  our  authority  to  exercise  it  to  the  courts.  I  have  shown,  in 
reply  to  the  argument  of  the  Senator  from  Maine,  that  we  must  no  longer 
hesitate  as  to  the  necessity  of  this  measure.  That  necessity  does  exist, 
and  now  presses  upon  us.  I  rest  my  vote  upon  the  proposition  that  this  is 
a  necessary  and  proper  measure  to  furnish  a  currency  —  a  medium  of  ex 
change  —  to  enable  the  government  to  borrow  money,  to  maintain  an  army 
and  support  a  navy.  Believing  this,  I  find  ample  authority  to  authorize  my 
vote.  We  have  been  taught  by  recent  fearful  experience  that  delay  and 
doubt  in  this  time  of  revolutionary  activity  are  stagnation  and  death.  I 
have  sworn  to  raise  and  support  your  armies  ;  to  provide  for  and  maintain 
your  navy  ;  to  borrow  money  ;  to  uphold  your  government  against  all  ene 
mies,  at  home  and  abroad.  That  oath  is  sacred.  As  a  Member  of  this 
body,  I  am  armed  with  high  powers  for  a  holy  purpose,  and  I  am  author 
ized —  nay,  required — to  vote  for  all  laws  necessary  and  proper  for  execut 
ing  these  high  powers,  and  to  accomplish  that  purpose.  This  is  not  the 
time  when  I  would  limit  these  powers.  Rather  than  yield  to  revolutionary 
force,  I  would  use  revolutionary  force.  Here  it  is  not  necessary,  for  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  did  not  assume  to  foresee  all  the  means  that  might 
be  necessary  to  maintain  the  delegated  powers  of  the  national  government. 
Regarding  this  great  measure  as  a  necessary  and  proper  one,  and  within  our 
power  to  enact,  I  see  plain  before  me  the  path  of  duty,  and  one  that  is  easy 
to  tread." 

The  motion  to  strike  out  the  legal  tender  clause  in  the  bill 
was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  yeas  17,  nays  22.  The  amendments 
proposed  by  the  finance  committee  were  agreed  to  substan 
tially  as  reported  by  the  committee.  The  bill  finally  passed 
by  a  vote  of  yeas  30,  nays  7.  The  House  agreed  to  the  amend 
ment  providing  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  bonds  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  279 

notes  in  coin,  and  disagreed  to  the  remaining  amendments,  and 
these  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  conference,  composed  of 
Messrs.  Fessenden,  Sherman  and  Carlisle,  of  West  Virginia,  of 
the  Senate,  and  Messrs.  Stevens,  Horton,  and  Sedgwick,  of  the 
House.  The  conference  met,  and,  after  two  or  three  days  of 
full  discussion,  the  material  parts  of  the  disagreements  between 
the  two  Houses  were  settled.  The  provision  that  coin  only  be 
received  for  duties  on  imports,  and  that  it  be  held  as  a  fund  to 
pay  the  interest  on  the  bonded  debt,  was  retained.  The  report 
of  the  conference  was  agreed  to  by  both  Houses,  and  on  the 
same  day  the  bill  was  approved  by  the  President.  Thus,  the 
legal  tender  act,  after  a  most  able  and  determined  opposition, 
became  a  law  on  the  25th  of  February,  1862. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  measure  the  beneficial  results  that 
rapidly  followed  the  passage  of  this  bill.  The  public  credit  was 
greatly  strengthened  by  the  provision  for  the  payment  of  inter 
est  in  coin  furnished  by  duties  on  imported  goods.  The  legal 
tender  clause  was  acquiesced  in  by  all  classes,  and  we  had,  for 
the  first  time,  in  circulation  national  paper  money  as  the  actual 
standard  of  value.  It  was  silent  as  to  time  of  its  payment, 
but  each  note  contained  a  promise  of  the  United  States  to  pay 
a  specific  sum,  and  the  implied  obligation  was  to  pay  in  coin  as 
soon  as  practicable. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  1862,  a  further  issue  of  $150,000,000 
United  States  treasury  notes  (or  "greenbacks,"  as  they  were 
commonly  called  from  their  color)  of  the  same  description  was 
authorized,  and  subsequent  issues  increased  the  total  amount 
to  $450,000,000,  the  extreme  limit.  By  the  act  of  March  31, 
1863,  fractional  currency  was  authorized  to  an  amount  not 
exceeding  $50,000,000,  to  take  the  place  of  fractional  silver 
coins,  which  had  entirely  disappeared  from  circulation,  and  this 
amount  was  issued. 

The  passage  of  the  legal  tender  act  was  the  turning  point 
of  our  physical  and  financial  history.  Less  than  a  year  before 
the  government  was  bankrupt ;  our  bonds  bearing  six  per  cent, 
interest  were  sold  at  a  discount;  our  national  expenditures 
exceeded  our  receipts ;  loans  could  only  be  made  upon  the  basis 
of  coin,  and  this  coin  was  disappearing  from  circulation.  We 


280  RECOLLECTIONS 

had  to  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  bankers  to  accept  the  de 
mand  notes  of  the  United  States  as  money,  with  no  prospect  of 
being  able  to  pay  them.  Our  regular  army  was  practically  dis 
banded  by  the  disloyalty  of  many  of  its  leading  officers.  Wash 
ington  was  then  practically  in  a  state  of  siege,  forcing  me,  in 
May,  1861-,  to  go  there  at  the  heels  of  the  7th  regiment  of  New 
York  militia,  avoiding  the  regular  channels  of  travel.  The 
city  of  Baltimore  was  decked  under  the  flag  of  rebellion. 
Through  the  State  of  Maryland,  loyal  citizens  passed  in  dis 
guise,  except  by  a  single  route  opened  and  defended  by  military 
power.  The  great  State  of  Kentucky,  important  as  well  from 
its  central  position  as  from  the  known  prowess  and  courage  of 
its  people,  hung  suspended  in  doubt  between  loyalty  and  seces 
sion.  In  the  State  of  Missouri,  St.  Louis  was  the  only  place  of 
unquestioned  loyalty,  and  even  there  we  regarded  it  a  fortu 
nate  prize  that  we  were  able  to  take  the  public  arms  from  a 
government  arsenal.  The  whole  State  of  Virginia,  with  the 
single  exception  of  Fortress  Monroe,  was  in  the  possession  of 
the  revolutionary  force. 

But  from  the  passage  of  the  legal  tender  act,  by  which 
means  were  provided  for  utilizing  the  wealth  of  the  country  in 
the  suppression1  of  the  rebellion,  the  tide  of  war  turned  in  our 
favor.  Delaware,  after  a  short  hesitation,  complied  with  the 
proclamation  of  the  President.  Maryland  had,  by  clear  and 
repeated  votes  and  acts,  arrayed  herself  on  the  side  of  the 
Union.  Her  rebellious  sons  who  fought  against  the  old  flag 
could  not  tread  in  safety  on  a  single  foot  of  the  soil  of  that 
state.  Western  Virginia,  the  eastern  peninsula,  and  many  ports 
on  the  eastern  coast,  were  securely  reclaimed.  The  State  of 
Kentucky  had  distinctly,  by  the  vote  of  her  people,  and  by  the 
action  of  all  her  constituted  authorities,  proclaimed  her  loy 
alty,  and  her  sons  were  fighting  side  by  side  with  the  soldiers 
of  other  states  to  expel  traitors  who,  in  her  days  of  doubt, 
had  seized  upon  a  small  portion  of  her  soil,  which  they  still 
occupied.  In  the  State  of  Missouri  the  constituted  authorities, 
organized  by  a  convention  of  the  people  duly  elected,  were  sus 
tained  by  physical  power  in  nearly  all  the  state,  and  the  rebel 
lion  there  was  subsiding  into  bands  of  thieves,  bridge  burners, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  281 

and  small  parties  of  guerrillas,  who  could  soon  be  readily  con 
trolled  by  local  militia.  In  nearly  every  rebellious  state,  the 
government  had  secured  a  foothold,  and  an  army  of  half  a 
million  men,  armed,  organized  and  disciplined,  impatiently 
awaited  the  word  of  command  to  advance  the  old  banner  of 
our  country  against  every  foe  that  stood  in  its  way.  Where 
does  the  history  of  nations  present  an  example  of  greater  phys 
ical  weakness  followed  so  soon  by  greater  physical  strength? 
When  have  results  more  wonderful  been  accomplished  in  eight 
months? 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1862  we  were  physically  strong 
but  financially  weak.  Therefore,  I  repeat,  the  problem  of  this 
contest  was  not  as  to  whether  we  could  muster  men,  but 
whether  we  could  raise  money.  There  was  great  wealth  in 
the  country  but  how  could  it  be  promptly  utilized?  To  that 
question  the  diligent  attention  of  Congress  was  applied.  The 
banks  which  had  aided  us  with  money  were  crippled  and  had 
suspended  coin  payments.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was 
begging  at  the  doors  of  both  Houses  for  means  to  meet  the 
most  pressing  demands.  On  the  15th  of  January,  1862,  the 
London  "Post,"  the  organ  of  Lord  Palmerston,  said: 

"  The  monetary  intelligence  from  America  is  of  the  most  important  kind. 
National  bankruptcy  is  not  an  agreeable  prospect,  but  it  is  the  only  one  pre 
sented  by  the  existing  state  of  American  finance.  What  a  strange  tale  does 
not  the  history  of  the  United  States  for  the  past  twelve  months  unfold? 
What  a  striking  moral  does  it  not  point  ?  Never  before  was  the  world 
dazzled  by  a  career  of  more  reckless  extravagance.  Never  before  did  a 
flourishing  and  prosperous  state  make  such  gigantic  strides  towards  effecting 
its  own  ruin." 

The  legal  tender  act,  with  its  provision  for  coin  receipts  to 
pay  interest  on  bonds,  whatever  may  be  said  to  the  contrary 
by  theorists,  was  the  only  measure  that  could  have  enabled  the 
government  to  carry  on  successfully  the  vast  operations  of  the 
war.  Our  annual  expenditures  at  that  time  were  four  times 
the  amount  of  our  currency;  were  three  times  the  aggregate 
coin  of  the  country;  were  greater  than  any  ever  borne  by  any 
nation  in  ancient  or  in  modern  times.  The  highest  expendi 
ture  of  Great  Britain  during  her  war  with  Napoleon,  at  a  time 


282  RECOLLECTIONS 

when  her  currency  was  inflated,  when  she  made  the  Bank  of 
England  notes  a  legal  tender,  was  but  £100,000,000. 

Anticipating  these  enormous  expenditures  I  introduced  a 
bill  which  became  a  law  on  the  31st  of  July,  1861,  which  pro 
vided  for  a  commission  to  examine  and  report  as  to  the  com 
pensation  of  all  offices  for  the  government,  the  commission  to 
be  composed  of  two  Members  of  the  Senate,  three  Members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  one  officer  of  the  navy,  and  one 
officer  of  the  army,  who  were  directed  to  examine  and  report, 
as  soon  as  practicable,  a  fair  and  just  compensation  for  each 
officer  of  the  government,  and  such  regulations  as  would  secure 
a  more  economical  collection  of  the  revenue.  When  this  bill 
was  pending  I  stated  its  purpose  and  my  hope  to  accomplish  a 
reduction  of  the  expenditures  of  the  government,  or,  at  least, 
an  equalization  of  the  salaries  then  paid  to  the  different  offi 
cers.  We  sought  economy  by  the  reduction  of  expenses.  I 
was  chairman  of  this  commission,  and  Senator  Clark,  of  New 
Hampshire,  was  my  associate.  The  commission  collected  a 
mass  of  information,  and  upon  it  based  several  bills  intro 
duced  in  the  second  session  of  the  37th  Congress.  Some  of 
these  were  made  nugatory  by  the  rise  of  prices,  measured  in 
most  cases  by  the  fall  in  the  value  of  our  currency,  but  many 
of  their  provisions  were  ingrafted  into  other  bills  that  became 
laws. 

The  organization  of  national  banks,  authorized  to  issue  cir 
culating  notes,  is  so  intimately  connected  with  legal  tender 
United  States  notes  that  I  think  it  proper  to  consider  them  in 
connection,  though  the  banking  law  did  not  pass  until  1863.  The 
two  forms  of  currency,  one  issued  directly  by  the  government 
as  lawful  money  of  the  United  States  and  a  legal  tender,  and 
the  other  issued  by  private  corporations,  but  secured  by  bonds 
of  the  United  States,  constitute  a  system  of  national  currency 
which,  organized  in  the  midst  of  war,  was  an  important  aid  to 
the  government  in  its  great  struggle,  and  when  placed  at  par 
with  coin  by  the  resumption  act  has  proven  to  be  the  best 
paper  money  created  by  legislation  in  this  or  any  other  country. 

The  issue  of  circulating  notes  by  state  banks  had  been  the 
fruitful  cause  of  loss,  contention  and  bankruptcy,  not  only  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  283 

the  banks  issuing  them,  but  of  all  business  men  depending  upon 
them  for  financial  aid.  Inflation  and  apparent  prosperity  were 
often  followed  by  the  closing  of  one  bank  and  distrust  of  all 
others.  The  notes  of  a  broken  bank  were  rarely  paid,  the  as 
sets  of  such  bank  being  generally  applied  to  the  payment  of 
other  liabilities,  leaving  the  loss  to  fall  on  the  holders  of  the 
notes,  mostly  innocent  persons  of  limited  means.  This  led  to 
the  adoption  in  1846  of  the  sub-treasury  system,  by  which  all 
payments  to  the  treasury  were  required  to  be  in  coin,  to  be 
held  until  required  for  disbursements  on  government  account. 
This  protected  the  United  States,  but  it  did  not  save  the  people 
from  loss,  as,  from  necessity,  they  were  compelled  to  use  bank 
bills  authorized  by  the  several  states,  varying  in  value  and  se 
curity,  and  chiefly  limited  in  circulation  to  the  state  in  which 
issued.  With  a  narrow  view  of  the  powers  of  the  national 
government,  Congress  had  repeatedly  refused  to  authorize  a 
national  bank,  a  policy  I  heartily  approve,  not  from  a  doubt  of 
the  power  of  Congress  to  grant  such  a  charter,  but  from  the 
danger  of  intrusting  so  vast  a  power  in  a  single  corporation, 
with  or  without  security.  This  objection  did  not  lie  against 
the  organization  of  a  system  of  national  banks  extending  over 
the  country,  which  required  every  dollar  of  notes  issued  to  be 
secured  by  a  larger  amount  of  bonds  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  deposited  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  thus  saving 
the  note  holder  from  all  possibility  of  loss. 

Secretary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  December  9,  1861,  recom 
mended  that  a  tax  be  imposed  upon  notes  issued  by  state  banks 
and  also  that  Congress  should  exercise  its  authority  to  estab 
lish  a  system  of  national  banks,  with  proper  safeguards  and 
limitations.  A  bill  was  introduced  for  the  latter  purpose  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  1861,  but,  owing  to  the  ur 
gency  for  legislation  on  war  measures,  it  was  not  acted  upon. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
ABOLISHMENT  OF  THE  STATE  BANKS. 

Measures  Introduced  to  Tax  Them  out  of   Existence  —  Arguments  That  Inducted 
Congress  to  Deprive  Them  of  the  Power  to  Issue  Their  Bills  as  Money  —  Bill 
to  Provide  a  National  Currency  —  Why  Congress  Authorized  an  Issue  of 
1400,000,000,  of  United  States  Notes  —  Issue  of  5-20  and  10-40 
Bonds  to  Help  to  Carry  on  the  War— High  Rates  of  Inter 
est  Paid— Secretary  Chase's  Able  Management  of  the 
Public  Debt— Our  Internal  Revenue  System  — Re 
peal  of  the  Income  Tax  Law  — My  Views 
on  the  Taxability  of  Incomes. 

LONG  before  I  became  a  Member  of    Congress  1  had 
carefully  studied    the   banking    laws   of    the   several 
states.    The  State  of  Ohio  adopted,  in   1846,  an  im 
proved  system  of  banking.    My  study  and  experience 
as  a  lawyer  in  Ohio  convinced  me  that  the  whole  system  of 
state  banks,  however  carefully  guarded,  was  both  unconstitu 
tional  and  inexpedient  and  that  it  ought  to  be  overthrown. 
When  I  entered  Congress  I  was  entirely  prepared,  not  only  to 
tax  the  circulation  of  state  banks,  but  to  tax  such  banks  out  of 
existence.    But,  while  this  feeling  prevailed  in  the  west,  the 
opposite  feeling  prevailed  in  the  New  England  and  Middle 
States,  where  their  banking  system  had  been  so  improved  that 
bank  failures  were  rare,  and  bank  bills  were  protected  by  mu 
tual  guaranties. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had,  in  two  annual  messages, 
proposed  a  tax  on  the  circulation  of  bank  bills.  He  believed 
that  the  existing  bank  circulation  prevented  or  embarrassed  the 
process  of  funding,  by  which  alone  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States  could  be  absorbed.  He  was  forbidden  by  law  to  receive 
bank  bills  in  exchange  for  bonds  or  for  any  purpose,  so  that  the 
current  money  of  the  people  was  not  available  for  the  pur 
chase  of  bonds.  This  was  an  additional  argument  for  taxing 
the  state  banks  out  of  existence.  I  introduced  a  measure  for 

(284) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  285 

this  purpose  as  an  amendment  to  the  revenue  bill,  but  it 
was  postponed  to  save  it  from  defeat. 

I  introduced  a  bill  in  January,  1863,  containing  two  sec 
tions,  the  first  to  levy  a  tax  of  two  per  cent,  per  annum  on 
the  circulation  of  all  bank  bills,  and  the  second  to  provide  for  a 
tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  fractional  currency  under  one  dollar 
issued  by  corporations  or  individuals.  Upon  this  bill  I  made  a 
carefully  prepared  speech,  not  only  defending  the  proposed  tax, 
but  declaring  my  purpose  to  urge  a  gradual  increase  of  the  tax 
until  all  state  bank  bills  were  excluded  from  circulation.  As 
the  reversal  of  this  policy  is  threatened  I  feel  justified  in 
briefly  restating  the  argument  that  induced  Congress  to  de 
prive  all  state  banks  of  the  power  to  issue  their  bills  as 
money. 

I  drew  the  distinction  between  the  ordinary  powers  of 
banking  and  the  issue  of  bank  bills.  I  said  that  the  business  of 
banking  proper  consisted  in  loaning  money,  discounting  bills, 
facilitating  exchanges  of  productions  by  the  agency  of  com 
mercial  paper,  and  in  receiving  and  disbursing  the  deposits  of 
individuals.  The  issue  of  bank  bills  was  an  exclusive  privilege 
conferred  only  on  a  few  corporations.  It  was  a  privilege  that 
an  individual  could  not  enjoy.  No  person  could  issue  his  bills 
in  the  form  of  paper  money  without  a  corporate  franchise 
granted  him  and  his  associates,  either  by  a  general  banking 
law,  or  by  an  act  of  incorporation.  All  the  business  of  banking 
might  be  exercised  by  private  individuals  except  this  franchise. 
There  was  no  reason  why  any  one  individual  or  a  partnership 
might  not  carry  on  all  the  business  incident  to  banking  except 
this  one  of  issuing  bills  to  circulate  as  money.  The  largest 
banking  houses  in  the  world  did  not  exercise  the  privilege  of 
issuing  bills.  The  strongest  banks  in  the  United  States,  such 
as  the  Bank  of  Commerce  of  New  York,  had  but  little  or  no 
circulation,  while  the  weakest  banks  supported  themselves  and 
made  profit  by  issuing  the  largest  quantity  of  bills  authorized. 
The  law  then  existing  taxed  heavily  the  business  of  banking 
proper.  All  commercial  paper — checks,  drafts,  orders,  bills  of 
exchange,  protests,  bonds — every  instrument  that  was  used  in 
the  ordinary  process  of  banking — was  heavily  taxed,  while  bank 


286  RECOLLECTIONS 

bills  were  not  taxed  at  all.  A  private  banker  doing  business 
had  to  pay  a  license  of  $100,  but  a  bank  of  circulation  was  ex 
pressly  exempted  from  the  necessity  of  procuring  a  license. 
The  tax  law,  as  it  stood,  had  this  significant  provision :  "  But 
not  to  include  incorporated  banks  legally  authorized  to  issue 
notes  as  circulation."  Every  commercial  instrument  was 
required  'to  pay  a  stamp  tax,  but  this  did  not  attach  to 
a  bank  bill.  Bank  notes  issued  for  circulation  were  expressly 
excepted.  The  only  tax  levied  upon  banks  of  circulation 
was  a  tax  of  three  per  cent,  on  the  net  income.  This  tax 
could  be  deducted  from  the  dividend  of  the  stockholders.  This 
discrimination  in  favor  of  the  banks  of  circulation  ran  through 
all  the  tax  laws,  while  other  corporations,  such  as  railroad 
companies,  insurance  companies  and  the  like,  were  subject  to 
heavy  taxes. 

The  profits  of  banking  were  then  very  great.  The  aver 
age  profits  of  the  banks  of  New  York  were  twelve  and  one- 
half  per  cent,  per  annum.  The  burdens  imposed  upon  the 
banks  by  their  charters  were  lessened  by  the  suspension  of  spe 
cie  payments.  When  the  banks  had  to  keep  in  their  vaults 
coin  to  the  amount  of  one-third  of  their  circulation,  and  were 
liable  to  be  called  upon  any  day  for  the  redemption  of  their 
notes  in  gold  and  silver,  they  might  claim  exemption  from 
taxes  on  their  circulating  notes.  But  during  the  suspension  of 
coin  payment  there  was  no  such  liability.  Whether  right  or 
wrong  the  banks  suspended  specie  payments,  and  increased 
their  currency  without  paying  either  principal  of  it  or  interest, 
or  tax  on  it,  though  in  direct  violation  of  law  in  some  states. 

I  referred  in  my  speech  to  an  interview  which  was  sought 
y  the  bankers  of  our  chief  commercial  cities  with  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury ,  to  which  they  invited  the  financial  commit 
tees  of  the  two  Houses  to  hear  their  propositions  for  carrying 
on  the  financial  operations  of  the  government.  We  all  went 
to  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  proposi 
tion  was  there  made  that  the  United  States  should  issue  no 
paper  money  whatever,  that  the  specie  clause,  as  it  is  called,  of 
the  sub-treasury  act  should  be  repealed,  and  that  we  should 
carry  on  the  war  upon  the 'basis  of  the  paper  money  of  the 


u 

i 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  287 

banks,  legalizing  the  suspension  of  specie  payments,  and  that 
the  government  should  issue  no  paper  except  upon  an  interest 
of  six  per  cent.,  or  higher  if  the  money  markets  of  the  world 
demanded  more.  That  was  their  plan  of  finance,  the  plan  sub 
stantially  adopted  in  the  War  of  1812,  and  which  had  been  con 
demned  by  every  statesman  since  that  time,  a  plan  of  carry 
ing  on  the  operations  of  our  government  by  an  association  of 
banks  over  which  Congress  had  no  control,  and  which  could 
issue  money  without  limit  so  far  as  national  laws  affected  it. 
That  was  the  scheme  presented  to  us  by  very  intelligent 
gentlemen  engaged  in  the  banking  business.  They  were 
honest  and  in  earnest,  but  it  appeared  to  me  as  pretentious 
and  even  ludicrous. 

It  was  claimed  that  a  tax  on  banks  interfered  with  vested 
rights.  I  said  that  all  taxes  that  were  levied  by  the  govern 
ment  were  to  maintain  vested  rights,  liberty  and  life.  All  these 
corporate  franchises  were  held  subject  to  the  power  of  taxation 
in  Congress,  which  was  sometimes  necessary  to  be  exercised  in 
the  most  potent  manner  in  order  to  maintain  the  government. 
The  states  could  not,  by  an  act  of  incorporation,  place  their 
property  beyond  the  power  of  Congress.  The  only  question  was 
what  rate  of  taxation  ought  to  be  adopted.  The  rate  proposed— 
two  per  cent. — I  insisted  was  not  too  high,  because  it  was 
only  one-third  of  the  profit  derived  from  the  issue  of  paper 
money  without  interest,  the  principal  of  which  was  not  paid 
in  coin.  I  stated  distinctly  that  the  purpose  of  the  bill  was 
not  merely  to  levy  a  reasonable  tax  on  banks,  but  also  to  in 
duce  them  to  withdraw  their  paper,  in  order  to  substitute  for 
it  a  national  currency.  I  then  reviewed  in  considerable  detail 
the  history  of  our  currency  legislation,  from  the  act  chartering 
the  first  bank  of  the  United  States  to  the  beginning  of  our 
Civil  War,  showing  the  view  taken  by  the  most  eminent 
statesmen  of  our  country  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  uni 
form  national  currency  as  the  highest  object  of  legislation. 
Mr.  Madison  said  in  his  message  : 

"  It  is,  however,  essential  to  every  modification  of  the  finances  that  the 
benefits  of  a  uniform  national  currency  should  be  restored  to  the  community. 
The  absence  of  the  precious  metals  will,  it  is  believed,  be  a  temporary  evil ; 

S.-21 


288  RECOLLECTIONS 

but,  until  they  can  again  be  rendered  the  general  medium  of  exchange,  it 
devolves  on  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  provide  a  substitute  which  shall 
equally  engage  the  confidence  and  accommodate  the  wants  of  the  citizens 
throughout  the  Union." 

I  said  that  when  coin,  the  best  of  currency,  was  driven  out 
of  circulation,  by  the  existence  of  war  or  extraneous  circum 
stances,  it  was  the  duty  of  Congress  to  provide  a  substitute.  In 
1816  Congress  did  this  by  establishing  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States.  Most  of  the  state  banks  shortly  afterward  exploded, 
and  almost  their  entire  issue  outstanding  at  the  time  fell  as  a 
loss  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  Bank  of  the 
United  States  did  furnish  for  a  while  a  stable  currency.  After 
its  charter  expired  in  1836,  the  controversy  was  between  gold 
and  silver,  and  paper  money  as  a  currency.  Nearly  all  the 
statesmen  of  that  time  believed  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  na 
tional  currency  in  some  form,  but  there  was  a  party  in  the 
country  that  believed  the  only  true  national  currency  was  gold 
and  silver  coin.  After  a  controversy  that  I  would  not  review, 
the  sub-treasury  system  was  finally  adopted.  The  government 
had  then  no  occasion  to  borrow  money.  Its  debt  was  paid  off 
and  there  was  a  large  surplus  in  the  treasury,  which  was  dis 
tributed  among  the  states.  The  agency  of  a  United  States 
bank  was  no  longer  necessary  to  sustain  the  public  credit.  The 
object  then  was  to  secure  a  safe  deposit  and  custody  of  the 
public  revenues.  The  state  banks  failed  to  furnish  a  safe  re 
deemable  currency.  In  1837  their  notes  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  people,  depreciated  and  dishonored,  if  not  entirely  worth 
less.  Therefore,  I  thought  wisely,  the  sub-treasury  system  was 
adopted,  by  which  gold  and  silver  coin  was  the  only  money 
received  or  paid  out  by  the  government.  I  believed  that  such 
was  a  true  policy  in  the  absence  of  national  banks.  I  also 
stated  that  if  peace  were  restored  to  our  country,  we  ought, 
as  soon  as  possible,  to  go  back  to  the  basis  of  gold  and  silver 
coin,  but,  in  the  meantime,  we  must  meet  the  exigencies  of 
the  hour.  Paper  money  was  then  a  necessity.  Gold  and 
silver  were  hoarded.  War  always  had  led,  and  always  would 
lead,  to  the  hoarding  of  the  precious  metals.  Gold  and  sil 
ver  flee  from  a  state  of  war.  All  nations  in  the  midst  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  289 

great  wars  have  been  compelled  to  resort  to  paper  money. 
It  was  resorted  to  by  our  fathers  during  the  Revolution.  It 
was  only  by  the  use  of  paper  money  that  England  main 
tained  her  wars  with  Napoleon.  At  several  periods  during 
these  wars  gold  and  silver  were  at  a  greater  premium  in 
England  than  they  were  in  this  country. 

I  then  proceeded  to  discuss  the  power  of  Congress  to  issue 
paper  money.  I  quoted  an  extract  from  the  report  of  Mr. 
Dallas,  in  December,  1815,  in  which  he  said  : 

"  By  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  Congress  is  expressly  vested 
with  the  power  to  coin  money,  to  regulate  the  value  of  domestic  and  foreign 
coin  in  circulation,  and  (as  a  necessary  implication  from  positive  provisions) 
to  emit  bills  of  credit ;  while  it  is  declared  by  the  same  instrument  that  '  no 
state  shall  coin  money,  or  emit  bills  of  credit.'  The  constitutional  authority 
to  emit  bills  of  credit  has  also  been  exercised  in  a  qualified  and  limited 
manner.  .  . 

"  The  constitutional  and  legal  foundation  of  the  monetary  system  of  the 
United  States  is  thus  distinctly  seen ;  and  the  power  of  the  federal  gov 
ernment  to  institute  and  regulate  it,  whether  the  circulating  medium  con 
sist  of  coin  or  of  bills  of  credit,  must,  in  its  general  policy,  as  well  as  in  the 
terms  of  its  investment,  be  deemed  an  exclusive  power." 

These  extracts  from  a  document  of  great  ability,  state  the 
whole  question  in  a  few  words.  Congress  has  the  power  to 
regulate  commerce  ;  Congress  has  the  power  to  borrow  money, 
which  involves  the  power  to  emit  bills  of  credit ;  Congress  has 
the  power  to  regulate  the  value  of  coin.  These  powers  are 
exclusive.  When,  by  the  force  of  circumstances  beyond  our 
control,  the  national  coin  disappears,  either  because  of  war 
or  of  other  circumstances,  Congress  alone  must  furnish  the 
substitute.  No  state  has  the  power  to  interfere  with  this  ex 
clusive  authority  in  Congress  to  regulate  the  national  currency, 
or,  in  other  words,  to  provide  a  substitute  for  the  national 
coin. 

I  next  stated  the  objections  to  local  banks.  The  first  was 
the  great  number  and  diversity  of  bank  charters.  There  were 
1,642  banks  in  the  United  States,  established  by  the  laws  of 
twenty-eight  different  states,  and  these  laws  were  as  diverse,  1 
might  say,  as  the  human  countenance.  We  had  the  state  bank 
system  with  its  branches.  We  had  the  independent  system, 


290  RECOLLECTIONS 

sometimes  secured  by  local  bonds,  sometimes  by  state  bonds, 
sometimes  by  real  estate,  sometimes  by  a  mixture  of  these.  We 
had  every  diversity  of  the  bank  system  in  this  country  that  has 
been  devised  by  the  wit  of  man,  and  all  these  banks  had  the 
power  to  issue  paper  money.  With  this  multiplicity  of  banks, 
depending  upon  different  organizations,  it  was  impossible  to 
have  a  uniform  national  currency,  for  its  value  was  constantly 
affected  by  their  issues.  There  was  no  common  regulator ; 
they  were  dependent  on  different  systems.  The  clearing  house 
system  adopted  in  the  city  of  New  York  applied  only  to  that 
city.  There  was  no  check  or  control  over  these  banks.  There 
was  a  want  of  harmony  and  concert  among  them.  Whenever 
a  failure  occurred,  such  as  that  of  the  Ohio  Life  Insurance  and 
Trust  Company,  it  operated  like  a  panic  in  a  disorganized  army  ; 
all  of  the  banks  closed  their  doors  at  once  and  suspended  specie 
payments. 

Another  objection  to  these  local  banks  was  that  of  their 
unequal  distribution  among  the  states.  In  New  England  the 
circulation  of  the  banks  was  about  $50,000,000,  while  in  Ohio,  a 
state  with  three-fourths  of  the  population  of  all  New  England, 
it  was  but  $9,000,000.  The  contrast,  if  made  with  other  states, 
was  still  more  marked.  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
circulation  of  banks  in  the  eastern  states  had  then  reached 
about  $130,000,000,  and  of  that  amount,  $40,000,000  was  circu 
lating  in  the  west.  If  these  notes  were  driven  out  of  circula 
tion  and  the  United  States  notes  substituted,  a  contribution 
would  be  made  to  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  of  $2,400,- 
000  a  year,  for  the  mere  interest  of  a  currency  which  the  west 
did  not  prefer,  but  was  compelled  to  use. 

I  called  attention  to  the  loss  to  the  people  by  counterfeiting, 
which  could  not  be  avoided  when  we  had  such  a  multitude  of 
banks.  It  then  required  experts  to  detect  counterfeits.  It 
was  impossible  to  prevent  counterfeiting.  An  expert  could 
save  the  banks,  but  the  loss  fell  upon  the  people.  By  the  sub 
stitution  of  national  currency  we  substantially  could  lose  noth 
ing  by  counterfeiting.  The  notes  would  be  few  in  kind,  only 
three  or  four  of  them,  all  issued  by  the  United  States,  all  of  a 
uniform  character,  that  could  not  be  counterfeited.  I  described, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  291 

with  some  detail,  the  loss  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  by 
bills  of  broken  banks,  computed  then  to  be  equivalent  to  five 
per  cent,  per  annum  of  all  the  bills  issued.  On  an  average,  every 
twenty  years  the  entire  bank  circulation  ceased  to  exist  or 
deteriorated. 

The  loss  of  exchange  from  the  west  to  the  east  on  local  cur 
rency  was  one  per  cent.  This  loss  was  usually  made  a  gain  to 
themselves  by  the  bankers  and  "shavers."  Under  the  most 
favorable  state  of  trade  between  the  east  and  west  an  ex 
change  of  one  per  cent,  was  demanded  for  drafts  and  bills  of 
exchange.  With  a  national  currency,  uniform  and  equal 
throughout  the  country,  this  cost  for  exchange  would  not  exist 
or  would  be  greatly  reduced.  I  called  attention  to  the  then 
increasing  volume  of  local  currency  in  the  United  States. 
When  the  United  States  had  issued  $250,000,000  of  notes,  the 
banks  had  largely  increased  their  circulation.  This  tended  to 
depreciate  both  United  States  and  bank  notes. 

I  discussed  at  similar  length  the  proposition  that,  as  the 
states  were  forbidden  by  the  constitution  to  authorize  the  issue 
of  bills  of  credit,  they  were  equally  forbidden  to  authorize  cor 
porations  to  issue  circulating  notes,  which  were  bills  of  credit. 
Upon  this  point  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  authorities  were  abso 
lutely  conclusive.  That  position  was  taken  by  the  most  emi 
nent  members  of  the  constitutional  convention,  by  Joseph 
Story  in  his  "Commentaries,"  by  Daniel  Webster,  and  other 
great  leaders  of  both  parties  since  that  time.  It  was  in  refer 
ence  to  these  bills  that  Mr.  Webster  used  the  language  often 
quoted: 

"  A  disordered  currency  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  political  evils.  It  under 
mines  the  virtues  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  social  system,  and 
encourages  propensities  clistructive  of  its  happiness.  It  wars  against  indus 
try,  frugality,  and  economy  ;  and  it  fosters  the  evil  spirits  of  extravagance 
and  speculation.  Of  all  the  contrivances  for  cheating  the  laboring  classes  of 
mankind,  none  has  been  more  effectual  than  that  which  deludes  them  with 
paper  money.  This  is  the  most  effectual  of  inventions  to  fertilize  the  rich 
man's  field  by  the  sweat  of  the  poor  man's  brow.  Ordinary  tyranny,  oppres 
sion,  excessive  taxation,  these  bear  lightly  on  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of 
the  community,  compared  with  a  fraudulent  currency,  and  the  robberies  com 
mitted  by  depreciated  paper." 


292  RECOLLECTIONS 

In  speaking  of  the  bank  circulation  then  afloat  in  the 
country,  he  further  said: 

"  It  is  further  to  be  observed  that  the  states  cannot  issue  bills  of  credit ; 
not  that  they  cannot  make  them  a  legal  tender,  but  that  they  cannot  issue 
them  at  all.  Is  not  this  a  clear  indication  of  the  intent  of  the  constitution  to 
restrain  the  states,  as  well  from  establishing  a  paper  circulation  as  from  inter 
fering  with*  the  metallic  circulation?  Banks  have  been  created  by  states 
with  no  capital  whatever,  their  notes  being  put  into  circulation  simply  on  the 
credit  of  the  state  or  the  state  law.  What  are  the  issues  of  such  banks  but 
bills  of  credit  issued  by  the  state?  I  confess,  Mr.  president,  that  the  more  I 
reflect  on  this  subject,  the  more  clearly  does  my  mind  approach  the  conclusion 
that  the  creation  of  state  banks,  for  the  purpose  and  with  the  power  of  circu 
lating  paper,  is  not  consistent  with  the  grants  and  prohibitions  of  the 
constitution." 

I  insisted  that  if  there  was  no  money  in  this  country  hut 
United  States  notes,  the  process  of  funding  would  be  going  on 
day  by  day.  Whenever  there  was  too  great  an  accumulation 
of  these  notes  they  would  be  converted  into  bonds;  the  opera 
tion  would  go  on  quietly  and  silently.  I  quoted  the  authority 
of  Secretary  Chase  that  it  was  his  deliberate  judgment,  after 
watching  this  process  with  all  his  conceded  ability,  that  but  for 
the  influence  of  this  locai  bank  paper  he  would  be  able  to  carry 
on  the  war  without  the  issue  of  more  paper  money,  that  the 
currency  then  outstanding  and  that  which  by  law  he  was  au 
thorized  to  issue  would  be  sufficient  to  carry  it  on.  Such  a  cur 
rency  would  lead  to  the  conversion  of  the  notes  into  bonds,  and 
by  this  process  the  people  would  absorb  the  national  loan  and 
enable  him  to  carry  on  the  government  without  any  sacrifice 
to  them. 

It  was  not  strange  that  Mr.  Jefferson,  near  the  close  of  the 
War  of  1812,  stated  more  clearly  than  I  could  do  the  conflict 
between  local  bank  paper  and  United  States  notes.  He,  who 
during  his  whole  life  was  so  mindful  of  the  rights  of  the  states, 
and  so  jealous  of  paper  money,  in  brief  and  terse  language  des 
ignated  the  only  way  in  which  our  country  could  carry  on  war. 
In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Cooper,  dated  September  10,  1814,  just  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  he  said: 

"  The  banks  have  discontinued  themselves.  We  are  now  without  any 
medium,  and  necessity,  as  well  as  patriotism  and  confidence,  will  make  us  all 
eager  to  receive  treasury  notes,  if  founded  on  specific  taxes. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  293 

"  Congress  may  now  borrow  of  the  public,  and  without  interest,  all  the 
money  they  may  want,  to  the  amount  of  a  competent  circulation,  by  merely 
issuing  their  own  promissory  notes  of  proper  denominations  for  the  larger 
purposes  of  circulation,  but  not  for  the  small.  Leave  that  door  open  for  the 
entrance  of  metallic  money.  .  .  .  Providence  seems,  indeed,  by  a 
special  dispensation,  to  have  put  down  for  us,  without  a  struggle,  that  very 
paper  enemy  which  the  interest  of  our  citizens  long  since  required  ourselves 
to  put  down,  at  whatever  risk. 

"  The  work  is  done.  The  moment  is  pregnant  with  futurity,  and  if  not 
seized  at  once  by  Congress,  I  know  not  on  what  shoal  our  bark  is  next  to  be 
stranded.  The  state  legislatures  should  be  immediately  urged  to  relinquish 
the  right  of  establishing  banks  of  discount.  Most  of  them  wrill  comply,  on 
patriotic  principles,  under  the  convictions  of  the  moment,  and  the  non -com 
plying  may  be  crowded  into  concurrence  by  legitimate  devices." 

I  also  quoted  another  extract  to  show  that  this  matter 
filled  the  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  He  said: 

"  Put  down  the  banks,  and  if  this  country  could  not  be  carried  through 
the  longest  war,  against  her  most  powerful  enemy,  without  ever  knowing  the 
want  of  a  dollar,  without  dependence  on  the  traitorous  classes  of  her  citizens, 
without  bearing  hard  on  the  resources  of  the  people,  or  loading  the  public 
with  an  indefinite  burthen  of  debt,  I  know  nothing  of  my  countrymen.  Not 
by  any  novel  project,  not  by  any  charlatanry,  but  by  ordinary  and  well-ex 
perienced  means  ;  by  the  total  prohibition  of  all  paper  at  all  times,  by  reason 
able  taxes  in  war,  aided  by  the  necessary  emissions  of  public  paper  of  circu 
lating  size,  this  bottomed  on  special  taxes,  redeemable  annually  as  this 
special  tax  comes  in,  and  finally  within  a  moderate  period — even  with  the 
flood  of  private  paper  by  which  we  were  deluged — would  the  treasury  have 
ventured  its  credit  in  bills  of  circulating  size,  as  of  five  or  ten  dollars,  etc., 
they  would  have  been  greedily  received  by  the  people  in  preference  to 
bank  paper." 

On  the  26th  of  January,  1863,  I  introduced  in  the  Senate  a 
bill  to  "provide  a  national  currency,  secured  by  a  pledge  of 
United  States  stocks,  and  for  the  circulation  and  redemption 
thereof."  This  bill  took  the  usual  course,  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  finance,  was  reported  favorably  with  a  number 
of  amendments,  and  was  fully  debated  in  the  Senate.  On  the 
9th  of  February,  1863,  a  cursory  debate  occurred  between  Mr. 
Collamer,  of  Vermont,  and  myself,  which  indicated  a  very 
strong  opposition  to  the  passage  of  the  banking  bill.  Various 
amendments  were  proposed  and  some  adopted.  I  became  sat 
isfied  that  if  a  strong  effort  was  not  made  the  bill  would  either 


294  RECOLLECTIONS 

be  defeated  or  postponed.  I,  then,  without  preparation,  made 
a  long,  and,  as  I  think,  a  comprehensive,  speech  covering  the 
general  subject  and  its  principal  details.  It  was  the  only  speech 
of  considerable  length  that  was  made  in  favor  of  the  bill  in  the 
Senate.  There  seemed  to  be  a  hesitancy  in  passing  a  measure 
so  radical  in  its  character  and  so  destructive  to  the  existing 
system  of  state  banks. 

I  said  the  importance  of  the  subject  under  consideration 
demanded  a  fuller  statement  than  had  as  yet  been  made  of 
the  principle  and  object  of  the  bill.  It  was  the  misfortune  of 
war  that  we  were  compelled  to  act  upon  matters  of  grave 
importance  without  that  mature  deliberation  that  would  be 
secured  in  peaceful  times.  The  measure  affected  the  property 
of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  yet  our  action  for 
good  or  evil  must  be  concluded  within  a  few  days  or  weeks  of 
that  session.  We  were  to  choose  between  a  permanent  system 
designed  to  establish  a  uniform  national  currency  based  upon 
the  public  credit,  limited  in  amount,  and  guarded  by  all  the 
restraints  which  the  experience  of  men  had  proved  necessary, 
and  a  system  of  paper  money  without  limit  as  to  amount, 
except  for  the  growing  necessities  of  war. 

I  narrated  the  history  of  the  bill,  of  its  introduction  in  De 
cember,  1861,  its  urgent  recommendation  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  in  two  annual  reports,  and  the  conditions  that 
then  demanded  immediate  action  upon  it.  I  stated  the  then 
financial  condition  of  the  country.  Gold  was  at  a  premium  of 
between  fifty  and  sixty  per  cent,  and  was  substantially  banished 
from  circulation.  We  were  in  the  midst  of  war,  when  the  ne 
cessities  of  the  government  required  us  to  have  large  sums  of 
money.  We  could  not  choose  as  to  the  mode  in  which  we  should 
get  that  money.  If  we  pursued  the  ordinary  course,  the  course 
that  had  been  sufficient  in  times  of  peace  to  raise  money,  of 
putting  our  bonds  into  the  market  and  selling  them  for  what 
they  would  bring,  it  would  be  at  a  great  sacrifice.  We  knew 
this  from  the  history  of  other  nations  and  from  our  own  expe 
rience.  We  therefore  must  look  for  some  system  of  finance 
that  would  give  us  all  the  aid  possible,  either  in  the  form  of 
paper  money  or  by  the  agencies  of  associated  banks.  We  knew 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  295 

very  well  that  after  the  war  was  over  the  government  would 
still  be  largely  in  need  of  money. 

H  I  then  reviewed  the  various  financial  measures  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war.  We  were  then  in  the  peculiar 
condition  of  a  nation  involved  in  war  without  any  currency 
whatever  which  by  law  could  be  used  in  the  ordinary  trans 
actions  of  the  public  business.  Gold  was  withdrawn  by  the 
suspension  of  specie  payments.  The  money  of  the  banks  could 
not  be  used  because  the  laws  of  the  United  States  forbade  it, 
and  we  were  without  any  currency  whatever.  Under  these 
circumstances,  Congress  had  authorized  the  issue  of  $400,000,- 
000  of  United  States  notes.  That  this  measure  was  wise 
but  few  would  controvert.  We  were  compelled,  by  a  necessity 
as  urgent  as  could  be  imposed  upon  any  legislature,  to  issue 
these  notes.  To  the  extent  to  which  they  were  issued  they 
were  useful;  they  were  a  loan  by  the  public  and  without  inter 
est;  they  were  eagerly  sought  by  our  people;  they  were  taken 
by  our  enemies  in  the  south,  by  our  friends  in  the  north;  they 
were  taken  in  the  east  and  the  west.  They  furnished  the  best 
substitute  for  gold  and  silver  that  could  then  be  devised,  and  if 
we  could  limit  United  States  notes  to  the  amount  then  author 
ized  by  law  they  would  form  a  suitable  and  valuable  currency. 

We  had  but  four  expedients  from  which  to  choose.  First, 
to  repeal  the  sub-treasury  act  and  use  the  paper  of  local  banks 
as  a  currency;  second,  to  increase  largely  the  issue  of  United 
States  notes;  third,  to  organize  a  system  of  national  banking, 
and  fourth,  to  sell  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  in  the  open 
market.  I  discussed  each  of  these  expedients  in  considerable 
detail.  The  practical  objection  to  the  further  issue  of  United 
States  notes  was  that  there  was  no  mode  of  redemption;  they 
were  safe ;  they  were  of  uniform  value,  but  there  was  no  mode 
pointed  out  by  which  they  were  to  be  redeemed.  No  one  was 
bound  to  redeem  them.  They  were  receivable  but  not  convert 
ible.  They  were  debts  of  the  United  States  but  could  not  be 
presented  anywhere  for  redemption.  No  man  could  present 
them  except  for  the  purpose  of  funding  them  into  the  bonds 
of  the  United  States.  They  were  not  convertible  into  coin. 
They  lacked  that  essential  element  in  currency. 


296  RECOLLECTIONS 

Another  objection  was  that  they  were  made  the  basis  of 
state  bank  issues.  Under  the  operation  of  the  act  declaring 
United  States  notes  to  be  a  legal  tender,  the  state  bank  circula 
tion  had  increased  from  $120,000,000  to  $167,OOO^OOTTEeTanks 
sold  their  gold  at  a  large  premium,  and  placed  in  their  vaults 
United  States  notes  with  which  to  redeem  their  own  notes. 
While  the  government  had  been  issuing  its  paper  money  some 
of  the  banks  were  inflating  the  currency,  by  issuing  paper 
money  on  the  basis  of  United  States  money.  Illustrations  of 
this  inflation  were  given  of  existing  banks,  showing  enormous 
issues  based  upon  a  comparatively  small  amount  of  legal  tender 
notes.  The  issue  of  United  States  notes  by  the  government, 
and  the  making  them  a  legal  tender,  was  made  the  basis  of  an 
inflated  bank  circulation  in  the  country,  and  there  was  no 
way  to  check  this  except  by  uniting  the  interest  of  the  govern 
ment,  the  banks,  and  the  people,  together,  by  one  uniform  com 
mon  system. 

I  said  that  during  war  local  banks  were  the  natural  enemies 
of  a  national  currency.  They  were  in  the  War  of  1812.  When 
ever  specie  payment  was  suspended,  the  power  to  issue  a  bank 
note  was  the  same  as  the  power  to  coin  money.  The  power 
granted  to  the  Bank  of  France  and  the  Bank  of  England  to 
issue  circulating  notes  was  greatly  abused  during  the  period  of 
war.  Tt  was  a  power  that  ought  never  to  be  exercised  except  by 
the  government,  and  only  when  the  state  was  in  danger.  It  was 
the  power  to  coin  money,  because  when  a  bank  issued  its  bill 
without  the  restraint  of  specie  payments,  it  substantially 
coined  money  and  false  money.  This  was  a  privilege  that  no 
nation  could  safely  surrender  to  individuals  or  banks.  Upon 
this  point  I  cited  a  number  of  authorities,  not  only  in  our  own 
country,  but  in  Europe.  While  I  believed  that  no  system  of 
paper  money  should  depend  upon  banks,  I  was  far  from  object 
ing  to  their  agency.  They  were  useful  and  necessary  mediums 
of  exchange,  indispensable  in  all  commercial  countries.  The 
only  power  they  derived  from  corporation  not  granted  to  all 
citizens  was  to  issue  notes  as  money,  and  this  power  was  not 
necessary  to  their  business  or  essential  to  their  profit.  Their 
business  connected  them  with  the  currency,  and  whether  it 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  297 

should  be  gold  or  paper  they  were  deeply  interested  in  its  credit 
and  value.  Was  it  not  then  possible  to  preserve  to  the  govern 
ment  the  exclusive  right  to  issue  paper  money,  and  yet  not 
injuriously  affect  the  local  banks?  This  was  the  object  of 
that  bill. 

But,  it  was  asked,  why  look  at  all  to  the  interest  of  the 
banks,  why  not  directly  issue  the  notes  of  the  government, 
and  thus  save  to  the  people  the  interest  on  the  debt  repre 
sented  by  the  notes  in  circulation?  The  only  answer  to 
this  was  that  history  taught  us  that  the  public  faith  of  a 
nation  alone  is  not  sufficient  to  maintain  a  paper  currency. 
There  must  be  a  combination  between  the  interests  of  private 
individuals  and  the  government.  Our  revolutionary  currency, 
continental  money,  depreciated  until  it  became  worthless. 
The  assignatsof  France,  issued  during  her  revolutionary  period, 
shared  the  same  fate.  Other  European  countries  which  relied 
upon  government  money  alone  had  a  similar  experience.  An 
excessive  issue  of  paper  money  by  the  government  would  pro 
duce  bankruptcy  and  repudiation,  not  only  of  the  notes  issued, 
but  of  bonds  also.  The  government  of  the  United  States  had 
in  circulation  nearly  $400,000,000  United  States  notes.  We 
had  a  bank  circulation  of  $160,000,000.  If  we  increased  our 
circulation,  as  was  then  proposed,  it  would  create  an  inflation 
that  would  evidently  lead  to  the  derangement  of  all  business 
affairs  in  the  country.  Whatever  might  be  the  hazards,  we 
had  to  check  this  over  expansion  and  over  issue.  If  a  further 
issue  of  United  States  notes  were  authorized,  it  would  be  at 
once  followed  by  the  issue  of  more  bank  paper,  and  then  we 
would  have  the  wildest  speculation.  Hitherto  the  inflation 
had  not  extended  to  many  articles.  Keal  estate  had  not  been 
much  affected  by  it. 

The  question  then  occurred  whether  the  bank  bill  proposed 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  introduced  by  me  into 
the  Senate,  would  tend  to  secure  a  national  currency  beyond 
the  danger  of  inflation.  This,  the  principal  question  involved, 
was  discussed  at  length.  I  contended  that  the  notes  issued 
would  be  convertible  into  United  States  notes  while  the  war 
lasted,  and  afterwards  into  coin ;  that  the  currency  would  be 


298  RECOLLECTIONS 

uniform,  of  universal  credit  in  every  part  of  the  United  States, 
while  the  bank  bills,  which  it  would  supersede,  were  current 
only  in  the  states  in  which  they  were  issued.  It  would  furnish 
a  market  for  our  bonds  by  requiring  them  to  be  held  as  the  se 
curity  for  bank  notes,  and  thus  advance  the  value  of  the  bonds. 
The  state  bank  bills  would  be  withdrawn,  and  the  state  banks 
would  be'converted  into  national  banks  with  severe  restrictions 
as  to  the  amount  of  notes  issued,  and  these  only  issued  to  them 
by  the  general  government  upon  ample  security.  The  similar 
ity  of  notes  all  over  the  United  States  would  give  them  a  wider 
circulation.  I  insisted  that  the  passage  of  the  bill  would  pro 
mote  a  sentiment  of  nationality. 

The  policy  of  this  country  ought  to  be  to  make  everything 
national  as  far  as  possible.  If  we  were  dependent  on  the  United 
States  for  a  currency  and  a  medium  of  exchange,  we  would  have 
a  broader  and  more  prosperous  nationality.  The  want  of  such 
nationality,  I  then  declared,  was  one  of  the  great  evils  of  the 
times ;  and  it  was  that  principle  of  state  rights,  that  bad  senti 
ment  that  had  elevated  state  authority  above  the  great  na 
tional  authority,  that  had  been  the  main  instrument  by  which 
our  government  was  sought  to  be  overthrown.  Another  im 
portant  advantage  the  banks  would  derive  from  this  system,  I 
urged,  would  be  that  their  notes  would  be  guarded  against  all 
frauds  and  all  alterations.  There  would  be  but  five  or  six 
kinds  of  notes  in  the  United  States,  instead  of  the  great  diver 
sity  there  was  then.  In  1862  the  number  of  banks  existing 
was  1,500,  and  the  number  whose  notes  were  not  counterfeited 
was  253.  The  number  of  kinds  of  "imitations"  was  1,861. 
The  number  of  kinds  of  "alterations"  was  3,039.  The  number 
of  kinds  of  "  spurious "  was  1,685.  This  was  the  kind  of  cur 
rency  that  was  proposed  to  be  superseded.  Under  the  new 
system,  the  banks  would  be  relieved  from  all  this  difficulty. 

Other  advantages  to  the  banks  would  be  that  they  might  be 
come  depositories  of  the  public  money,  that  their  notes,  being 
amply  secured,  would  be  received  in  all  payments  due  to  or 
from  the  United  States,  while  the  notes  of  the  state  banks  could 
not  be  so  received,  as  they  were  dishonored  and  disgraced  from 
the  beginning,  being  refused  by  the  national  government. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  299 

This  is  an  imperfect  view  of  the  question  as  it  was  then 
presented  to  my  mind.  I  knew  the  vote  upon  the  passage  of 
the  bill  would  be  doubtful.  The  New  England  Senators,  as  a 
rule,  voted  for  the  bill,  but  Senators  Collamer  and  Foote  had 
taken  decided  grounds  against  it,  and  it  was  believed  that  Mr. 
Anthony  and  his  colleague  would  do  likewise.  I  informed 
Secretary  Chase  of  my  doubt  as  to  the  passage  of  the  bill,  and 
especially  whether  Mr.  Anthony  would  vote  for  it ;  without  his 
vote  I  did  not  think  it  would  pass.  Mr.  Chase  called  at  the 
Senate  and  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Anthony,  in  my  presence, 
in  which  he  urged  him  strongly,  on  national  grounds,  to  vote 
for  the  bill,  without  regard  to  local  interests  in  his  own  state. 
His  remarks  made  an  impression  upon  Mr.  Anthony  who 
finally  exclaimed  that  he  believed  it  to  be  his  duty  to  vote  for 
the  bill,  although  it  would  be  the  end  of  his  political  career. 
When  the  vote  was  taken  his  name  was  the  first  recorded  in 
favor  of  the  bill.  It  passed  by  a  vote  of  23  yeas  and  21  nays,  so 
that  I  was  entirely  correct  that  if  he  had  voted  against  the  bill 
it  would  have  been  defeated  by  a  tie  vote. 

These  two  measures,  the  absorption  of  the  state  banks,  and 
the  establishment  of  the  system  of  national  banks,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  legal  tender  act,  were  the  most  important 
financial  measures  of  the  war,  and,  tested  by  time,  have  fully 
realized  the  anticipations  and  confident  assurance  of  their 
authors. 

This  system  of  national  banks  has  furnished  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  a  currency  combining  the  national  faith 
with  the  private  stock  and  private  credit  of  individuals.  They 
liave  a  currency  that  is  safe,  uniform,  and  convertible.  Not 
one  dollar  of  the  notes  issued  by  national  banks  has  been  lost 
by  any  person  through  the  failure  of  a  bank.  We  have  a 
currency  limited  in  amount,  restrained  and  governed  by  law, 
checked  by  the  power  of  visitation  and  by  the  limitation  of 
liabilities,  safe,  uniform,  and  convertible  in  every  part  of  the 
country.  Every  one  of  these  conditions  prophesied  by  me  has 
been  literally  realized. 

Next  in  importance  to  a  national  currency  was  the  problem 
of  the  public  debt.  The  issue  of  $50,000,000,  demand  notes, 


300  RECOLLECTIONS 

authorized  in  1861,  was  a  forced  expedient  to  meet  immediate 
demands.  A  prudent  man,  engaged  in  business,  would  not  bor 
row  money  payable  on  call  unless  he  had  securities  which  he 
could  immediately  convert  into  money.  Such  liabilities  are 
proper  in  a  stock  exchange  or  in  a  gambling  operation,  to  be 
settled  by  the  receipt  or  payment  of  balances  on  the  rise  or 
fall  in  the  market  of  stocks  or  produce.  These  demand  notes 
gave  Secretary  Chase  more  trouble  than  any  other  security, 
and  they  were  finally  absorbed  in  the  payment  of  customs 
duties. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  1861,  Congress  authorized  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  borrow,  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  within  twelve  months,  $250,000,000,  for  which  he  was 
authorized  to  issue  bonds,  coupon  or  registered,  or  treasury 
notes,  the  bonds  to  bear  interest  not  exceeding  seven  per  cent., 
payable  semi-annually,  irredeemable  for  twenty  years.  The 
treasury  notes  were  to  be  of  any  denominations  fixed  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  not  less  than  fifty  dollars,  and  to  be 
payable  three  years  after  date,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of 
seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi-annu 
ally.  He  was  also  authorized  to  issue,  in  exchange  for  coin, 
as  a  part  of  the  loan  of  $250,000,000,  treasury  notes  payable 
on  demand,  already  referred  to,  or  treasury  notes  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  three  and  sixty-five  hundredths  per 
cent,  per  annum,  and  payable  in  one  year  from  date  and  ex 
changeable  at  any  time  for  treasury  notes  of  fifty  dollars  and 
upwards.  These  forms  of  security  were  the  most  burdensome 
that  were  issued  by  the  government  during  the  war.  The 
terms  of  these  securities  were  somewhat  altered  by  the  act 
approved  August  5,  1861. 

These  laws  were  superseded  by  the  act  of  February  28, 1862, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  important  loan  law  passed 
during  the  war.  It  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
issue,  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  $150,000,000  of  United 
States  notes,  commonly  called  greenbacks,  already  described. 
Of  these,  $50,000,000  were  to  be  in  lieu  of  the  demand  treasury 
notes  authorized  to  be  issued  by  the  act  of  July,  1861,  above  re 
ferred  to.  It  also  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  301 

issue  $500,000,000  of  coupon,  or  registered,  bonds,  redeemable  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  five  years,  and  payable 
twenty  years  from  date,  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  six  per 
cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi-annually.  These  are  what  were 
known  as  the  5-20  bonds.  In  reference  to  these  securities,  Sec 
retary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  December  4,  1862,  said: 

44  These  measures  have  worked  well.  Their  results  more  than  fulfilled 
the  anticipations  of  the  secretary.  The  rapid  sale  of  the  bonds,  aided  by 
the  issue  of  United  States  notes,  furnished  the  means  necessary  for  the  con 
duct  of  the  war  during  that  year." 

On  the  3rd  of  March,  1863,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was 
authorized  to  borrow,  from  time  to  time,  on  the  credit  of  the 
United  States,  a  sum  not  exceeding  $300,000,000  for  the  current 
fiscal  year,  and  $600,000,000  for  the  next  fiscal  year,  payable  in 
coin,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  government,  after  such  periods  as 
may  be  fixed  by  the  secretary,  not  less  than  ten,  or  more  than 
forty,  years  from  date.  These  bonds,  known  as  the  10-40's, 
bearing  five  per  cent,  interest,  were  exempt  from  taxation  by 
or  under  state  or  municipal  authority.  This  act  also  provided 
for  the  issue  of  a  large  increase  of  non-interest  bearing  treasury 
notes,  which  were  made  lawful  money  and  a  legal  tender  in 
payment  of  all  debts,  public  or  private,  within  the  United 
States,  except  for  duties  on  imported  goods  and  interest  on  the 
public  debt.  Additional  10-40  bonds  were  authorized  by  the 
act  of  June  30,  1864.  But  it  may  be  said  that  the  5-20  and  10- 
40  bonds  became  the  well-known,  recognized  securities  of  the 
United  States,  the  sale  of  which  at  par,  in  connection  with  the 
treasury  notes  of  different  forms,  furnished  the  United  States 
the  money  to  carry  on  the  war.  In  the  sale  of  these  securities 
the  secretary  was  actively  assisted  by  the  banks  and  bankers 
of  the  United  States,  and  especially  by  Jay  Cooke,  who  was  the 
most  effective  agent  of  the  government  in  the  sale  of  5-20 
bonds. 

Secretary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  December  10,  1863,  dis 
cussed  at  length  the  objects  to  be  kept  studiously  in  view  in 
the  creation  of  debt  by  negotiations  of  loans  or  otherwise:  First, 
moderate  interest;  second,  general  distribution;  third,  future 
controllability;  and,  fourth,  incidental  utility. 


302  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  first  loans  were  made  upon  the  extravagant  rate  of  in 
terest  of  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent.  The  reason  for  this 
was  the  fact  that  there  was  no  currency  the  secretary  could 
receive  in  exchange  for  bonds.  As  already  stated,  specie  pay 
ments  were  suspended  by  the  banks  December  31,  1861.  He 
was  forbidden  by  law  to  receive  bank  bills,  and  he  knew  that 
Congress  would  not  and  ought  not  to  repeal  this  law.  After  such 
suspension  coin  was  scarce  and  difficult  to  obtain.  Afterwards, 
when  the  legal  tender  notes  were  authorized  and  issued,  he 
sold  his  bonds  bearing  six  per  cent,  interest  at  par  for  notes, 
but  these  notes  had  already  largely  depreciated  compared  with 
coin.  Still,  they  were  money,  readily  taken  for  all  supplies, 
and  enabled  him  to  sell  securities  running  a  shorter  period, 
A  diversity  of  securities  maturing  at  different  times  were  ex 
changed  for  notes,  and  finally  he  was  able  to  sell  five  per  cent, 
bonds  at  par,  so  that,  on  the  30th  of  September,  1863,  two 
months  previous  to  his  report,  securities  and  notes  then  out 
standing  amounted  to  $1,222,113,559.  The  first  bonds  were  ir 
redeemable  for  twenty  years.  The  second  bonds  were  redeem 
able  in  five,  but  payable  in  twenty,  years.  The  third  bonds, 
bearing  five  per  cent,  interest,  were  redeemable  after  ten  years. 
It  will  be  perceived  that  under  this  arrangement  the  rate  of 
interest  on  securities  issued  was  constantly  reduced.  The 
notes  received  in  payment  of  bonds  depreciated  or  advanced  in 
sympathy  with  the  progress  of  our  armies  and  the  prospects  of 
success.  The  general  purpose  was  to  secure  as  low  a  rate  of  in 
terest  as  possible,  to  distribute  the  securities  among  the  largest 
number  of  persons  possible,  to  provide  the  best  mode,  time  and 
terms  for  redemption,  and  to  put  the  securities  in  such  form  as 
to  be  used  as  a  currency.  No  one  can  question  the  wisdom  of 
the  management  of  the  public  debt  by  Secretary  Chase. 

The  origin  and  development  of  the  present  system  of  inter 
nal  taxes  must  be  interesting  to  every  student  of  finance.  The 
policy  of  the  government  had  been  to  confine,  as  far  as  possible, 
national  taxes  to  duties  on  imports,  and,  in  ordinary  times, 
this  source  of  revenue,  exclusively  vested  in  the  United  States, 
together  with  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands,  was 
ample  to  defray  the  current  expenses  of  the  government. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  303 

During  and  shortly  after  the  War  of  1812  resort  was  had  to 
direct  taxes  apportioned  among  the  states  respectively,  and  to 
internal  taxes  authorized  by  the  constitution  under  the  name  of 
excises,  but  the  necessities  of  the  treasury  becoming  more 
urgent,  and  the  reliance  on  the  public  credit  becoming  more 
hazardous,  Congress,  at  the  special  session  which  convened  in 
May,  1818,  determined  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  system  of 
internal  revenue,  selecting  in  particular  those  subjects  of  taxa 
tion  which  would  be  least  burdensome.  These  taxes  were  at 
first  limited  to  one  year,  but  were  extended  from  time  to  time, 
ISO  that  they  acquired  the  name  of  "war  taxes."  A  direct  tax 
of  $3,500,000  was  laid  upon  the  United  States,  and  apportioned 
among  the  states  respectively  for  the  year  1814.  Taxes  were 
imposed  on  sugar  refined  in  the  United  States,  on  carriages,  on 
licenses  to  distillers  of  spirituous  liquors,  and  other  forms  of 
internal  production.  It  was  estimated  that  the  internal  taxes 
and  the  direct  tax  would  yield  $3,500,000.  For  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30,  1815,  internal  taxes  yielded  $5,963,000.  In  1816 
they  yielded  $4,396,000.  In  1817  they  yielded  $2,676,000,  after 
which  there  was  no  revenue  from  internal  taxes  except  from 
the  collection  of  arrears,  amounting  in  1818  to  $947,946,  the 
law  providing  for  such  taxes  having  expired  by  limitation.  A 
comparison  between  the  receipts  from  this  source  then  and  the 
receipts  subsequently  derived  from  internal  revenue,  is  a  sig 
nificant  indication  of  the  difference  in  population  and  wealth 
between  1812  and  1862. 

When  the  Civil  War  commenced  and  the  necessity  of  a  large 
increase  of  revenue  became  apparent,  Secretary  Chase,  in  his 
report  to  Congress  of  the  date  of  July  4,  1861,  called  attention 
to  the  necessity  of  provision  for  a  gradual  increase  in  the  rev 
enue  to  maintain  the  public  credit,  and  to  meet  the  current 
demands.  His  recommendation  as  to  internal  taxes  has  already 
been  referred  to.  The  act  of  August  5,  1861,  previously  men 
tioned,  levied  a  direct  tax  of  $20,000,000  and  an  income  tax. 
This  act  proved  to  be  a  crude  and  imperfect  measure,  and  it 
was  modified  or  superseded  by  the  act  of  July  1,  1862.  This 
act,  carefully  framed,  was  the  basis  of  the  present  system  of 
internal  revenue.  It  created  a  new  office  in  the  treasury 


8.— 22 


304  RECOLLECTIONS 

department,  to  be  called  the  office  of  commissioner  of  internal 
revenue.  No  less  than  thirteen  acts  of  Congress  were  passed 
prior  to  August  1,  1866,  enlarging  and  defining  the  duties  of 
the  office,  and  prescribing  the  taxes  imposed  by  these  several 
laws.  When  this  act  was  first  framed  we  anticipated  much 
greater  difficulties  in  the  collection  of  the  tax  than  actually 
occurred.'  We  had  doubts  whether  the  taxation  imposed  by 
this  law  would  be  patiently  submitted  to  by  our  constituents, 
but  these  misgivings  soon  disappeared  and  the  taxes  imposed 
by  that  act  were  cheerfully  and  promptly  paid.  I  gave  to  the 
study  and  consideration  of  this  act,  and  the  various  amendatory 
acts,  a  large  portion  of  my  time.  At  the  end  of  the  war  internal 
taxes  were  cheerfully  paid  by  the  people,  and  yielded  far  more 
revenue  to  the  government  than  the  customs  duties  and  all 
other  sources  of  revenue  combined. 

The  receipts  from  internal  revenue  for  the  first  four  years 
under  this  law  were  as  follows : 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1863 $37,640,787 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1864 117,145,748 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865 211,129,529 

For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1866 310,906,984 

These  taxes  were  mainly  upon  spirits,  tobacco  and  beer, 
but  they  also  included  stamp  taxes  of  various  kinds,  special 
taxes  on  particular  industries,  and  income  taxes,  so  that  prac 
tically  nearly  all  forms  of  domestic  manufactures  were  subject 
to  a  greater  or  less  tax,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  article. 
So  sweeping  were  the  provisions  that  it  was  frequently  a  mat 
ter  of  joke  as  well  as  comment. 

Some  one  remarked  to  Senator  Collamer  that  everything  was 
taxed  except  coffins.  He  rejoined:  "  Don't  say  that  to  Sherman 
or  he  will  have  them  on  the  tax  list  before  night !" 

The  general  prosperity  that  existed  during  the  war  under 
such  a  burden  of  taxation  was  frequently  a  matter  of  surprise. 
The  truth  is  that  all  productive  industries  were  active  because 
of  the  enormous  demand  made  by  the  army  for  supplies  of  all 
kinds,  and  everyone  who  was  willing  to  work  could  find  plenty 
of  employment.  The  depreciation  of  the  currency  caused  by 
the  war  did  not  embarrass  anyone,  as  the  interest  on  securities 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


305 


was  promptly  paid  in  coin,  and  greenbacks  were  the  favorite 
currency  of  the  people.  The  people  did  not  stop  to  inquire  the 
causes  of  the  nominal  advance  in  prices  ;  they  only  knew 
that  the  United  States  note  was  cheerfully  received  in  every 
part  of  the  United  States  as  the  current  money  of  the  country. 
At  the  beginning  the  tax  on  whisky  was  20  cents  per  gallon,  but 
it  was  gradually  increased  until  it  reached  $2  a  gallon,  when 
frauds  and  illicit  distilling  became  serious  evils.  The  tax  was 
then  reduced  to  90  cents  a  gallon. 

When  I  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  was  impressed 
with  the  magnitude  of  illicit  distilling,  even  after  the  rate  was 
reduced.  At  that  time  several  hundred  men,  mostly  in  the 
mountain  regions  of  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee,  were  under 
arrest  for  violation  of  the  laws  against  illicit  distilling.  A  del 
egation  of  them,  accompanied  by  Senator  Ransom,  appeared 
before  me,  and  I  heard  their  apologies  for  distilling,  and  their 
complaints  against  the  officers.  We  entered  into  a  formal  en 
gagement  by  which  they  agreed  to  stop  illicit  distilling  upon 
condition  that  they  should  be  relieved  of  punishment  for  their 
past  acts,  and,  so  far  as  I  could  learn,  they  substantially  observed 
their  obligation.  As  a  rule,  they  were  rough  mountaineers  who 
regarded  whisky  as  a  prime  necessity  of  life,  and  thought  they 
ought  to  be  allowed  to  convert  their  grain  into  something 
better. 

As  the  necessity  for  excessive  taxation  diminished  after  the 
war  was  over,  taxes  on  various  articles  were  gradually  repealed, 
until,  in  1894,  they  consisted  of  practically  four  items,  spirits, 
tobacco,  fermented  liquors,  and  oleomargarine.  These  are  the 
figures  for  two  years : 


Objects  of  Taxation. 

Receipts  during  fiscal  years 
ending  June  30  — 

1893. 

1894. 

Spirits  

$94,720,260.55 
31,889,711.74 
32,548,983.07 
1.670.643.50 

$85,259,252.25 
28.617,898.62 
31,414,788.04 
1.723.479.90 

Tobacco  

Fermented    Liquors  

Oleomargarine  . 

306  RECOLLECTIONS 

In  respect  to  these  taxes,  that  on  oleomargarine  was  not  in 
tended  as,  nor  is  it,  a  very  material  revenue  tax.  The  purpose 
was  especially  to  prevent  the  fraudulent  imitation  of  butter  by 
using  an  extract  of  beef.  The  tax  on  spirits,  tobacco  and  beer 
ought  to  be  retained  as  the  best  objects  of  taxation  either  of 
domestic  or  imported  goods.  Neither  of  these  is  an  article  of 
necessity,  but  all  are  used  purely  to  gratify  an  appetite,  in 
many  cases  indulged  to  excess. 

All  civilized  nations  have  come  to  regard  these  articles  as 
the  best  subjects  of  taxation.  To  the  extent  that  whisky  is 
used  as  a  beverage  it  is  hurtful  in  its  influence  upon  the  indi 
vidual  and  upon  society  at  large.  It  is  the  cause  of  innumer 
able  crimes,  of  poverty  and  distress  in  the  family  and  home. 
Still,  it  is  an  appetite  that  will  be  gratified,  however  severe 
may  be  the  laws  against  its  use,  and  while  this  habit  exists  the 
tax  upon  whisky,  by  limiting  the  quantity  consumed,  is  benefi 
cial  to  •  society  at  large.  It  is  true  that  alcohol,  the  base  of 
whisky,  is  useful  in  the  arts  and  in  the  preparation  of  medi 
cines  and  vinegar.  If  some  feasible  plan  could  be  prescribed 
by  which  alcohol  or  spirits  thus  used  could  be  freed  from  tax,  it 
would  be  right  to  exempt  it,  but  no  such  plan  has  been  found 
that  includes  security  against  frauds  being  practiced  to  evade 
the  tax  on  whisky.  The  tax  on  tobacco  and  cigars  is  a  moder 
ate  one,  but  the  consumption  of  them  is  far  less  dangerous 
than  of  spirits  in  their  influence  upon  society.  The  tax  on  the 
cheaper  form  of  tobacco  and  cigars  is  comparatively  small  and 
does  not  add  materially  to  the  cost  of  tobacco  in  any  of  its 
forms.  No  complaint  is  made  of  it.  Its  consumption  is  so 
general  that  the  tax  is  fairly  distributed  and  falls  mainly  upon 
the  richer  classes,  as  the  tax  is  increased  in  proportion  to  the 
value  of  the  tobacco.  Beer,  a  beverage  of  almost  universal  use, 
yields  the  large  sum  of  $30,000,000  a  year,  at  the  rate  of  one 
dollar  a  barrel.  This  does  not  cause  a  preceptible  increase  of 
the  cost  to  the  consumer,  but  rather  tends  to  maintain  the 
good  quality  of  beer  by  the  surveillance  of  the  officers  of  in 
ternal  revenue.  No  general  complaint  has  been  made  of 
this  tax.  All  internal  taxes  are  collected  at  less  cost  than  any 
other  form  of  taxation  devised,  and  should  be  maintained 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  307 

as  long  as  the  expenses  growing  out  of  the  war  shall  remain 
unpaid. 

The  patience  and  even  cheerfulness  with  which  the  people 
of  the  United  States  submitted  to  this  severe  taxation  on  their 
domestic  productions,  was  a  matter  of  surprise,  not  only  among 
our  own  people,  but  in  European  countries.  In  1867,  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  Adams,  our  minister  to  England,  I  had  the  pleas 
ure  of  breakfasting  with  Mr.  Gladstone  at  his  official  residence, 
and  he  referred  to  the  ease  with  which  we  collected,  without 
complaint,  taxes  so  burdensome  as  ours  then  were.  He  asked 
me  if  it  was  true  that  we  collected  $1,600,000  annually  from  a 
tax  on  matches.  I  told  him  that  we  not  only  did  so  but  that  I 
had  never  heard  a  word  of  complaint,  and  the  quality  of 
matches  was  vastly  improved  while  their  price  was  actually 
reduced.  He  threw  up  his  hands  and  said  that  the  people  of 
England  would  not  submit  to  such  tax  and  if  any  ministry 
would  propose  it,  it  would  soon  be  out  of  power.  Strange  to 
say  an  administration  of  which  Mr.  Gladstone  was  at  the  head 
did  subsequently  propose  such  a  tax,  but  it  was  so  severely 
arraigned  that  it  was  at  once  abandoned. 

The  income  tax,  varied  somewhat  in  terms  from  year  to 
year,  continued  in  force  until  1870,  when  it  was  proposed  to  re 
peal  it  as  no  longer  necessary.  By  the  terms  of  the  then  exist 
ing  law  it  expired  in  1872.  I  urged  as  strongly  as  I  could  its 
retention  at  least  until  the  time  expired,  but  it  was  repealed. 
I  then  believed,  and  now  believe,  that  a  moderate  income  tax, 
levied  on  all  incomes  above  the  sum  of  $1,000,  or  above  a  sum 
that  will  supply  the  ordinary  wants  of  an  average  family  in 
the  United  States  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  should  be  levied, 
to  be  suspended,  increased  or  diminished,  from  year  to  year, 
according  to  the  exigencies  of  the  public  service.  In  the  pres 
ent  condition  of  affairs,  I  doubt  the  expediency  of  such  a  tax, 
especially  in  view  of  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  recently  rendered. 

The  distinction  made  by  that  court  between  incomes  from 
rent  of  land  and  other  incomes  seems  narrow  and  technical. 
A  tax  upon  the  value  of  land  is  a  direct  tax,  and  must  be 
apportioned  among  the  states  according  to  population,  but  it 


308  RECOLLECTIONS 

does  not  follow  that  a  tax  on  income  from  land  is  a  direct  tax. 
An  income  means  that  gain  which  results  from  business,  or 
property,  of  any  kind,  from  the  proceeds  of  a  farm,  the  profits 
derived  from  trade  and  commerce,  and  from  any  occupation  or 
investment.  In  common  language  the  word  income  applies  to 
money  received  from  any  source.  It  may  be  qualified  as  gross 
income  and  net  income.  It  may  be  limited  by  words  defining 
the  source  of  the  income,  as,  from  land,  merchandise  or  bank 
ing,  but,  in  its  general  sense,  it  means  gross  savings  from  all 
sources.  When  received  in  money  it  is  an  income  and  not 
until  then.  An  income  tax  was  paid,  and  cheerfully  paid,  by 
American  citizens  during  and  since  the  war,  in  vast  sums,  and 
it  did  not  occur  to  citizen,  lawyer  or  judge  that  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  made  a  distinction  between 
incomes  from  rents  and  income  from  notes  or  bonds.  The 
states  tax  both  land  and  bonds.  Why  may  not  the  United 
States  tax  income  from  each  alike?  Many  of  the  largest 
incomes  in  the  United  States  are  derived  from  rents.  To 
except  them  by  technical  reasoning  from  a  general  tax  on 
incomes  will  tend  to  disparage  the  Supreme  Court  among 
"plain  people."  If  incomes  from  rents  must  be  excepted,  then 
no  income  tax  ought  to  be  assessed.  This  decision,  if  adhered 
to,  may  cripple  the  government  in  times  of  emergency.  If 
made  when  the  income  tax  was  first  imposed,  it  would  have 
reduced  the  national  revenue  $847,000,000,  for  no  income  tax 
would  have  been  enacted  if  rents  were  excluded  from  taxable 
incomes. 

I  do  not  propose  to  narrate  the  numerous  internal  revenue 
laws,  which  have  been  enacted  and  modified  at  every  session 
of  Congress  since  1861,  or  the  innumerable  objects  of  taxation 
embraced  in  them,  for  such  a  narrative  would  fill  too  much 
space.  The  discussion  of  these  laws  occupied  a  large  portion 
of  the  time  of  Congress.  The  articles  or  productions  subject 
to  taxation  included  for  a  time  nearly  everything  for  the  use 
of  man.  I  trust  the  time  is  far  distant  when  such  sweeping 
internal  taxation  will  be  required  again,  but  if  it  should  come, 
the  Congress  of  that  day  can  find  in  our  experience  resources 
more  bountiful  than  Aladdin's  lamp. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  309 

Direct  taxes,  to  be  apportioned  among  the  states,  are  not 
likely  to  be  again  assessed  after  the  experience  we  had  as  to 
the  last  direct  tax.  Besides  the  difficulty  of  collecting  it,  there 
is  the  palpable  objection  that  it  is  an  unequal,  and  therefore 
an  unjust,  tax.  New  states,  and  especially  agricultural  states, 
have  not  the  same  ability  to  pay  direct  taxes  as  older  commer 
cial  and  manufacturing  states,  having  within  them  great  cities 
with  accumulated  wealth,  in  the  form  of  stocks,  bonds  and 
patents. 

The  office  of  commissioner  of  internal  revenue  has  fortu 
nately  been  filled,  as  a  rule,  by  gentlemen  of  standing  and  char 
acter  of  a  high  order  of  intelligence,  and  their  work  has  been 
of  a  great  service  to  the  United  States.  This  important  bureau 
ought  to  be,  and  no  doubt  will  be,  retained  as  a  part  of  the  or 
ganized  machinery  of  the  government,  and  the  taxes  collected 
by  it  will  be  necessary  as  long  as  our  public  debt  remains,  and 
until  the  list  of  pensioners  will  be  obliterated  by  the  hand  of 
time. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
LINCOLN'S  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION. 

Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  Abolished  —  Law  Goes   Into  Effect  on  April 
10,   1862  — Beginning  of  the  End  of  Slavery— Military  Measures  in   Congress 
to  Carry  on  the  War— Response  to  the  President's  Call  —  Beneficial  Effects 
of  the  Confiscation  Act  —  Visits  to  Soldiers'  Camps — Robert  S.  Granger 
as  a  Cook  — How  I  Came  to  Purchase  a  Washington  Residence- 
Increase  of  Compensation  to  Senators  and  Members-  and  Its 
Effect  —  Excitement  in   Ohio    Over  Vallandigham's  Ar 
rest—News  of  the  Fall  of  Vicksburg  and  Defeat  of 
Lee  at  Gettysburg — John  Brough  Elected  Gov 
ernor  of  Ohio  — Its  Effect  on  the  State. 

ANOTHER  question  of  grave  political  significance  was 
presented  to  the  37th  Congress  early  in  this  session, 
that  of  the  abolition  of  slavery   in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia.     I  had  from  the  beginning  declared  my  opposi 
tion  to  any  interference  with  slavery  in  the  District,  but  the 
changed  condition  of  the  country  demanded  a  change  of  public 
policy  in  this  respect.     Slavery  was  made  the  pretext  for,  and, 
I  believe,  was,  the  real  cause  of  the  war.    It  had  a  foothold  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  but  it  existed  there  in  its  mildest 
form.     By  the  census  of  1860  there  were,  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  11,107  free  negroes,  3,181  slaves,  and  60,785  white  peo 
ple.     It  was  considered  the  paradise  of    free  negroes,  where 
they  were  almost  exclusively  employed  as  laborers  in  house 
hold  service. 

When  the  war  broke  out  a  considerable  number  of  slaves 
ran  away  from  disloyal  masters  in  Virginia  and  Maryland, 
seeking  safety  within  our  lines  and  finding  employment  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  As  the  war  approached,  most  of  the 
slaves  in  the  District  were  carried  away  by  their  owners  into 
Virginia,  and  other  southern  states,  so  that  in  1862  it  was  esti 
mated  there  were  not  more  than  1,500,  and  probably  not 
1,000,  slaves  in  the  District,  while  the  number  of  free  negroes 

(310) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  31 1 

increased  to  15,000.  As  a  matter  of  course,  when  Virginia  se 
ceded  no  attempt  was  made  to  recapture  runaway  slaves  from 
that  state,  and  they  became  practically  free.  It  was  known 
that  there  was  at  that  time  a  strong  disposition  in  Maryland  to 
try  the  experiment  of  emancipation,  and  it  was  believed  that 
after  the  war  was  over  Virginia  would  adopt  the  same  policy. 
Little  doubt  was  felt  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District,  should  such  a  course  be  deemed  expe 
dient.  By  the  constitution  Congress  was  invested  with  ex 
press  "power  to  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  over  such  district  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
states,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of 
government  of  the  United  States."  This  power  had  been 
recognized  by  the  most  eminent  statesmen  of  our  country, 
and  also  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Until 
Mr.  Calhoun  doubted  or  denied  the  power  it  was  not  ques 
tioned  by  any  considerable  number.  The  real  question  was 
whether  that  was  the  time  for  emancipation.  I  endeavored  to 
give  to  the  subject  careful  consideration,  and  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  it  was  expedient  then  to  emancipate  the  very  few 
slaves  in  the  District,  fewer  than  there  had  been  at  any  time 
within  forty  years,  and  fewer  than  would  likely  be  in  case  the 
Avar  should  end.  I  believed  also  that  the  social  influence  of 
Washington,  and  the  wealth  and  property  controlled  and 
owned  in  a  great  measure  by  slaveholding  residents  there,  had 
been  always  against  the  government  of  the  United  States  and 
in  favor  of  the  Rebellion.  While  slavery  existed  it  was  a  con 
stant  source  of  annoyance  and  irritation.  The  great  mass  of 
our  constituents  were  opposed  to  slavery,  morally,  socially  and 
politically.  They  felt  that  it  was  wrong  and  would  not  change 
their  opinion.  As  long  as  slavery  existed  in  the  District,  where 
Congress  had  the  power  to  abolish  it,  agitation  and  excitement 
would  be  ceaseless.  The  great  body  of  the  people  of  the  north 
ern  states  were  opposed  to  the  institution  theoretically,  as 
were  very  many  of  the  most  intelligent  people  of  the  southern 
states.  I  felt  that  now  was  the  time  when  this  moral  conviction 
should  be  heard  and  heeded  by  the  national  legislature.  I  felt 
that  we  were  bound  to  consult  the  material  interest  of  the 


312  RECOLLECTIONS 

people  of  the  District,  and  that  emancipation  would  add  to  the 
value  of  their  property  and  also  add  to  the  population  of  the 
city.  The  abolition  of  slavery  would  bring  to  the  city  intelli 
gent  mechanics  and  laboring  men  who  would  never  compete 
with  the  labor  of  slaves,  and  who,  finding  none  there  but 
freemen,  would  develop  the  great  advantages  of  the  city.  In 
a  speech  I  made  upon  the  subject  I  enlarged  upon  this  consid 
eration  and  said: 

"I  see  no  reason  why  Washington,  with  a  free  population  and  as  a  free 
city,  situated  here  at  the  head  of  the  Potomac,  with  remarkable  facilities  of 
navigation,  with  great  conveniences  of  communication,  reaching  to  the  west 
by  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  the  political  capital  of  the  country, 
might  not  be  a  great  free  city,  illustrating  by  its  progress  the  operation  of 
free  institutions.  But  it  can  only  be  done  by  the  active,  interested  labor  of 
free  people.  Simply  as  a  municipal  regulation  it  would  be  wise  to  abolish 
slavery  in  this  District,  because  slavery  is  opposed  to  the  moral  convictions 
of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  this  country,  and  the  existence  of  slavery 
here  keeps  out  of  this  District  an  active,  loyal,  true,  manly,  generous  body 
of  laborers,  who  will  never  compete  in  their  labor  with  the  labor  of  slaves." 

There  was  another  reason  why  the  experiment  of  emancipa 
tion  could  be  best  tried  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Emanci 
pation  was  evidently  the  ultimate  end  of  this  question.  We 
had  the  power  to  try  the  experiment,  It  would  be  an  example 
likely  to  be  followed  at  the  close  of  the  war  by  many  of  the 
border  states.  I  therefore  made  up  my  mind  in  favor  of  the 
measure,  made  a  long  speech  for  the  bill  and  voted  for  it.  It 
became  a  law  on  April  10,  1862. 

At  that  early  day,  I  believed  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Con 
gress  to  confiscate  the  slaves  in  the  seceding  states  as  the  nat 
ural  result  of  the  war.  These  states  had  placed  themselves  in 
a  position  by  rebellion  where  they  had  no  constitutional  rights 
which  we  were  bound  to  observe.  The  war  being  open  and 
flagrant  to  break  up  the  Union,  they  were  not  entitled  to  the 
benefit  of  any  stipulation  made  in  their  favor  as  states  in  the 
Union.  I  also  favored  the  granting  of  aid  to  any  policy  of 
emancipation  that  might  be  adopted  in  the  border  states  of 
Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  but  Congress  was  indisposed 
to  extend  the  provisions  of  the  then  pending  measure  beyond 
the  District  of  Columbia. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  313 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  on  September  22,  1862, 
issued  his  proclamation  containing  the  following  declaration: 

"That  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  state  or 
designated  part  of  a  state,  the  people  whereof  shall  be  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever,  free  ;  and  the 
executive  government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persons, 
and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any 
efforts  they  may  make  for  their  actual  freedom/' 

This  was  carried  out  in  a  subsequent  proclamation  of  Janu 
ary  1,  1863,  in  which  the  President  declares: 

"  And  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  1  do  order 
and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves,  within  said  designated  states  and 
parts  of  states,  are,  and  henceforward  shall  be,  free  ;  and  that  the  executive 
government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval  authorities 
thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  said  persons." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  slavery. 

In  following  the  important  financial  measures  of  the  37th 
Congress,  I  have  purposely  passed  by,  in  their  order  of  time, 
other  measures  of  vital  interest  that  \vere  acted  upon  in  that 
Congress.  The  military  measures-  adopted  were  on  the  same 
grand  scale  as  the  financial  measures  I  have  referred  to.  In 
1861  the  United  States  contained  a  population  of  32,000,000 
people,  of  whom  about  10,000,000  were  in  the  seceding  states, 
some  of  whom  were  opposed  to  secession,  but  a  greater  number 
living  in  states  that  did  not  secede  were  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  the  rebellion.  No  preparation  for  war  had  been  made  in 
any  of  the  loyal  states,  while  in  the  disloyal  states  preparations 
had  been  made  by  the  distribution  of  arms  through  the  treach 
ery  of  Secretary  Floyd.  When  the  seceding  states  organized 
a  confederate  government,  the  executive  branch  of  the  gen 
eral  government  was  under  the  management  and  control  of 
those  who  favored  the  rebellion,  or  were  so  feeble  or  indifferent 
that  they  offered  no  resistance  whatever  to  such  organization. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  declared,  in  an  executive 
message,  that  the  general  government  had  no  power  to  coerce  a 
state.  On  the  accession  of  President  Lincoln,  the  confederate 
government  was  better  organized  for  resistance  than  the  Union 


314  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  for  coercion.  When  war  actually  commenced,  the  capital 
at  Washington  was  practically  blockaded,  and  in  the  power  of 
the  Confederates. 

The  response  of  the  loyal  states  to  the  call  of  Lincoln  was 
perhaps  the  most  remarkable  uprising  of  a  great  people  in  the 
history  of  mankind.  Within  a  few  days  the  road  to  Washing- 
ington  was  opened,  but  the  men  who  answered  the  call  were 
not  soldiers,  but  citizens,  badly  armed,  and  without  drill  or  dis 
cipline.  The  history  of  their  rapid  conversion  into  real  sol 
diers,  and  of  the  measures  adopted  by  Congress  to  organize,  arm 
and  equip  them,  does  not  fall  within  my  province.  The  battles 
fought,  the  victories  won,  and  the  defeats  suffered,  have  been 
recorded  in  the  hundred  or  more  volumes  of  "  The  Kecords  of 
the  Rebellion,"  published  by  the  United  States.  The  principal 
events  of  the  war  have  been  told  in  the  history  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  and  perhaps  more  graphically  by 
General  Grant,  General  Sherman,  General  Sheridan,  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  Fitz  Hugh  Lee,  and  many  others  who  actively 
participated  in  the  war,  and  told  what  they  saw  and  knew  of  it. 

The  military  committees  of  the  two  Houses,  under  the 
advice  of  accomplished  officers,  formulated  the  laws  passed  by 
Congress  for  the  enlistment,  equipment  and  organization  of 
the  Union  armies.  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  was  chair 
man  of  the  committee  on  military  affairs  of  the  Senate,  and  he 
is  entitled  to  much  of  the  praise  due  for  the  numerous  laws  re 
quired  to  fit  the  Union  citizen  soldiers  for  military  duty.  His 
position  was  a  difficult  one,  but  he  filled  it  with  hearty  sym 
pathy  for  the  Union  soldiers,  and  with  a  just  regard  for  both 
officers  and  men. 

Among  the  numerous  bills  relating  to  the  war,  that  which 
became  the  act  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and 
rebellion,  and  to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  ex 
cited  the  greatest  interest,  giving  rise  to  a  long  debate.  It  was 
founded  on  the  faulty  idea  that  a  territorial  war,  existing  be 
tween  two  distinct  parts  of  the  country,  could  be  treated  as  an 
insurrection.  The  law  of  nations  treats  such  a  war  as  a  con 
test  between  two  separate  powers,  to  be  governed  by  the  laws 
of  war.  Confiscation  in  such  a  war  is  not  a  measure  to  be 


GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


"N'VERS/TY  1 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  315 

applied  to  individuals  in  a  revolting  section,  but  if  the  revolt  is 
subdued,  the  property  of  revolting  citizens  is  subject  to  the 
will  of  the  conqueror  and  to  the  law  of  conquest.  The  appar 
ent  object  of  the  law  referred  to  was  to  cripple  the  power  of 
the  Confederate  States,  by  emancipating  slaves  held  in  them, 
whenever  such  states  fell  within  the  power  of  the  federal  army. 
This  object  was  accomplished  in  a  better  and  more  comprehen 
sive  way  by  the  proclamation  of  the  President.  The  confisca 
tion  act  had  but  little  influence  upon  the  result  of  the  war, 
except  that  it  gathered  at  the  wake  of  our  armies  in  the  south 
a  multitude  of  negroes  called  "contrabands,"  who  willingly 
performed  manual  labor,  but  were  often  an  incumbrance  and 
had  to  be  fed  and  protected. 

The  freedom  of  these  "  contrabands  "  was  the  result  of  the 
war,  and  not  of  the  confiscation  act.  In  the  later  period  of  the 
war,  they,  in  common  with  free  negroes  from  the  north,  were 
organized  into  regiments  commanded  by  white  men,  and  ren 
dered  valuable  service  to  the  Union  cause. 

When  the  confiscation  bill  was  pending,  on  the  23rd  of 
April,  1862,  I  made  a  speech  in  support  of  an  amendment  of 
fered  by  me  and  in  substance  adopted.  A  few  extracts  of  my 
speech  will  show  my  opinions  on  this  subject: 

"  Confiscation  is  not  only  justified  by  the  laws  of  war,  by  the  practice  of 
many  nations,  but  it  is  practiced  by  our  enemies  in  the  most  obnoxious  way. 
They  seize  all  kinds  of  property  of  loyal  citizens ;  they  destroy  contracts  ; 
confiscate  debts.  All  the  property  of  citizens  of  loyal  states  which  is  within 
a  disloyal  state  is  seized  without  exception,  and  that  whether  such  citizen  has 
aided  the  government  or  not.  They  also  seize  the  property  of  all  citizens  in 
disloyal  states  who  will  not  commit  an  act  of  treason  by  aiding  them.  Yet 
they  profess  to  be  governed  by  a  constitution  similar  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  rights  of  person  and  property.  They 
draw  the  distinction  between  the  laws  of  war  and  the  laws  of  peace. 

"Sir,  it  is  time  there  was  an  end  of  this.  We  are  at  war.  We  must 
destroy  our  enemies  or  they  will  destroy  us.  We  must  subdue  their  armies 
and  we  must  confiscate  their  property.  The  only  question  with  me  is  as  to 
the  best  measure  of  confiscation.  That  some  one  should  be  enacted,  and  that 
speedily,  is  not  only  my  conviction  of  duty,  but  it  will  be  demanded  by 
those  who  will  have  to  bear  the  burdens  of  this  war.  Now,  it  is  the  interest 
of  every  citizen  in  a  seceding  state  to  be  a  rebel.  If  a  patriot,  his  property 
is  destroyed.  If  a  rebel,  his  property  is  protected  alike  by  friend  and  foe. 


316  RECOLLECTIONS 

Now,  the  burdens  of  the  war  will  fall,  by  heavy  taxation,  upon  loyal 
citizens,  but  rebels  are  beyond  our  reach.  How  long  can  we  conduct  such  a 
war?  Sir,  we  have  been  moderate  to  excess.  War  is  a  horrible  remedy, 
but  when  we  are  compelled  to  resort  to  it,  we  should  make  our  enemies  feel 
its  severity  as  well  as  ourselves. 

"  If  too  much  is  attempted  in  the  way  of  confiscation,  nothing  will  be 
accomplished.  If  nothing  is  confiscated,  you  array  against  you  all  who  wish 
in  a  civil  w*ar  merely  to  preserve  their  property  and  to  remain  quiet.  This  is 
always  a  large  class  in  every  community.  If  rebellion  will  secure  their 
property  from  rebels  and  not  endanger  it  to  the  government,  they  are  rebels. 
Those  whose  position  or  character  have  secured  them  offices  among  the 
rebels  can  only  be  conquered  by  force.  Is  it  not,  therefore,  possible  to  frame 
a  bill  which  will  punish  the  prominent  actors  in  the  rebellion,  proclaim 
amnesty  to  the  great  mass  of  the  citizens  in  the  seceding  states,  and  separate 
them  from  their  leader?  This,  in  my  judgment,  can  be  done  by  confining 
confiscation  to  classes  of  persons.  The  amendment  I  propose  embraces  five 
classes  of  persons." 

The  confiscation  act  was  more  useful  as  a  declaration  of 
policy  than  as  an  act  to  be  enforced.  It  was  denounced  by 
Confederates  and  by  timid  men  in  the  north,  but  the  beneficial 
results  it  aimed  at  were  accomplished,  not  by  law,  but  by  the 
proclamation  of  the  President  and  by  the  armed  forces  of  the 
United  States. 

The  several  acts  providing  for  enrolling  and  calling  out 
the  national  forces  gave  rise  to  much  debate,  partly  upon  sec 
tional  lines.  The  policy  of  drafting  from  the  militia  of  the 
several  states,  the  employment  of  substitutes  and  the  payment 
of  bounties,  were  contested  and  defended.  I  insisted  that  if  a 
special  fund  for  hiring  substitutes  was  raised,  it  ought  to  be  by 
a  tax  upon  all  wealthy  citizens,  and  not  confined  to  the  man 
who  was  drafted.  These  and  numerous  questions  of  a  similar 
character  occupied  much  time,  and  created  much  feeling.  It 
is  now  hardly  worth  while,  in  view  of  the  results  of  the  war,  to 
revive  old  controversies.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  all  the 
laws  passed  to  organize  the  national  forces  and  call  out  the 
militia  of  the  several  states  in  case  of  emergency  contributed 
to  the  success  of  the  Union  armies.  I  do  not  recall  any  ex 
ample  in  history  where  a  peaceful  nation,  ignorant  of  military 
discipline,  becoming  divided  into  hostile  sections,  developed 
such  military  power,  courage  and  endurance  as  did  the  United 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  317 

States  and  Confederate  States  in  our  Civil  War.  Vast  armies 
were  raised  by  voluntary  enlistments,  great  battles  were  fought 
with  fearful  losses  on  both  sides,  and  neither  yielded  until  the 
Confederates  had  exhausted  all  their  resources  and  surrendered 
to  the  Union  armies  without  conditions,  except  such  as  were 
dictated  by  General  Grant — to  go  home  and  be  at  peace. 

During  the  entire  war  Washington  was  a  military  camp. 
Almost  every  regiment  from  the  north  on  the  way  to  the  army 
in  Virginia  stopped  for  a  time  in  Washington.  This  was  espe 
cially  the  case  in  1861.  It  was  usual  for  every  new  regiment  to 
march  along  Pennsylvania  avenue  to  the  White  House.  Among 
the  early  arrivals  in  the  spring  of  1861  was  a  regiment  from 
New  Hampshire,  much  better  equipped  than  our  western  regi 
ments.  My  colleague,  Ben  Wade,  and  1  went  to  the  White 
House  to  see  this  noted  regiment  pass  in  review  before  Mr. 
Lincoln.  As  the  head  of  the  line  turned  around  the  north 
wing  of  the  treasury  department  and  came  in  sight,  the  eyes  of 
Wade  fell  upon  a  tall  soldier,  wearing  a  gaudy  uniform,  a  very 
high  hat,  and  a  still  higher  cockade.  He  carried  a  baton,  which 
he  swung  right  and  left,  up  and  down,  with  all  the  authority  of 
a  field  marshal.  Wade,  much  excited,  asked  me,  pointing  to 
the  soldier:  "Who  is  that?"  I  told  him  I  thought  that  was 
the  drum  major.  "Well,"  he  said,  "if  the  people  could  see 
him  they  would  make  him  a  general."  So  little  was  then 
known  of  military  array  by  the  wisest  among  our  Senators. 

It  was  quite  a  habit  of  Senators  and  Members,  during  the 
war,  to  call  at  the  camps  of  soldiers  from  their  respective 
states.  Secretary  Chase  often  did  this  and  several  times  I 
accompanied  him.  The  "  boys,"  as  they  preferred  to  be  called, 
would  gather  around  their  visitors,  and  very  soon  some  one 
would  cry  out  "a  speech,  a  speech,"  and  an  address  would  usu 
ally  be  made.  I  heard  very  good  speeches  made  in  this  way, 
and,  in  some  cases,  replied  to  by  a  private  soldier  in  a  manner 
fully  as  effective  as  that  of  the  visitor. 

In  the  early  period  of  the  war  the  private  soldier  did  not 
forget  that  he  was  as  good  as  any  man.  One  evening  Major, 
afterwards  Major-General,  Robert  S.  Granger  and  I  were  stroll 
ing  through  "  Camp  Buckingham,"  near  Mansfield,  Ohio,  and 


318  RECOLLECTIONS 

came  to  a  young  soldier  boiling  beans.  He  was  about  to  take 
them  off  the  fire  when  Granger  said:  "My  good  fellow,  don't 
take  off  those  beans;  they  are  not  done."  The  young  soldier 
squared  himself  and  with  some  insolence  said:  "Do  you  think 
I  don't  know  how  to  boil  beans?"  Granger,  with  great  kind 
ness  of  manner,  said:  "If  you  had  eaten  boiled  beans  in  the 
army  as  many  years  as  I  have  you  would  know  it  is  better  to 
leave  them  in  the  pot  all  night  with  a  slow  fire."  The  manner 
of  Granger  was  so  kindly  that  the  soldier  thanked  him  and  fol 
lowed  his  advice.  General  Granger  died  at  Zanesville,  Ohio, 
April  25,  1894,  after  having  been  on  the  retired  list  for  over 
twenty-one  years.  He  was  a  gallant,  as  well  as  a  skillful,  offi 
cer.  Peace  to  his  memory. 

It  was  my  habit,  while  Congress  was  in  session  during  the 
war,  to  ride  on  horseback  over  a  region  writhin  ten  miles  of 
Washington,  generally  accompanied  by  some  army  officer.  I 
became  familiar  with  every  lane  and  road,  and  especially  with 
camps  and  hospitals.  At  that  time  it  could  be  truly  said  that 
Washington  and  its  environs  was  a  great  camp  and  hospital. 
The  roads  were  generally  very  muddy  or  exceedingly  dusty. 
The  great  army  teams  cut  up  and  blocked  the  roads  which 
were  of  either  clay  or  sand,  but  the  air  was  generally  refresh 
ing  and  the  scenery  charming.  I  do  not  know  of  any  city  that 
has  more  beautiful  environs,  with  the  broad  Potomac  at  the 
head  of  tide  water,  the  picturesque  hills  and  valleys,  the 
woodland  interspersed  with  deciduous  and  evergreen  trees,  the 
wide  landscape,  extending  to  the  Blue  Ridge  on  the  west,  the 
low  lands  and  ridges  of  Maryland  and  the  hills  about  Mt. 
Vernon.  The  city  of  Washington,  however,  was  then  far  from 
attractive.  It  was  an  overgrown  village,  with  wide  unpaved 
avenues  and  streets,  with  61,000  inhabitants  badly  housed, 
hotels  and  boarding  houses  badly  kept,  and  all  depending  more 
or  less  upon  low  salaries,  and  employment  by  the  government. 
All  this  has  been  changed.  The  streets  and  avenues  have  been 
paved  and  extended.  The  old  site  is  now  well  filled  with  com 
fortable  mansions  and  business  blocks,  and  a  large  portion  of 
the  District  outside  of  the  city  is  being  occupied  with  villas 
and  market  gardens.  The  mode  of  living  has  greatly  changed. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  319 

Before  and  during  the  war,  Senators  and  Members  lived  in 
boarding  houses  in  messes,  formed  of  families  of  similar  tastes 
and  opinions.  Society,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  was  chiefly  offi 
cial,  of  which  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  cabinet  officers 
were  the  head,  and  Senators  and  Members  of  Congress  were 
the  most  numerous  guests. 

When  I  entered  Congress  my  pay  as  a  Member  was  $8  a 
day  during  the  session,  and  it  was  said  we  had  "  roast  beef ; " 
but  we  paid  for  it  if  we  had  it.  At  the  close  of  the  34th  Con 
gress  the  compensation  was  increased  to  $3,000  a  year.  Dur 
ing  the  latter  part  of  the  war  and  afterwards,  prices  of  food, 
board  and  lodging  were  considerably  advanced. 

In  1864  I  offered  the  proprietor  of  Willard's  Hotel  my 
monthly  pay  of  $250  for  board  and  lodgings,  in  very  modest 
quarters,  for  my  wife  and  myself,  but  he  demanded  $300  a 
month.  This  led  me  to  purchase  a  house  in  which  to  live,  a 
change  which  I  have  never  regretted.  It  was  quite  the  fashion 
then  for  the  old  families,  who  were  in  full  sympathy  with  the 
Confederates,  to  underrate  property  (even  their  own)  in  Wash 
ington,  on  the  ground  that  when  the  Confederacy  was  acknowl 
edged  the  capital  would  be  removed,  and  real  estate  could, 
therefore,  be  obtained  upon  very  reasonable  terms. 

After  the  war  the  feverish  revival  of  business  growing  out 
of  our  expanded  currency  led  to  such  reckless  extravagance  in 
improvements  by  public  officials  in  Washington  that  for  a  time 
it  threatened  the  bankruptcy  of  the  city,  but,  as  this  leads  me 
in  advance  of  events,  I  will  recur  hereafter  to  the  Washington 
of  to-day. 

During  1870  Congress  passed  a  law  increasing  the  compen 
sation  of  Senators  and  Members  from  $3,000  to  $5,000  a  year, 
and  justified  this  increase  by  the  inflated  prices  of  everything 
measured  by  a  depreciated  currency.  There  would  have  been 
but  little  complaint  of  this  by  the  people  had  not  the  law  been 
made  retroactive.  It  was  made  to  take  effect  at  the  beginning 
of  that  Congress,  though  when  the  law  was  passed  Congress 
was  nearly  ended.  This  "back  pay/'  amounting  to  over 
$3,000,  was  very  unpopular,  and  led  to  the  defeat  of  many 
Members  who  voted  for  it.  At  home  they  were  called  "salary 


320  RECOLLECTIONS 

grabbers."  Several  Senators  and  Members,  I  among  the  num 
ber,  declined  to  receive  the  back  pay.  But  it  was  said  that 
the  Congressmen  could  apply  for  it  at  any  time  in  the  future 
when  the  excitement  died  away.  This  led  me  to  write  Francis 
E.  Spinner,  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  to  ascertain  how  I 
could  cover  into  the  treasury  my  back  pay.  His  answer  was 
characteristic,  and  is  here  inserted.  Spinner,  long  since  dead, 
was  a  peculiar  character.  He  was  with  me  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  was  appointed  Treasurer  of  the  United  States 
by  President  Lincoln,  and  continued  as  such  until  1875.  He 
was  a  typical  officer,  bold,  firm  and  honest.  He  was  also  a  true 
friend,  a  model  of  fidelity  and  courage. 

TREASURY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  July  3,  1873.  J 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  Your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo  has  been  received. 

I  sympathize  with  you  most  fully.  I  too  have  had  my  share  of  lies  told 
on  me,  by  Dana  and  his  *  Sun',  and  shall  be  disappointed  if  the  libels  are  not 
continued,  especially  if  I  do  right.  Really  you  have  a  white  elephant  on 
your  hands.  You  can  neither  take  the  back  pay,  nor  leave  it  where  it  is, 
nor  draw  it  and  redeposit  it,  without  subjecting  yourself  to  the  yelping  of 
the  damned  curs,  that  bark  at  the  heels  of  every  honest  man. 

If  you  will  turn  to  the  proviso  to  Section  5,  of  the  General  Appropria 
tion  Bill,  approved  July  12,  1870,  at  page  251,  volume  16,  of  the  Statutes  at 
Large,  you  will,  I  think,  be  satisfied  that  your  back  pay  would  never  lapse 
to  the  treasury.  Should  you  leave  it,  as  it  now  is,  I  think  it  would  at  all 
times  be  subject  to  your  order,  and  to  the  order  of  your  heirs  afterwards. 
The  department  has  decided  that  the  appropriations  for  the  pay  of  Members 
of  Congress  is  permanent.  The  papers  say  that  the  Comptroller  has  de 
cided  that  the  back  pay  would  lapse  in  two  years.  I  called  on  him  to-day, 
and  he  furnished  me  with  a  copy  of  his  opinion,  which  is  herewith  inclosed 
you,  and  wrote  me  a  note,  a  copy  of  which  is  also  inclosed,  in  which  he 
says  —  '  it  could  not  be  carried  back  until  after  two  years  ;  whether  it  can 
be  carried  back  is  another  question,  which  I  do  not  intend  to  decide.'  There 
are  two  ways  that  the  amount  can  be  carried  back  into  the  treasury :  First, 
by  drawing  out  the  amount,  and  redepositing  it ;  and  second,  by  directing 
the  secretary  of  the  senate,  by  written  order,  to  turn  the  amount  into  the 
treasury.  I,  of  course,  can't  advise  you  what  to  do. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

F.  E.  SPINNER,  Tr.,  U.  S. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

In  the  spring  of  1863,  the  financial  operations  of  the  govern 
ment  were  eminently  successful.  In  the  fall  of  1862,  Secretary 


^/%tr-'  ^ 

slQp.  &. 


0,000^1^ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  321 

Chase  endeavored  to  sell  the  $500,000,000  5-20  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  authorized  by  the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  through 
experienced  officers  in  New  York,  and  could  not  get  par  for 
them.  He  then  employed  Jay  Cooke,  of  Philadelphia,  to  take 
charge  of  this  loan,  and  within  a  year  it  was  sold  by  him,  to 
parties  all  over  the  country,  at  par.  The  entire  cost  of  placing 
the  loan  was  less  than  three-eighths  of  one  per  cent.  It  fur 
nished  the  greater  part  of  the  means  necessary  to  conduct  the 
war  during  1863. 

The  early  victories  of  Grant  at  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson 
had  rescued  Kentucky,  and  opened  up  the  Cumberland  and  Ten 
nessee  Rivers  to  the  heart  of  the  south.  The  battle  of  Shiloh, 
though  won  at  a  great  sacrifice,  inspired  the  western  army 
with  confidence,  and  gave  General  Sherman  his  first  opportu 
nity  to  prove  his  ability  as  a  soldier.  The  timid  handling  of 
that  army  by  Halleck  and  its  subsequent  dispersion  by  his  or 
ders,  and  the  general  operations  of  both  the  armies  of  the  west 
and  in  Virginia,  created  a  feeling  of  despondency  in  the  loyal 
states  which  was  manifested  in  the  elections  in  the  fall  of  1862. 
The  military  operations  in  the  early  part  of  1863  did  not  tend 
to  restore  confidence. 

At  this  period  I  received  the  following  letter  from  Secretary 
Stanton,  which  evidenced  his  appreciation  of  General  Sherman: 

WASHINGTON.  D.  C..  December  7.  1862. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  :  — The  general's  letter  is  returned  herewith,  having  been 
read  with  much  interest  and  great  admiration  of  his  wisdom  and  patriotism. 
If  our  armies  were  commanded  by  such  generals  we  could  not  fail  to  have  a 
speedy  restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  government,  and  an  end  of  the 
war. 

I  beg  you  to  give  him  my  warmest  regards,  and  no  effort  of  mine  will 
be  spared  to  secure  to  the  government  the  fullest  exercise  of  his  abilities. 
With  thanks  for  the  favor,  I  am,  Yours  truly, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

The  attack  by  General  Sherman  upon  the  defenses  of  Vicks- 
burg  had  been  repulsed,  but  the  effect  of  this  had  been  counter 
acted  by  the  capture  of  Arkansas  post  with  over  5,000  prison 
ers.  General  Grant  had  failed  in  his  operations  in  Mississippi. 
General  Hooker  had  been  defeated  at  Chancellors ville,  and  Lee 


322  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  preparing  to  make  an  advance  into  Maryland  and  Penn 
sylvania. 

On  May  1,  1863,  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  for  several  years 
a  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  in  a  speech  made  at  Mount 
Vernon,  denounced  the  government  with  great  violence,  and, 
especially,  an  order  issued  by  General  Ambrose  E.  Burnside, 
commanding  the  department  of  the  Ohio,  announcing  that  "all 
persons,  found  within  our  lines,  who  commit  acts  for  the  benefit 
of  the  enemies  of  our  country,  will  be  tried  as  spies  or  traitors, 
and  if  convicted  will  suffer  death."  Burnside  enumerated 
among  the  things  which  came  within  his  order,  the  writing  or 
carrying  of  secret  letters,  passing  the  lines  for  treasonable  pur 
poses,  recruiting  for  the  Confederate  service.  He  said  :  "  The 
habit  of  declaring  sympathy  for  the  enemy  will  not  be  allowed 
in  this  department  ;  persons  committing  such  offenses  will 
be  at  once  arrested,  with  a  view  to  being  tried  or  sent  beyond 
our  lines  into  the  lines  of  their  friends." 

Vallandigham  denounced  this  order  as  a  base  usurpation  of 
arbitrary  power ;  said  that  he  despised  it,  and  spat  upon  it,  and 
trampled  it  under  his  foot.  He  denounced  the  President,  and 
advised  the  people  to  come  up  together  at  the  ballot  box  and 
hurl  the  tyrant  from  his  throne.  Many  of  his  hearers  wore  the 
distinctive  badges  of  "copperheads"  and  "butternuts,"  and,  amid 
cheers  which  Vallandigham's  speech  elicited,  was  heard  a  shout 
that  Jeff.  Davis  was  a  gentleman,  which  was  more  than  Lin 
coln  was. 

This  speech  was  reported  to  General  Burnside.  Early  on 
the  4th  of  May  a  company  of  soldiers  was  sent  to  arrest  Val 
landigham,  and  the  arrest  was  made.  Arriving  at  Cincinnati, 
he  was  consigned  to  the  military  prison  and  kept  in  close  con 
finement.  This  event  caused  great  excitement,  not  only  in 
Cincinnati,  but  throughout  the  State  of  Ohio.  On  the  evening 
of  that  day  a  great  crowd  assembled  at  Dayton,  and  several 
hundred  men  moved,  hooting  and  yelling,  to  the  office  of  the 
Republican  newspaper,  and  sacked  and  then  destroyed  it  by 
fire.  Vallandigham  was  tried  by  a  military  commission,  which 
promptly  sentenced  him  to  be  placed  in  close  confinement  in 
some  fortress  of  the  United  States,  to  be  designated  by  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  323 

commanding  officer  of  the  department,  there  to  be  kept  during 
the  continuance  of-  the  war.  Such  an  order  was  made  by  Gen 
eral  Burnside,  but  it  was  subsequently  modified  by  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  who  commuted  the  sentence  of  Vallandigham,  and  directed 
that  he  be  sent  within  the  Confederate  lines.  This  was  done 
within  a  fortnight  after  the  court-martial.  Vallandigham  was 
sent  to  Tennessee,  and,  on  the  25th  of  May,  was  escorted  by  a 
small  cavalry  force  to  the  Confederate  lines  near  Murfreesboro, 
and  delivered  to  an  Alabama  regiment. 

Vallandigham  made  a  formal  protest  that  he  was  within 
the  Confederate  lines  by  force,  and  against  his  will,  and  that  he 
surrendered  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  His  arrest  for  words  spoken, 
and  not  for  acts  done,  created  great  excitement  throughout 
Ohio  and  the  country.  A  public  meeting  was  held  in  New 
York  on  May  16,  which  denounced  this  action  as  illegal — as  a 
step  towards  revolution.  The  Democratic  leaders  of  Ohio  as 
sumed  the  same  attitude,  and  made  a  vigorous  protest  to  the 
President.  It  is  not  necessary  to  state  this  incident  more  fully. 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  in  their  history  of  Lincoln,  narrate  fully  the 
incidents  connected  with  this  arrest,  and  the  disposition  of  Val 
landigham.  The  letters  of  the  President  in  reply  to  Governor 
Seymour,  and  to  the  meeting  in  Ohio,  are  among  the  most  inter 
esting  productions  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  doubted  the  legality  of 
the  arrest.  He  quoted  the  provision  of  the  constitution  that 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  "  should  not  be  sus 
pended  unless,  in  cases  of  invasion  or  rebellion,  the  public  safety 
may  require  it."  He  had  suspended  the  privileges  of  that  writ 
upon  the  happening  of  contingencies  stated  in  the  constitution 
and,  therefore,  the  commanding  officer  was  justified  in  making 
the  arrest,  and  he  did  not  deem  it  proper  to  interfere  with  the 
order  of  the  commanding  officer. 

This  incident  was  made  more  important  when,  on  the  1 1th 
of  June,  the  Democratic  convention  of  the  State  of  Ohio  met 
at  Columbus  and  there  formally  nominated  Vallandigham  as 
the  candidate  of  that  party  for  Governor  of  Ohio.  This  pre 
sented  directly  to  the  people  of  that  state  the  question  of  the 
legality  and  propriety  of  the  arrest  of  Vallandigham.  The  Re 
publican  party  subsequently  met  arid  nominated  for  governor 


324  RECOLLECTIONS 

John  Brough,  a  life-long  Democrat,  but  in  thorough  sympathy 
with  the  Union  cause. 

It  is  difficult,  now,  to  describe  the  intense  excitement  in 
Ohio  over  the  issue  thus  made — at  times  breaking  into  violence. 
Vallandigham  was  received  with  great  favor  in  the  different 
cities  of  the  south,  and  finally,  embarking  on  board  of  a  vessel 
which  ran  the  blockade  at  Wilmington,  he  arrived  at  Bermuda 
on  the  22nd  of  June,  from  which  place  he  took  passage  to  Can 
ada,  arriving  at  Niagara  Falls  about  the  middle  of  July. 

The  feeling  of  anger  and  excitement  among  the  loyal  people 
of  Ohio  increased,  so  that  it  was  manifest  that  if  Vallandigham 
entered  the  state  he  would  be  in  great  danger,  and  a  quasi  civil 
war  might  have  arisen.  I  heard  men  of  character  and  influ 
ence  say  distinctly  that  if  Vallandigham  came  into  the  state  he 
would  be  killed,  and  they,  if  necessary,  would  kill  him.  It  was 
then  understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  disposed  to  allow  him  to 
enter  the  state.  Senator  Wade  and  I  met  at  Washington  and 
had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  We  told  him  the  condi 
tion  of  feeling  in  Ohio,  and  of  our  confident  belief  that  if  his 
order  of  banishment  was  revoked,  it  would  result  in  riots  and 
violence,  in  which  Vallandigham  would  be  the  first  victim.  He 
gave  us  no  positive  assurance,  but  turned  the  conversation  by 
saying  that  he  thought  Vallandigham  was  safer  under  British 
dominion,  where  he  would  have  plenty  of  friends. 

In  June,  1863,  my  health  was  somewhat  impaired,  and  Mrs. 
Sherman  and  I  concluded  to  visit  New  England  for  a  change  of 
scene,  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  ocean  air.  We  visited  New 
port  in  advance  of  the  season  and  found  it  deserted.  We  went 
to  Boston,  and  there  heard  of  the  advance  of  Lee  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  the  fierce  contest  going  on  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg. 
I  became  uneasy  and  started  for  home  with  the  intention  of 
proceeding  to  Vicksburg,  but  at  Cleveland  we  heard  the  glad 
tidings  of  great  joy,  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  the  defeat  of  Lee 
at  Gettysburg. 

These  victories,  occurring  on  the  same  day,  aroused  the  en 
thusiasm  and  confidence  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  United 
States,  especially  the  people  of  Ohio.  Instead  of  a  trip  to 
Vicksburg  I  was  soon  enlisted  in  the  political  canvass,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  325 

this  for  nearly  three  months  occupied  my  attention.  Meet 
ings  were  held  in  every  county  and  in  almost  every  township 
of  the  state.  All  on  either  side  who  were  accustomed  to  speak 
were  actively  engaged.  My  opening  speech  was  made  at  Dela 
ware  on  the  29th  of  July.  I  was  intensely  interested  in  the 
canvass,  and  therefore  insert  a  few  paragraphs  from  that  speech, 
as  an  indication  of  the  state  of  feeling  existing  at  that  time  : 

"  The  political  campaign  in  Ohio  this  season  presents  some  singular 
features.  We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  great  civil  war,  in  which  it  is  safe  to 
say  that  one  million  of  men  are  now  arrayed  in  arms  against  each  other. 
There  are,  perhaps,  now,  from  Ohio,  one  hundred  thousand  of  her  best  and 
bravest  citizens  in  the  field,  in  hospitals  or  camps,  sharing  the  burdens  of 
war.  The  immediate  stake  involved  is  nothing  less  than  national  existence, 
while  the  ultimate  stake  involves  nothing  less  than  civil  liberty  for  genera 
tions  yet  to  come.  In  the  midst  of  this  contest  the  Democratic  party, 
through  its  most  eloquent  orators,  endeavor  to  make  a  personal  issue.  They 
propose  to  withdraw  our  armies,  to  abandon  the  war,  and  to  try  the  question 
whether  their  candidate  for  governor  has  been  legally  convicted  as  a  traitor 
to  his  country. 

"  We  are  assured  by  Mr.  Pugh,  the  'Democratic  candidate  for  lieuten 
ant  governor,  who  is  one  of  the  most  eloquent  and  able  young  men  in  the 
state,  that  here  in  Ohio  we  have  been  subjected  to  a  tyranny  as  intolerable 
as  that  of  King  Bomba  of  Naples.  When  we  ask  for  evidence  of  this  tyr 
anny,  we  are  told  that  Clement  L.  Vallandigham  has  been  illegally  con 
victed  and  illegally  banished  ;  and  that  if  we  are  fit  to  be  free  we  must  stop 
and  examine  the  record  in  his  case,  and  not  be  turned  from  it  by  clamors 
about  prosecuting  the  war,  or  of  concluding  peace.  And  we  are  told  that 
if  we  don't  do  all  this  we  are  helpless  slaves  and  deserve  no  better  fate. 
Now,  as  I  do  not  desire  to  be  a  slave,  and  do  not  wish  the  people  of  my  na 
tive  state  to  be  slaves,  I  will  so  far  depart  from  my  usual  course  in  political 
discussion  as  to  examine  the  personal  issue  thus  made. 

"  I  had  supposed,  fellow-citizens,  that  nowhere  in  the  wide  world  did 
people  live  as  free  from  oppression  as  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  But  the  Demo 
cratic  party  has  sounded  the  alarm  that  our  liberties  were  jeopardized  in 
that  Mr.  Vallandigham  has  been,  as  they  assert,  illegally  convicted  and 
banished.  Before  alluding  to  matters  of  more  general  interest  I  propose  to 
consider  that  question. 

"The  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  was  convicted  by  a  military 
tribunal  for  aiding  the  enemy  with  whom  we  are  at  war.  For  this  he  was 
expelled  beyond  our  lines,  and  was  within  the  lines  of  the  enemy  when 
nominated  for  governor  of  Ohio.  By  the  judgment  of  a  military  tribunal, 
composed  mainly  of  his  political  friends,  approved  by  General  Burnside,  the 
chief  military  officer  within  the  state,  sanctioned  by  Judge  Leavitt — a  judge 


326  RECOLLECTIONS 

selected  by  Vallandigham  himself — of  the  United  States  court,  he  was  con 
victed  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  during  the  war.  By  the  mercy  of  the 
President  he  was  released  from  imprisonment  and  sent  beyond  our  lines. 
While  thus  banished  as  a  convicted  traitor,  by  military  authority,  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  State  of  Ohio  nominated  this  man  as  a  candidate  for 
governor,  and  you  are  called  upon  to  ratify  and  confirm  that  nomination,  to 
intrust  this  .man,  convicted  as  a  traitor,  with  the  chief  command  of  our 
militia,  the  appointment  of  all  its  officers,  and  the  management  of  the  execu 
tive  authority  of  the  state  ;  and  that,  too,  in  the  midst  of  a  war  with  the  rebels 
he  was  convicted  of  aiding. 

"And  here  is  the  marked  distinction  between  the  two  parties.  The 
Union  party  strikes  only  at  the  rebels.  The  Democratic  party  strikes  only 
at  the  administration.  The  Union  party  insists  upon  the  use  of  every  means 
to  put  down  the  rebels.  The  Democratic  party  uses  every  means  to 
put  down  the  administration.  I  read  what  is  called  the  Democratic  Plat 
form,  and  I  find  nothing  against  the  rebels  who  are  in  arms  against  the  best 
government  in  the  world  ;  but  I  find  numerous  accusations  against  the 
authorities  of  the  government,  who  are  struggling  to  put  down  the  rebels. 
I  find  no  kindly  mention  of  the  progress  of  our  arms,  no  mention  of  victories 
achieved  and  difficulties  overcome  ;  no  mention  of  financial  measures  without 
a  parallel  in  their  success  ;  no  promise  of  support,  no  word  of  encourage 
ment  to  the  constituted  authorities* ;  no  allowance  made  for  human  error  ; 
not  a  single  patriotic  hope.  It  is  a  long  string  of  whining,  scolding  accusa 
tions.  It  is  dictated  by  the  spirit  of  rebellion,  and,  before  God,  I  believe  it 
originated  in  the  same  malignant  hate  of  the  constituted  authorities  as  has 
armed  the  public  enemies.  I  appeal  to  you  if  that  is  the  proper  way  to  sup 
port  your  government  in  time  of  wrar.  Is  this  the  example  set  by  Webster 
and  Clay,  and  the  great  leaders  of  the  Whig  party  when  General  Jackson 
throttled  nullification  ;  or  is  it  the  example  of  the  tories  of  the  Revolution?" 

Brough  visited,  I  think,  every  county  in  the  state.  Every 
where  his  meetings  were  large  and  enthusiastic,  but  it  must  be 
said  also  that  the  Democratic  meetings,  which  were  equally 
numerous,  were  very  largely  attended.  The  people  were  evi 
dently  anxious  to  hear  both  sides. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  campaign  I  accompanied  Mr. 
Brough  through  the  populous  central  counties  of  the  state.  We 
spoke,  among  other  places,  in  Newark,  Zanesville  and  Lancaster. 
The  meetings  were  not  merely  mass  meetings,  but  they  were  so 
large  that  no  human  voice  could  reach  all  those  present,  and 
speeches  were  made  from  several  stands  in  the  open  air,  each 
surrounded  by  as  many  as  could  hear.  This  indication  of  pub 
lic  feeling  was  somewhat  weakened  by  the  fact  that  the  Demo- 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  327 

cratic  meetings  were  also  very  large,  and  the  ablest  members 
of  that  party  were  actively  engaged  in  the  canvass.  The  "mar 
tyr"  in  Canada  was  the  hero  of  these  meetings,  and  his  compul 
sory  arrest  and  absence  from  the  state,  but  near  its  border,  was 
the  constant  theme  of  complaint.  It  was  observed  that  the  ri 
val  meetings  were  attended  by  men  of  both  parties  in  nearly 
equal  numbers,  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  form  an  opinion  of 
the  result.  Mr.  Brough  kept  a  memorandum  book  containing 
the  names  of  the  counties  in  the  state  and  the  estimated  ma 
jorities  for  or  against  him  in  each  county.  At  night,  when  the 
crowds  dispersed,  he  would  take  out  his  book,  and,  upon  the 
information  received  that  day,  would  change  the  estimate 
of  his  majorities.  In  view  of  the  enormous  attendance  at,  and 
interest  in,  the  Democratic  meetings,  he  was  constantly  lower 
ing  his  estimated  majority  on  the  home  vote,  until  finally  it  de 
clined  to  5,000,  with  the  army  vote  known  to  be  very  largely  in 
his  favor.  At  Lancaster,  where  he  had  lived  and  published  a 
strong  Democratic  paper  for  many  years,  and  where  I  was  born, 
he  carefully  analyzed  his  list,  and,  throwing  his  book  upon  the 
table,  emphatically  said  that  he  would  not  reduce  his  majority 
of  the  home  vote  one  vote  below  5,000.  The  Democratic  party, 
however,  seemed  confident  of  Vallandigham's  election.  The 
result  was  that  Brough  was'elected  by  the  unprecedented  ma 
jority  of  101,000,  of  which  62,000  was  on  the  home  vote  and 
39,000  on  the  vote  of  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  they  having  the 
privilege  of  voting. 

This  settled  once  for  all  the  position  of  Ohio,  not  only  on 
the  question  of  the  war,  but  on  the  determination  of  its  people 
to  support  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  use  of  all  the  powers  granted  by 
the  constitution  as  construed  by  him,  and  to  prosecute  the  war 
to  final  success.  Vallandigham  remained  in  Canada  until  June, 
1864,  when  he  returned  quietly  to  Ohio,  where  he  was  permit 
ted  to  remain.  His  presence  injured  his  party.  His  appear 
ance  in  the  national  convention  in  Chicago  in  1864,  and  active 
participation  in  its  proceedings,  and  his  support  of  General 
McClellan,  greatly,  I  think,  diminished  the  chances  of  the 
Democratic  ticket.  He  died  seven  years  later  by  an  accidental 
wound  inflicted  by  himself. 


328  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  have  always  regarded  Brought  election  in  Ohio  upon  the 
issue  distinctly  made,  not  only  as  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war, 
but  in  support  of  the  most  vigorous  measures  to  conduct  it,  as 
having  an  important  influence  in  favor  of  the  Union  cause 
equal  to  that  of  any  battle  of  the  war.  The  results  of  all  the 
elections  in.  the  several  states  in  1863  were  decidedly  victories 
for  the  Union  cause,  and  especially  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio  and  Maryland. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
A  MEMORABLE  SESSION  OF  CONGRESS. 

Dark  Period  of  the  War— Effect  of  the  President's  Proclamation  — Revenue  Bill 

Enacted  Increasing-  Internal  Taxes  and  Adding  Many  New  Objects  of   Taxn- 

tion— Additional  Bonds  Issued  — General  Prosperity  in  the  North  Following- 

the  Passage  of   New  Financial  Measures  —  Aid  for  the  Union  Pacific 

Railroad  Company  —  Land  Grants  to  the  Northern  Pacific  —  131  li 

Amendment   to    the    Constitution  —  Resignation   of   Secretary 

Chase  — Anecdote  of  Governor  Tod  of  Ohio— Nomination  of 

William  P.    Fessenden   to  Succeed  Chase  —  The  Latter 

Made  Chief  Justice— Lincoln's  Second  Nomination  — 

Effect  of  Vallandigharn's  Resolution  —  General 

Sherman's    March  to    the  Sea  —  Second 

Session  of    the  38th  Congress. 

THE  38th  Congress  met  on  the  7th  of  December,  1863. 
The  Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  were 
elected  in  the  fall  of  1862,  perhaps  the  darkest  period 
of  the  war  for  the  Union  cause.  The  utter  failure  of 
McClellan's  campaign  in  Virginia,  the  defeat  of  Pope  at  the 
second  battle  of  Bull  Run,  the  jealousies  then  developed  among 
the  chief  officers  of  the  Union  army,  the  restoration  of  McClel- 
lan  to  his  command,  the  golden  opportunity  lost  by  him  at  An- 
tietam,  the  second  removal  of  McClellan  from  command,  the 
slow  movement  of  Halleck  on  Corinth,  the  escape  of  Beaure- 
gard,  the  scattering  of  Halleck's  magnificent  army,  the  prac 
tical  exclusion  of  Grant  and  his  command,  and  the  chasing  of 
Bragg  and  Buell  through  Kentucky— these,  and  other  dis 
couraging  events,  created  a  doubt  in  the  public  mind  whether 
the  Union  could  be  restored.  It  became  known  during  the 
happening  of  these  events  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  determined 
upon  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in  states  in  rebellion  by  an 
executive  act.  He  said  to  the  artist,  F.  B.  Carpenter : 

"It  had  got  to  be  midsummer,  1862;  things  had  gone  on  from  bad  to 
worse,  until  I  felt  that  we  had  reached  the  end  of  our  rope  on  the  plan  of 
operations  we  had  been  pursuing  ;  that  we  had  about  played  our  last  card, 

(329) 


830  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  must  change  our  tactics,  or  lose  the  game.  I  now  determined  upon 
the  adoption  of  the  emancipation  policy  ;  and  without  consultation  with, 
or  the  knowledge  of,  the  cabinet,  I  prepared  the  original  draft  of  the 
proclamation." 

Of  the  cabinet,  Blair  deprecated  this  policy  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  cost  the  administration  the  fall  elections.  Chase 
doubted  the  success  of  the  measure  and  suggested  another  plan 
of  emancipation,  but  said  that  he  regarded  this  as  so  much  bet 
ter  than  inaction  on  the  subject  that  he  would  give  it  his  en 
tire  support.  Seward  questioned  the  expediency  of  the  issue 
of  the  proclamation  at  that  juncture.  The  depression  of  the 
public  mind  consequent  upon  repeated  reverses  was  so  great 
that  he  feared  the  effect  of  so  important  a  step. 

In  consequence  of  this  opposition,  the  proclamation  was 
postponed.  On  the  22nd  of  September,  the  President,  having 
fully  made  up  his  mind,  announced  to  the  cabinet  his  purpose 
to  issue  the  proclamation  already  quoted.  What  he  did,  he 
said,  was  after  full  deliberation  and  under  a  heavy  and  solemn 
sense  of  responsibility. 

The  effect  of  this  proclamation  upon  the  pending  elections 
in  Ohio  was  very  injurious.  I  was  then  actively  engaged  in 
the  canvass  and  noticed  that  when  I  expressed  my  approbation 
of  the  proclamation,  it  was  met  with  coldness  and  silence. 
This  was  especially  so  at  Zanesville.  The  result  was  the  elec 
tion  in  Ohio  of  a  majority  of  Democratic  Members  of  Congress. 
This,  following  the  overwhelming  Republican  victory  in  1861, 
when  Tod  was  elected  governor  by  a  majority  of  55,203,  was 
a  revolution  which  could  only  be  ascribed  to  the  events  of  the 
war  and  to  the  issue  of  the  proclamation.  It  may  be  also 
partially  ascribed  to  the  discontent  growing  out  of  the  ap 
pointments,  by  Governor  Tod,  of  officers  in  the  volunteers. 
The  same  discontent  defeated  the  renomination  of  Governor 
Dennison  in  1861.  Such  is  the  usual  result  of  the  power  of 
appointment,  however  prudently  exercised. 

The  House  of  Representatives  was  promptly  organized  on 
the  7th  of  December,  1863,  by  the  election  of  Schuyler  Coif  ax 
as  speaker.  The  session  of  Congress  that  followed  was  per 
haps  the  busiest  and  most  important  one  in  the  history  of  our 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  331 

government.  The  number  of  measures  to  be  considered,  the 
gravity  of  the  subject-matter,  and  the  condition  of  the  country, 
demanded  and  received  the  most  careful  attention.  The  acts 
relating  to  the  organization  of  the  army  and  the  one  increasing 
the  pay  of  soldiers,  made  imperative  by  the  depreciation  of  our 
currency,  as  well  as  the  draft  and  conscription  laws,  received 
prompt  attention.  The  enrollment  act,  approved  February  24, 
1864,  proved  to  be  the  most  effective  measure  to  increase  and 
strengthen  the  army.  The  bounty  laws  were  continued  and 
the  amount  to  be  paid  enlarged.  The  laws  relating  to  loans, 
currency,  customs  duties  and  internal  taxes  required  more 
time  and  occupied  a  great  portion  of  the  session.  The  revenue 
bill  enacted  at  that  session  was  far  more  comprehensive  and 
the  rates  much  higher  than  in  any  previous  or  subsequent 
law.  It  provided  for  an  increase  of  all  internal  taxes  con 
tained  in  previous  laws,  and  added  many  new  objects  of  taxa 
tion,  so  as  to  embrace  nearly  every  source  of  revenue  provided 
for  by  American  or  English  laws,  including  stamp  duties  upon 
deeds,  conveyances,  legal  documents  of  all  kinds,  certificates, 
receipts,  medicines  and  preparations  of  perfumery,  cosmetics, 
photographs,  matches,  cards,  and  indeed  every  instrument  or 
article  to  which  a  stamp  could  be  attached.  It  also  provided 
for  taxes  on  the  succession  to  real  estate,  legacies,  distributive 
shares  of  personal  property,  and  a  tax  of  from  five  to  ten  per 
cent,  on  all  incomes  above  $600,  upon  all  employments,  upon 
all  carriages,  yachts,  upon  slaughtered  cattle,  swine  and  sheep, 
upon  express  companies,  insurance  companies,  telegraph  com 
panies,  theaters,  operas,  circuses,  museums  and  lotteries,  upon 
all  banks  and  bankers,  brokers,  and  upon  almost  every  article 
of  domestic  production.  It  placed  a  heavy  tax  upon  licenses, 
upon  dealers  in  spirits,  upon  brokers,  lottery-ticket  dealers  and 
almost  every  employment  of  life. 

It  largely  increased  the  tax  on  spirits,  ale,  beer,  porter,  and 
tobacco  in  every  form.  Not  content  with  this,  on  the  last  day 
of  the  session,  Congress  levied  a  special  income  tax  of  five  per 
cent.,  to  provide  for  the  bounties  promised  to  Union  soldiers. 
This  drastic  bill  occupied  the  attention  of  both  Houses  during 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  session,  and  became  a  law  only 


332  RECOLLECTIONS 

on  the  30th  of  June,  1864,  within  four  days  of  the  close  of  the 
session.  It  was  greatly  feared  that  the  law  would  create  dis 
content,  but  it  was  received  with  favor  by  the  people,  few  if 
any  complaints  being  made  of  the  heavy  burden  it  imposed. 
The  customs  duties  were  carefully  revised,  not  in  the  interest  of 
protection  but  solely  for  revenue.  Nearly  all  the  articles 
formerly  on  the  free  list  were  made  dutiable,  and  they  proved 
to  be  copious  sources  of  revenue,  especially  the  duties  on  tea, 
coffee,  spirits  of  all  kinds,  wines,  cigars,  and  tobacco  in  every 
form. 

During  that  session  Congress  passed  two  important  loan 
bills,  which  practically  confided  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  the  power  to  borrow  money  in  almost  any  form  that 
could  be  devised.  The  first  act,  approved  March  3,  1864,  au 
thorized  him  to  borrow,  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States, 
$200,000,000  during  the  current  fiscal  year,  redeemable  after 
any  period  not  less  than  five  years,  and  payable  at  any  period 
not  more  than  forty  years  from  date,  in  coin,  and  bearing  in 
terest  at  six  per  cent,  per  annum.  It  also  provided  for  the  issue 
of  $11,000,000  5-20  bonds  which  had  been  sold  in  excess  of  the 
$500,000,000  authorized  by  law.  By  the  act  approved  June  30, 
1864,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  authorized  to  borrow, 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  $400,000,000,  on  bonds  re 
deemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  a  period  of 
not  less  than  five,  nor  more  than  forty,  years  from  date,  bearing 
an  annual  interest  of  not  exceeding  six  per  cent.,  payable  semi- 
annually  in  coin.  He  was  authorized  to  receive  for  such  bonds 
lawful  money  of  the  United  States,  or,  at  his  discretion,  treas 
ury  notes,  certificates  of  indebtedness  or  certificates  of  deposit, 
issued  under  any  act  of  Congress.  These  bonds  were  similar  in 
general  description  to  the  5-20  bonds  already  provided  for,  but 
bore  interest  at  five  per  cent,  instead  of  six. 

By  these  measures  the  people  of  the  United  States  had 
placed  in  the  power  of  the  government  almost  unlimited 
sources  of  revenue,  and  all  necessary  expedients  for  borrowing. 
Strange  as  it  may  appear,  under  the  operation  of  these  laws 
the  country  was  very  prosperous.  All  forms  of  industry  hith 
erto  conducted,  and  many  others,  were  in  healthy  operation. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  333 

Labor  was  in  great  demand  and  fully  occupied.  This  will 
account  for  the  passage  of  several  laws  that  would  not  be 
justified  except  in  an  emergency  like  the  one  then  existing. 
Among  these  was  an  act  to  encourage  immigration,  approved 
July  4,  1864.  This  act  grew  out  of  the  great  demand  for  labor 
caused  by  the  absence  of  so  many  men  in  the  army.  A  com 
mission  of  immigration  was  provided.  Immigrants  were  au 
thorized  to  pledge  their  wages,  for  a  term  not  exceeding  twelve 
months,  to  repay  the  expense  of  their  immigration.  These  con 
tracts  were  declared  to  be  valid  in  law  and  might  be  enforced 
in  the  courts  of  the  United  States  or  of  the  several  states  and 
territories.  It  provided  that  no  immigrant  should  be  compul- 
sorily  enrolled  for  military  service  during  the  existing  insur 
rection,  unless  such  immigrant  voluntarily  renounced,  under 
oath,  his  allegiance  to  the  country  of  his  birth,  and  declared 
his  intention  to  become' a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  This 
law  could  only  be  justified  by  the  condition  of  affairs  then 
existing. 

Another  law,  alike  indefensible,  but  considered  important 
at  the  time,  regulating  the  sale  of  gold,  was  approved  June  17, 
1864.  It  declared  unlawful  a  contract  for  the  purchase  or  sale 
and  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion,  to  be  delivered  on  any 
day  subsequent  to  the  making  of  the  contract.  It  also  forbade 
the  purchase  or  sale  and  delivery  of  foreign  exchange,  to  be  de 
livered  at  any  time  beyond  ten  days  subsequent  to  the  making 
of  such  contract,  or  the  making  of  any  contract  for  the  sale 
and  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion,  of  which  the  person 
making  such  contract  was  not  at  the  time  of  making  it  in 
actual  possession.  It  also  declared  it  to  be  unlawful  to  make 
any  loans  of  money  or  currency  to  be  repaid  in  coin  or  bullion 
or  to  make  any  loan  of  coin  or  bullion  to  be  repaid  in  currency. 
All  these  provisions  were  made  to  prevent  what  were  regarded 
as  bets  on  the  price  of  gold.  This  law,  however,  proved  to  be 
ineffective,  as  all  such  laws  interfering  with  trade  and  specula 
tion  must  be,  and  was  soon  repealed. 

The  national  banking  act,  which  passed  at  the  previous  ses 
sion,  was  carefully  revised  and  enacted  in  a  new  form,  and  it 
still  remains  in  force,  substantially  unchanged  by  subsequent 


S.-24 


334  RECOLLECTIONS 

laws.  By  this  new  act  the  office  of  comptroller  of  the  cur 
rency  was  created.  Under  its  provisions,  aided  by  a  heavy  tax 
on  the  circulating  notes  of  state  banks,  such  banks  were  con 
verted  into  national  banks  upon  such  conditions  as  secured  the 
payment  of  their  circulating  notes. 

The.  financial  measures,  to  which  I  have  referred,  w^ere  the 
work  of  the  committees  of  ways  and  means  of  the  House  and 
on  finance  in  the  Senate.  They  occupied  the  chief  attention  of 
both  Houses,  and  may  fairly  be  claimed  by  the  members  of 
those  committees  as  successful  measures  of  the  highest  impor 
tance.  I  was  deeply  interested  in  all  of  them,  took  a  very 
active  part  in  their  preparation  in  committee,  and  their  conduct 
in  the  Senate,  and,  with  the  other  members  of  the  committee, 
feel  that  the  measures  adopted  contributed  largely  to  the  final 
triumph  of  the  Union  cause.  Certainly,  the  full  power  of  the 
United  States,  its  credit  and  the  property  of  its  people  were  by 
these  laws  intrusted  to  the  executive  authorities  to  suppress 
the  rebellion. 

In  addition  to  military  and  financial  measures,  that  session 
was  prolific  in  many  other  measures  of  primary  importance. 
The  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  which  had  been  char 
tered  by  the  previous  Congress,  found  itself  unable  to  proceed, 
and  appealed  to  Congress  for  additional  aid.  This  was  granted 
by  the  act  of  July  2,  1864.  Under  this  act,  the  first  lien  of  the 
United  States  for  bonds  advanced  to  the  company,  provided  for 
by  the  act  of  1862,  was  made  subordinate  to  the  lien  of  the 
bonds  of  the  company  sold  in  the  market — a  fatal  error,  which 
led  to  all  the  serious  complications  which  followed.  The  pro 
ceeds  of  the  sale  of  the  first  mortgage  bonds  of  the  company,  with 
a  portion  of  those  issued  by  the  United  States  in  aid  of  the  com 
pany,  built  both  the  Union  and  Central  Pacific,  so  that  the  con 
structors  of  these  roads,  who  were  mainly  directors  and  managers 
of  the  company,  practically  received  as  profit  a  large  portion  of 
the  bonds  of  the  United  States  issued  in  aid  of  the  work,  and 
almost  the  entire  capital  stock  of  the  company.  If  the  act  had 
been  delayed  until  after  the  war,  when  the  securities  of  the 
United  States  rapidly  advanced  in  value,  it  could  not  have 
passed  in  the  form  it  did.  The  construction  of  the  road  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  335 

practically  not  commenced  until  the  war  was  over.  The  con 
structors  had  the  benefit  of  the  advancing  value  of  the  bonds 
and  of  the  increasing  purchasing  power  of  United  States 
notes. 

It  was  unfortunate  that  the  bill  for  the  construction  of  the 
Northern  Pacific  Railroad  came  up  at  the  same  time.  It  was  a 
faulty  measure,  making  excessive  grants  of  public  lands  to  aid 
in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line  from 
Lake  Superior  to  Puget  Sound.  It  was  an  act  of  incorpora 
tion  with  broad  and  general  powers,  carelessly  defined,  and 
with  scarcely  any  safeguards  to  protect  the  government 
and  its  lavish  grants  of  land.  Some  few  amendments  were 
made,  but  mostly  in  the  interest  of  the  corporation,  and  the 
bill  finally  passed  the  Senate  without  any  vote  by  yeas  and 
nays. 

These  two  bills  prove  that  it  is  not  wise  during  war  to  pro 
vide  measures  for  a  time  of  peace. 

During  the  same  session  the  Territories  of  Colorado,  Ne 
braska  and  Nevada  were  authorized  to  form  state  governments 
for  admission  into  the  Union,  and  a  government  was  provided 
for  each  of  the  Territories  of  Montana  and  Idaho.  The  great 
object  of  organizing  all  the  Indian  country  of  the  west  into 
states  and  territories  was  to  secure  the  country  from  Indian 
raids  and  depredations. 

By  far  the  most  beneficial  action  of  Congress  at  this  session 
was  the  passage  of  the  13th  article  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  viz.,  "Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude, 
except  as  a  punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or 
any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction." 

It  was  thoroughly  debated,  and  passed  the  Senate  by  the 
large  vote  of  38  yeas  and  6  nays.  It  subsequently  received  the 
sanction  of  the  House  and  of  the  requisite  number  of  states  to 
make  it  a  part  of  the  constitution.  This  was  the  natural  and 
logical  result  of  the  Civil  War.  In  case  the  rebellion  should 
fail,  it  put  at  an  end  all  propositions  for  compensation  for 
slaves  in  loyal  states,  and  all  question  of  the  validity  of  the 
emancipation  proclamation  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 


336  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  following  letter  of  Secretary  Chase  shows  the  extremity 
of  the  measures  deemed  to  be  necessary  at  this  period  of  the 
war : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  May  26,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  - —  I  inclose  two  drafts  of  a  national  bank  taxation 
clause — one  marked  'A,'  providing  for  the  appropriation  of  the  whole  tax 
to  the  payment  of  interest  or  principal  of  the  public  debt  and  repealing  the 
real  estate  direct  tax  law,  and  another  marked  "  B,"  dividing  the  proceeds  of 
the  tax  between  the  national  and  the  loyal  states.  In  either  form  the  clause 
will  be  vastly  more  beneficial  to  the  country  than  in  the  form  of  the  bill, 
whether  original  or  amended. 

I  also  inclose  a  draft  of  a  section  providing  for  a  tax  on  banks  not 
national  in  the  internal  revenue  act.  It  substantially  restates  the  House 
proposition  limiting  it  to  banks  of  the  states.  Some  discrimination  in  favor 
of  the  national  system  which  affords  substantial  support  to  the  government 
as  compared  with  the  local  system,  which  circulates  notes  in  competition 
with  those  issued  by  the  government,  seems  to  me  indispensably  necessary. 
It  is  impossible  to  prevent  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  unless  Congress 
will  assume  its  constitutional  function  and  control  it;  and  it  is  idle  to  try  to 
make  loans  unless  Congress  will  give  the  necessary  support  to  the  public 
credit.  I  am  now  compelled  to  advertise  for  a  loan  of  fifty  millions,  and,  to 
avoid  as  far  as  practicable  the  evils  of  sales  below  par,  must  offer  the  long 
bonds  of  '81.  Should  the  provisions  I  ask  for  be  sanctioned,  I  shall  antic 
ipate  a  satisfactory  premium.  Should  they  be  denied,  I  may  still  be  able 
to  negotiate  one  loan  on  pretty  fair  terms ;  but  I  dread  the  effects  on  future 
loans. 

Hitherto  I  have  been  able  to  maintain  the  public  credit  at  the  best 
points  possible  with  a  surcharged  circulation.  My  ability  to  do  so  is  due 
mainly  to  the  legislation  of  the  session  of  1862-63.  I  must  have  further  leg 
islation  in  the  same  direction  if  it  is  desired  to  maintain  that  ability. 

Yours  truly,  S.  P.  CHASE. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

A  few  days  before  the  close  of  the  session,  on  the  29th  of 
June,  1864,  Mr.  Chase  tendered  his  resignation  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  This  created  quite  a  sensation  in  political  cir 
cles.  It  was  thought  to  be  the  culmination  of  the  feeling 
created  by  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  and  the  alleged  rivalry  of 
Chase,  but  the  statements  made  in  the  "  History  of  Lincoln,"  by 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  and  the  "  Biography  of  Chase,"  by  Schuckers, 
clearly  show  that  the  cause  of  the  resignation  arose  long  an 
terior  to  this  event  and  gradually  produced  a  condition  of 
affairs  when  either  Mr.  Lincoln  had  to  yield  his  power  over 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  337 

appointments  or  Mr.  Chase  to  retire  from  his  office.  No  good 
would  result  from  analyzing  the  events  which  led  to  this  resig 
nation.  The  cause  was  perhaps  best  stated  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
accepting  it,  as  follows : 

"  Your  resignation  of  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  sent  me 
yesterday,  is  accepted.  Of  all  I  have  said  in  commendation  of  your  ability 
and  fidelity  I  have  nothing  to  unsay,  and  yet  you  and  I  have  reached  a  point 
of  mutual  embarrassment  in  our  official  relation  which  it  seems  cannot  be 
overcome  or  longer  sustained  consistently  with  the  public  service." 

The  nomination  of  David  Tod,  of  Ohio,  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  succeed  Mr.  Chase,  was  not  well  received  in  either 
House.  If  the  Members  had  known  Tod  as  well  as  I  did,  they 
would  have  known  that  he  was  not  only  a  good  story  teller, 
but  a  sound,  able,  conservative  business  man,  fully  competent 
to  deal  with  the  great  office  for  which  he  was  nominated.  His 
declination,  however,  prevented  a  controversy  which  would 
have  been  injurious,  whatever  might  have  been  the  result.  An 
anecdote  frequently  told  by  him  may,  perhaps,  explain  his 
nomination. 

When  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  he  went  to  Washing 
ton  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln,  to  find  out,  as  he  said,  what  a  Republi 
can  President  wanted  a  Democratic  Governor  of  Ohio  to  do  in 
aid  of  the  Union  cause.  He  called  at  the  White  House,  sent 
in  his  card,  and  was  informed  that  the  President  was  engaged, 
but  desired  very  much  to  see  Governor  Tod,  and  invited  him  to 
call  that  evening  at  7  o'clock.  Promptly  on  time  Governor 
Tod  called  and  was  ushered  into  the  room  where,  for  the  first 
time,  he  saw  Mr.  Lincoln.  Mutual  salutations  had  scarcely  been 
exchanged  before  the  announcement  was  made  that  David  K. 
Cartter  was  at  the  door.  Mr.  Lincoln  asked  the  governor  if  he 
had  any  objection  to  Cartter  hearing  their  talk.  The  governor 
said  no,  that  Cartter  was  an  old  friend  and  law  partner  of  his. 
Soon  after  Governor  Nye  of  Nevada  was  announced.  The 
same  inquiry  was  made  and  answered,  and  Nye  joined  the 
party,  and  in  the  same  way  Sam.  Galloway,  of  Ohio,  and  a  famous 
joker  from  New  York,  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  came  in. 
Then  grouped  around  the  table,  Nye  led  off  with  a  humorous 
description  of  life  in  the  mines  in  the  early  days  of  California, 


338  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  others  contributed  anecdotes,  humor  and  fun,  in  which 
Lincoln  took  the  lead,  "and  I"  (as  Tod  told  the  story),  "not  to 
be  behindhand,  told  a  story ; "  and  so  the  hours  flew  on  with 
out  any  mention  of  the  grave  matters  he  expected  to  discuss 
with  the  President.  When  the  clock  announced  the  hour  of 
eleven,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  made  it  a  habit  to  retire  at  eleven 
o'clock,  and,  turning  to  Tod,  said :  "  Well,  Governor,  we  have 
not  had  any  chance  to  talk  about  the  war,  but  we  have  had  a 
good  time  anyway ;  come  and  see  me  again."  It  then  dawned 
upon  the  governor  that  this  little  party  of  kindred  spirits,  all 
friends  of  his,  were  invited  by  the  President  to  relieve  him 
from  an  interview  about  the  future  that  would  be  fruitless  of 
results.  Neither  could  know  what  each  ought  to  do  until 
events  pointed  out  a  duty  to  be  done.  Lincoln  knew  that  Tod 
was  a  famous  story  teller,  as  were  all  the  others  in  the  party, 
and  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  relieve  his  mind 
from  anxious  care. 

Governor  Tod  told  me  this  anecdote  and  related  many  of 
the  stories  told  at  that  symposium. 

The  nomination  of  William  P.  Fessenden  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  was  a  natural  one  to  be  made,  and  received  the 
cordial  support  of  the  Members  of  the  Senate,  even  of  those 
who  did  not  like  his  occasional  ill  temper  and  bitterness. 
And  here  I  may  properly  pause  to  notice  the  traits  of  two  men 
with  whom  I  was  closely  identified  in  public  life,  and  for  whom 
I  had  the  highest  personal  regard,  although  they  widely  dif 
fered  from  each  other. 

Mr.  Fessenden  was  an  able  lawyer,  a  keen  incisive  speaker, 
rarely  attempting  rhetoric,  but  always  a  master  in  clear,  dis 
tinct  statement  and  logical  argument.  He  had  been  for  a 
number  of  years  dyspeptic,  and  this,  no  doubt,  clouded  his 
temper  and  caused  many  of  the  bitter  things  he  said.  When  I 
entered  the  Senate,  I  was,  at  his  request,  placed  on  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  of  which  he  was  chairman.  He  was  kind 
enough  to  refer  to  my  position  in  the  House  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  my  action  there,  and  to 
express  the  hope  that  I  would  be  able  to  aid  him  in  dealing 
with  financial  questions,  in  which  he  had  had  no  training  and 


SCHim.EP    CCLFAX. 
WILLIAM    PITT    FESSENDEN- 


STEPHEN  A.   DOUGLAS. 
THOMAS   EWING. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  339 

but  little  interest.  I  accepted  the  position  with  pleasure,  and 
in  general  cooperated  with  him,  though  on  many  important 
subjects  we  widely  differed.  His  appointment  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  left  me  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance, 
but  my  intercourse  with  him  continued  while  he  was  secretary. 
During  the  short  period  in  which  he  held  that  office,  I  had 
many  conferences  with  him  in  respect  to  pending  questions. 
When  he  returned  to  the  Senate,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  he 
resumed  his  old  place  as  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance, 
and  continued  in  that  position  nearly  two  years,  when,  his 
health  becoming  more  feeble,  he  resigned  his  membership  of 
that  committee,  and  I  again  took  his  place  as  chairman  and 
held  it  until  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1877.  His 
health  continued  to  fail  and  he  died  at  Portland,  Maine,  Sep 
tember  8,  1869. 

With  Mr.  Chase  I  had  but  little  acquaintance  and  no 
sympathy  during  his  early  political  career.  His  edition  of  the 
"Statutes  of  Ohio"  was  his  first  work  of  any  importance.  He 
was  at  times  supposed  to  be  a  Whig  and  then  again  classed  as  a 
Democrat.  Later  he  became  a  member  of  the  national  con 
vention  of  Free  Soilers  held  at  Buffalo,  August  9,  1848,  over 
which  he  presided.  This  convention  was  composed  of  dele 
gates  from  eighteen  states,  and  included  in  its  active  mem 
bers  many  of  the  most  eminent  Whigs  and  Democrats  of  a 
former  time.  It  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  for  the  Presi 
dency,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams  for  Vice  President.  Gen 
eral  Taylor,  the  nominee  of  the  Whig  party,  was  elected  Presi 
dent,  but  Mr.  Van  Buren  received  291,342  votes,  being  nearly 
one-eighth  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast. 

It  so  happened  that  when  the  Ohio  legislature  met  in  De 
cember,  1848,  it  was  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  Whigs 
and  Democrats  and  of  two  members,  Townsend  and  Morse, 
who  classed  themselves  as  Free  Soilers.  They  practically  dic 
tated  the  election  of  Mr.  Chase  as  United  States  Senator.  They 
secured  his  election  by  an  understanding,  express  or  implied, 
with  the  Democratic  members,  that  they  would  vote  for  Demo 
crats  for  all  the  numerous  offices,  which,  under  the  consti 
tution  of  the  state  as  it  then  stood,  were  appointed  by  the 


340  RECOLLECTIONS 

legislature.  This  bargain  and  sale — so-called — created  among 
the  Whigs  a  strong  prejudice  against  Chase.  But  events  in 
Congress,  especially  the  act  repealing  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise,  practically  dissolved  existing  parties,  and  left  Mr.  Chase 
in  the  vantage  ground  of  having  resisted  this  measure  with 
firmness,  He  was  universally  regarded  as  a  man  of  marked 
ability  and  honest  in  his  convictions.  In  the  election  for 
Members  of  Congress  in  1854,  he  supported  what  were  known 
as  the  anti-Nebraska  candidates,  and,  no  doubt,  contributed  to 
their  election.  When  he  was  nominated  for  governor,  I  was 
naturally  brought  into  friendly  relations  with  him,  and  these, 
as  time  advanced,  were  cordial  and  intimate.  Our  correspond 
ence  was  frequent,  mostly  of  a  personal  character,  and  our 
intimacy  continued  while  he  lived.  When  he  was  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  I  was  frequently  consulted  by  him,  and  had,  as  I 
believe,  his  entire  confidence.  I  have  a  great  number  of  letters 
from  him  written  during  that  period. 

In  September,  1864,  Mr.  Chase  was  my  guest  at  Mansfield 
for  a  day  or  two.  He  was  evidently  restless  and  uneasy  as  to 
his  future.  I  spoke  to  him  about  the  position  of  chief  justice, 
recently  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Taney.  He  said  it  was 
a  position  of  eminence  that  ought  to  satisfy  the  ambition  of 
anyone,  but  for  which  few  men  were  fitted.  Early  in  October 
I  received  a  letter  from  him  which  shows  he  was  actively  en 
gaged  in  the  canvass,  and  that  the  common  belief  that  he  did 
not  desire  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  without  foundation. 
He  wrote  as  follows : 

LOUISVILLE,  October  2,  1864. 

MY  DEAE  SIR  :  —  Some  days  since  I  informed  the  secretary  of  the  state 
central  committee  that  I  would,  as  far  as  possible,  fill  the  appointments 
which  ill-health  had  obliged  Gov.  Tod  to  decline.  Seeing  afterwards, 
however,  that  he  had  determined  to  meet  them  himself,  I  acceded  to  requests 
from  other  quarters  to  give  them  what  help  1  could.  The  first  intimation  I 
had  that  he  would  fail  in  any  of  them  was  your  letter,  put  into  rny  hands  just 
as  I  was  leaving  Cincinnati  for  New  Albany  last  Friday.  It  was  then  too 
late  to  recall  my  own  appointments,  and,  of  course,  I  cannot  be  at  Mansfield. 
I  should  be  glad  to  be  there  ;  but  regret  the  impossibility  of  it  the  less  since 
I  should  not  meet  you.  I  am  really  glad  you  are  going  to  Logansport. 
The  election  of  Gov.  Morton  is  of  vast  importance  to  our  cause.  And,  then, 
Colfax,  I  feel  most  anxious  for  him.  I  hope  you  can  go  to  his  district.  I 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  341 

wanted  to  go  myself ;  but  was  urged  to  other  parts  of  Indiana,  and  was  left 
no  chance  to  reach  it  till  this  week  ;  which  must  be  given  to  Ohio  in  aid  of 
Stevenson  and  Bundy,  except  that  I  speak  here  to-morrow  (Monday),  and 
Tuesday  night  in  Covington. 

There  has  been  a  very  large  accumulation  of  troops  here,  for  Sherman. 
Col.  Hammond  telegraphed  the  department  at  Washington  yesterday  that, 
communications  being  now  re-established  from  Nashville  to  Atlanta,  he  could 
commence  sending  them  forward  immediately  ;  and  doubtless  the  movement 
will  begin  tomorrow.  I  congratulate  you  most  heartily  on  his  splendid  suc 
cess  thus  far  and  on  the  certainty  that  no  effort  will  be  spared  to  maintain 
his  army  at  the  highest  possible  point  of  efficiency. 

There  appears  to  be  no  truth  in  the  report  of  a  cooperative  movement 
in  aid  of  Sheridan  for  Tennessee.  Burbridge's  expedition  is  for  a  point 
beyond  Abingdon  where  there  are  important  salt  works,  and  he  intends 
returning  thence  through  Knoxville.  So  I  learn  from  one  who  ought  to 
know ;  but  don't  understand  it.  That  game,  seems  hardly  worth  the 
candle. 

We  had  a  splendid,  meeting  in  Aurora  yesterday  and  our  friends  are 
confident  of  Gov.  Morton's  re-election.  Thousands  of  people  stood  in  a 
pouring  rain  to  hear  me  and  Gov.  Lane  talk  to  them,  and  profounder  or 
more  earnest  attention  I  never  witnessed.  It  will  gratify  you,  I  am  sure,  to 
know  that  I  receive, wherever  I  go,  unequivocal  manifestations  of  a  popular 
confidence  and  appreciation,  which  I  did  not  suppose  I  possessed. 

There  is  not  now  the  slightest  uncertainty  about  the  re-election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln.  The  only  question  is,  by  what  popular  and  what  electoral  majority. 
God  grant  that  both  may  be  so  decisive  as  to  turn  every  hope  of  rebellion  to 
despair! 

You  ask  about  Mr.  Fessenden's  remaining  in  the  cabinet.  He  will  be  a 
candidate  for  re-election  to  the  Senate  ;  and  if  successful  will  leave  his 
present  post  in  March,  or  sooner  if  circumstances  allow.  He  has  been  in 
communication  with  me  since  he  took  charge,  and  in  every  step,  with  per 
haps  one  slight  exception,  his  judgment  has  corresponded  with  mine.  He 
sees  several  matters  now  in  quite  a  different  light  from  that  in  which  they 
appeared  to  him  when  Senator.  He  would  now,  for  example,  cordially  sup 
port  your  proposition  for  a  heavy  discriminating  tax  upon  all  unnational  cir 
culation.  And  he  is  more  than  just — he  is  very  generous  in  his  appreciation 
of  the  immense  work  of  organization  and  effective  activity  to  be  found  in 
the  department. 

How  signally  are  events  confirming  my  views  as  to  the  value  of  gold, 
compared  with  national  currency.  How  clear  it  is  now  that  if  Congress  had 
come  boldly  to  the  act  of  marked  discriminative  taxation  on  all  non-national 
circulation  and  final  prohibition  after  a  few  years,  say  two — or  at  most  three — 
gold  would  now  have  been  at  not  more  than  fifty  per  cent,  premium  and  that 
resumption  of  specie  payments  might  have  been  effected  \vithin  a  year. 
I  trust  the  next  session  will  witness  bolder  and  better  legislation.  It  will  be 


342  RECOLLECTIONS 

one  of  your  brightest  honors  that  you  so  clearly  saw  and  so  boldly  followed 
the  path  of  reform  ;  for  certainly  no  greater  boon — except  liberty  itself — 
can  be  conferred  upon  a  nation  than  a  truly  national  and  thoroughly  sound 
currency.  Yours  most  truly, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  the  election  he  wrote  me  the  following  letter,  in 
which  he  referred  to  the  appointment  of  a  chief  justice,  with 
an  evident  desire  for  the  office : 

CINCINNATI,  November  12,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :- — The  papers  still  state  you  are  in  Washington.  I  am 
glad  of  it,  and  hope  you  may  be  able  to  render  good  service  to  our  friend, 
Fessenden.  The  task  of  preparing  a  report  is  no  light  one.  At  least  it 
always  made  me  sweat  and  keep  late  hours.  May  he  find  a  safe  deliver 
ance  from  the  labor. 

All  sorts  of  rumcrs  are  afloat  about  everything.  Those  which  concern 
me  most  relate  to  the  vacant  seat  on  the  bench;  but  I  give  little  heed  to 
any  of  them.  My  experience  in  Washington  taught  me  how  unreliable 
they  are.  If  what  I  hear  is  any  index  to  the  state  of  opinion,  Mr.  Lincoln 
must  be  satisfied  that  in  acting  on  the  purpose  expressed  in  your  letters,  he 
will  have  the  almost,  if  not  quite,  unanimous  approval  of  the  Union  men 
throughout  the  country.  So  I  "possess  my  soul  in  patience,"  and  urge 
nothing. 

If  it  did  not  seem  to  me  a  sort  of  indelicacy  even  to  allow  to  anyone 
the  slightest  occasion  to  say  that  I  solicit  or  even  ask  such  an  appointment 
as  a  favor  or  as  a  reward  for  political  service,  I  should  now  be  on  my  way 
to  Washington  ;  but  I  think  it  due  to  myself  as  well  as  to  the  President  to 
await  his  decision  here  ;  though,  if  appointed,  I  hope  the  appointment  will  be 
considered  as  made  from  the  country  at  large  rather  than  from  Ohio  alone. 
My  legal  residence  is  here  ;  but  my  actual  domicile  is  still  in  the  District. 

Please  write  me,  if  you  can,  when  the  President  will  act.  Let  me 
know  too  how  the  military  and  political  aspects  at  Washington  appear  to 
you.  We  have  achieved  a  glorious  political  victory,  which  must  greatly 
help  our  military  prospects  and  possibilities. 

Mr.  Miller  has  just  come  in  and  says  he  goes  to  Washington  to-night. 
Had  he  come  before  I  began,  I  should  have  spared  you  this  letter  ;  only 
asking  him  to  make  verbally  the  inquiries  I  have  just  set  down  ;  but  I  will 
send  it  with  "  answer  respectfully  solicited. 

Yours  very  cordially, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Early  in  December  I  received  the  following  letter,  which  in 
dicates  very  clearly  that  Mr.  Chase  was  anxious  for  the  position 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  343 

of  chief  justice,  and  wished  his  appointment  made,  if  at  all, 
before  his  arrival  in  Washington  : 

CLEVELAND,  December  2,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:— Yours  of  the  27th  of  November  reached  me  here  to 
day.  Yesterday  I  fulfilled  my  appointment  to  make  an  address  on  the  dedi 
cation  of  the  college  edifice  recently  erected  at  Mount  Union,  under  the 
patronage  of  the  Pittsburg  conference  of  the  Methodist  church.  A  number 
of  leading  men  of  the  denomination  were  present  and  assured  me  of  the 
profound  wishes  of  themselves  and  the  most  influential  men  of  the  connection 
for  my  appointment.  These  indeed  seem  to  be  universal  except  with  an 
inconsiderable  number  whom  various  circumstances  have  made  unfriendly 
personally.  So  that  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  President's  adherence  to  his 
declared  intention  is  more  important  to  our  cause  and  to  his  administration 
than  it  is  to  me  personally.  Not  to  be  appointed  after  such  declarations 
and  such  expressions  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  mortification  ;  but  it  would  not,  I 
think,  be  any  serious  injury  to  me. 

I  expect  to  be  in  Washington,  Tuesday  or  Wednesday.  I  should  have 
been  there  long  since  had  this  appointment  been  determined  either  way  ; 
but  I  must  come  now.  My  personal  duties,  unconnected  with  it,  have 
required  and  now  require  my  attention,  and  though  I  hated  to  come  before  I 
knew  that  there  remains  nothing  to  hope  or  fear  concerning  it,  I  must.  I 
will  be  at  the  Continental,  Philadelphia,  Tuesday  morning. 

Our  news  from  Tennessee  is  important  and  encouraging.  Garfield's 
success  against  Forrest  was  brilliant.  I  hope  Thomas  will  succeed  as  well 
against  Hood. 

General  Sherman  must  now  be  near  the  coast.  His  enterprise  is  full 
of  hazard,  but  a  hazard  wisely  incurred  as  it  seems  to  me.  I  ardently  hope 
that  'out  of  the  nettle,  danger,  he  will  pluck  the  flower,  safety.' 

Our  majority  on  the  presidential  election  in  Ohio  turns  out  much  less 
than  I  anticipated.  It  will  hardly,  if  at  all,  exceed  fifty  thousand. 

Faithfully  yours, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

When  I  returned  to  Washington  at  the  beginning  of  the 
next  session  I  called  upon  the  President  and  recommended  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Chase.  We  had  a  brief  conversation  upon 
the  subject  in  which  he  asked  me  pointedly  the  question 
whether  if  Chase  was  appointed  he  would  be  satisfied,  or 
whether  he  would  immediately  become  a  candidate  for  Presi 
dent.  I  told  him  I  thought  the  appointment  to  that  great  office 
ought  to  arid  would  satisfy  his  ambition.  He  then  told  me 
that  he  had  determined  to  appoint  him  and  intended  to  send 


344  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  nomination  to  the  Senate  that  day  and  he  did  so,  December 
6,  1864.  After  Mr.  Chase  had  become  chief  justice  he  still  had 
a  lingering  interest  in  the  financial  policy  of  the  country.  On 
March  1,  1865,  I  received  from  him  the  following  letter.  That 
portion  which  refers  to  the  legal  tender  laws  will  naturally 
excite  some  interest  in  view  of  his  decision  against  the  power 
of  Congress  to  make  the  notes  of  the  United  States  a  legal 
tender.  He  wrrote: 

AT  HOME,    March  1,  1865. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  More  to  fulfill  a  promise  than  with  the  hope  of 
service  I  write  this  note. 

Your  speech  on  the  finances  is  excellent.  There  are  one  or  two  points 
on  which  I  shall  express  myself  otherwise  ;  but,  in  the  main,  it  commands 
the  fullest  assent  of  my  judgment. 

Your  appreciation  of  the  currency  question  exactly  corresponds  with 
my  own  ;  only  I  would  not  give  up  the  national  currency  even  if  wre  must 
endure  for  years  depreciation  through  the  issues  of  state  banks  before 
getting  rid  of  them. 

The  clause  in  the  bill,  as  it  came  from  the  House,  imposing  a  tax  of 
ten  per  cent,  on  all  notes  not  authorized  bv  Congress  which  may  be  paid  out 
after  this  year  bv  any  bank,  whether  state  or  national,  will  do  much  towards 
making  our  currency  sound. 

I  will  briefly  indicate  what  I  should  prefer  and  what  I  should  most 
zealously  labor  to  have  sanctioned  by  Congress  if  I  were  at  the  head  of  the 
treasury  department. 

1.  Let  the  monthly  tax  on  state  bank  circulation  be  increased  to  one- 
half  of  one  per  cent. 

2.  Provide  that  any  bank  may  pay  into  the  national  treasury  the  amount 
of  its  circulation  in  United  States  notes  or  national  currency  and  that  on 
such    payment     the     bank     making     it    shall  be  exempt  from  taxation  on 
circulation. 

3.  Provide    for    the    application    to    the    redemption    of  the  circulation 
represented  by    such    payments,    of    the    United    States    notes    or    national 
currency  so  paid  in,  and  strictly  prohibit  the  paying  out  of  such  notes  for 
any  other  purpose. 

This  measure  contemplates  : 

1.  An  exclusive  national  currency. 

2.  Relief  of   the  state  banks  from  taxation  upon  circulation  which  they 
cannot  get  in. 

3.  The  assumption  of  the  duty  of  redemption  by  the  national  treasury 
with  means  provided  by  the  state  banks. 

4.  Reduction  in  the  amount  in  circulation  while  the  payments  into  the 
treasury  are  being  made  and  opportunity  of  some  provision  for  redemption 
which  will  not  again  increase  it. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  345 

The  effect  will  be: 

1.  Healthful  condition  of  currency  and  consequent  activity  in  produc 
tion  and  increase  of  resources. 

2.  Gradual  restoration  of  national  notes  to  equality  with  specie  and  the 
facilitating  of  resumption  of  specie  payments. 

3.  Improvement  of  national  credit. 

4.  Diminution   of   national   expenditures  and  possible   arrest  of  the  in 
crease  of  national  debt. 

Half  measures  are  better  than  no  measures  ;  but  thorough  measures 
are  best. 

I  will  only  add,  that  while  I  have  never  favored  legal  tender  laws  in 
principle,  and  never  consented  to  them  except  under  imperious  necessity,  I 
yet  think  it  unwise  to  prohibit  the  making  of  any  of  the  treasury  notes 
authorized  by  the  bill  now  before  Congress  legal  tenders.  The  compound 
interest  legal  tender  notes  have  then  fulfilled  all  my  expectations  for  their 
issue  and  use  ;  and  may  be  made  most  useful  helps  in  gradual  reduction  of 
the  volume  of  circulation  by  substituting  them,  for  legal  tenders  bearing  no 
interest. 

I  cannot  elaborate  this  now.  You  will  see  how  the  thing  will  work 
without  any  suggestion  of  mine.  Faithfully  your  friend, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

From  my  long  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  Chief  Jus 
tice  Chase  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  duties  of  the  great  office  he 
then  held  were  not  agreeable  to  him.  His  life  had  been  a  politi 
cal  one,  and  this  gave  him  opportunity  for  travel  and  direct 
communion  with  the  people.  The  seclusion  and  severe  labor 
imposed  upon  the  Supreme  Court  were  contrary  to  his  habits 
and  injurious  to  his  health.  It  took  him  some  years  to  become 
accustomed  to  the  quiet  of  judicial  life.  He  presided  over  the 
Senate  while  acting  as  a  court  of  impeachment  during  the  trial 
of  Andrew  Johnson  in  1868.  While  strongly  opposed  to  the 
impeachment,  he  manifested  no  sign  of  partiality.  He  died  in 
New  York  city  on  the  7th  of  May,  1873,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five. 

While  Congress  was  in  session,  the  Republican  national  con 
vention  met  at  Baltimore  on  the  7th  day  of  June,  1864,  to 
nominate  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  announce  the  principles  and  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  of  the  United  States.  The  nomination  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  already  been  made  by  state  legislatures  and  by 
the  loyal  people  of  the  United  States  in  every  form  in  which 
popular  opinion  can  be  expressed.  The  feeble  expressions  of 


346  RECOLLECTIONS 

dissent  were  but  a  whisper  compared  with  the  loud  proclama 
tion  coming  from  every  loyal  state  in  favor  of  Lincoln.  The 
convention,  with  unanimous  assent,  ratified  and  confirmed 
the  popular  choice. 

The  nomination  for  Vice  President  was  dictated  by  the 
desire  to  recognize  the  loyalty  and  patriotism  of  those  who, 
living  in  states  in  rebellion,  remained  true  and  loyal  to  the 
Federal  Union.  Though  Mr.  Johnson  disappointed  the  expec 
tations  of  those  who  nominated  him,  yet  at  that  time  his  cour 
age  and  fidelity  and  his  services  and  sacrifices  for  the  cause  of 
the  Union  fully  justified  his  nomination. 

More  important,  even,  than  the  choice  of  candidates,  was 
the  declaration  by  the  convention  of  the  policy  of  the  Repub 
lican  party.  The  key-note  of  that  policy  was  the  third  resolu 
tion,  as  follows : 

"  .Resolved,  that  as  slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  constitutes  the 
strength  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  always  and  everywhere  hostile 
to  the  principles  of  republican  government,  justice  and  the  national  safety 
demand  its  utter  and  complete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  republic  ;  and 
that  we  uphold  and  maintain  the  acts  and  proclamations  by  which  the  gov 
ernment,  in  its  ow7n  defense,  has  aimed  a  deathblow  at  the  gigantic  evil. 
We  are  in  favor,  furthermore,  of  such  an  amendment  to  the  constitution,  to 
be  made  by  the  people  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate 
and  forever  prohibit  the  existence  of  slavery  within  the  limits  or  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  United  States." 

This  was  the  logical  result  of  the  war.  If  it  was  carried 
into  full  execution,  it  would  settle  on  a  just  and  sure  founda 
tion  the  only  danger  that  ever  threatened  the  prosperity  of  the 
Union.  This  was  happily  carried  into  full  effect  by  the  consti 
tutional  amendment  to  which  I  have  already  referred. 

The  Democratic  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  the  29th  of 
August,  1864,  and  nominated  George  B.  McClellan  as  the  candi 
date  for  President  and  George  H.  Pendleton  as  Vice  President ; 
but  far  more  important  and  dangerous  was  the  second,  and  the 
only  material  resolution  of  the  platform  which  was  drawn  by 
Vallandigham  and  was  as  follows : 

"  Resolved,  that  this  convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as  the  sense  of 
the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by 
the  experiment  of  war,  during  which,  under  the  pretense  of  a  military 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  347 

necessity  of  a  war  power  higher  than  the  constitution,  the  constitution  itself 
has  been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and  public  liberty  and  private  right  alike 
trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  the  country  essentially  im 
paired,  justice,  humanity,  liberty  and  the  public  welfare  demand  that  im 
mediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities  with  a  view  to  an  ulti 
mate  convention  of  all  the  states,  or  other  peaceable  means,  to  the  end  that, 
at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the 
federal  union  of  all  the  states." 


This  was  a  false  declaration,  and  was  also  a  cowardly  sur 
render  to  enemies  in  open  war.  These  two  resolutions  made 
the  momentous  issue  submitted  to  the  American  people.  From 
the  moment  it  was  made  the  popular  mind  grew  stronger  and 
firmer  in  favor  of  the  prosecution  of  the  war  and  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  and  more  resolute  to  resist  the  surrender  proposed 
to  rebels  in  arms.  Prior  to  the  adoption  of  this  resolution, 
there  was  apparent  languor  and  indifference  among  the  people 
as  to  who  should  be  President,  but  after  its  adoption  there 
could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  trend  of  popular  opinion.  Every 
sentiment  of  patriotism,  the  love  of  flag  and  country,  the  pride 
of  our  people  in  the  success  of  our  soldiers,  and  the  resentment 
of  the  soldiers  themselves  at  this  slur  on  their  achievements — 
all  contributed  to  the  rejection  of  the  candidates  and  the  plat 
form  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  overwhelming  victory 
of  the  Republican  party. 

I  had  already  entered  into  the  canvass  when  this  resolution 
of  Vallandigham  was  adopted.  It  was  only  necessary  to  read 
it  to  the  people  of  Ohio  to  arouse  resentment  and  opposition. 
The  scattered  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  much  of  it  growing 
out  of  his  conservatism,  at  once  disappeared.  The  discontented 
Eepublicans  who  met  in  convention  at  Cleveland  again  became 
active  in  the  Republican  ranks.  The  two  parties  that  grew  out 
of  factional  politics  in  New  York,  the  Blair  party  and  its 
opponents  in  Missouri,  and  the  army  of  disaffected  office- 
seekers,  waived  their  dissensions  and  griefs.  Horace  Greeley 
and  the  extreme  opponents  of  slavery,  represented  by  Wen 
dell  Phillips,  not  satisfied  with  the  slow,  but  constitutional, 
process  of  emancipation  proposed  by  Lincoln,  when  compelled 
to  choose  between  that  plan  of  abolition  and  unconditional 


348  RECOLLECTIONS 

surrender  to  slavery,  naturally  voted  for  Lincoln.  The  great 
body  of  patriotic  Democrats  in  all  the  states,  who  sup 
ported  the  war,  but  were  still  attached  to  their  party,  quietly 
voted  for  Lincoln.  In  Ohio,  especially,  where  a  year  be 
fore  they  voted  against  Vallandigham  for  his  disloyalty,  they 
naturally  voted  against  his  resolution  for  surrender  to  the 
rebels. 

During  the  campaign  I  accompanied  Johnson  to  Indiana 
where  he  made  patriotic  speeches  to  great  audiences.  His 
arraignment  of  the  autocracy  of  slaveholders  in  the  south  was 
very  effective.  The  current  of  opinion  was  all  in  favor  of 
Lincoln.  The  result  of  the  election  for  Members  of  Congress 
in  the  states  voting  in  October  was  a  decisive  indication  of  the 
result  in  November.  All  the  central  states  elected  a  large 
majority  of  Republican  Members  of  Congress.  In  Ohio  the 
Union  party  had  a  majority  of  over  50,000  and  elected  17  Re 
publican  and  2  Democratic  Members  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  In  1862  Ohio  elected  14  Democratic  and  5  Repub 
lican  Members.  The  presidential  election  that  followed  on  the 
8th  of  November,  1864,  resulted  in  an  overwhelming  victory 
for  Lincoln.  He  received  212  and  McClellan  21  electoral  votes, 
the  latter  from  the  States  of  New  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Ken 
tucky.  This  political  victory  had  a  more  decisive  effect  in 
defeating  the  rebellion  than  many  battles.  I  returned  to  Wash 
ington  soon  after  the  election. 

I  was  naturally  deeply  interested  in  the  movements  of  Gen 
eral  Sherman's  march  to  the  sea.  Towards  the  close  of  Novem 
ber  we  had  all  sorts  of  rumors  from  the  south,  that  General 
Sherman  was  surrounded  by  Confederate  troops,  that  his  sup 
plies  were  cut  off,  that  successful  attacks  had  been  made  upon 
his  scattered  forces.  I  naturally  became  uneasy,  and  went  to 
President  Lincoln  for  consolation  and  such  news  as  he  could 
properly  give  me.  He  said :  "  Oh  no,  we  have  no  news  from 
General  Sherman.  We  know  what  hole  he  went  in  at,  but  we 
do  not  know  what  hole  he  will  come  out  of,"  but  he  expressed 
his  opinion  that  General  Sherman  was  all  right.  Soon  after, 
authentic  information  came  that  General  Sherman  had  ar 
rived  at  Savannah,  that  Fort  McAllister  was  taken,  and  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  349 

army  was  in  communication  with  the  naval  forces.  The  cap 
ture  of  Savannah  and  the  northward  march  of  General  Sher 
man's  army  is  part  of  the  familiar  military  history  of  the 
country. 

The  second  session  of  the  38th  Congress  convened  on  the 
5th  of  December,  1864.  It  was  a  busy  and  active  session 
confined  mainly  to  appropriation,  loan  and  currency  bills. 
The  necessary  expenditures  had  been  so  greatly  increased  by 
the  war  that  the  aggregate  amounts  appropriated  naturally 
created  some  opposition  and  alarm,  but  there  was  no  help  for 
it.  As  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance  I  did  all  I  could 
to  reduce  the  appropriations  for  civil  expenses,  but  in  respect 
to  military  expenditures  there  could  be  scarcely  any  limit,  the 
amount  necessary  being  dependent  upon  military  success. 
The  hopeful  progress  of  the  war  gave  encouragement  that  in  a 
brief  period  the  power  of  the  Confederate  States  would  be  ex 
hausted  and  peace  would  follow.  We  had,  however,  to  legis 
late  upon  the  basis  of  the  continued  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  it  therefore  became  necessary  to  increase  the  revenues  in 
every  possible  way,  and  to  provide  for  new  loans.  The  act  ap 
proved  March  3,  1865,  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  borrow  not  exceeding  $600,000,000,  and  to  issue  therefore 
bonds  or  treasury  notes  of  the  U  nited  States  in  such  form  as 
he  might  provide.  This  was  the  last  great  loan  authorized 
during  the  war.  An  act  to  provide  internal  revenue  to  support 
the  government  was  approved  on  the  same  day,  which  modi 
fied  many  of  the  provisions  of  the  previous  act,  but  added  sub 
jects  of  taxation  not  embraced  in  previous  laws.  It  especially 
increased  the  taxes  on  tobacco  in  its  various  forms.  The  6th 
section  provided : 

'•  That  every  national  banking  association,  state  bank,  or  state  banking* 
association,  shall  pay  a  tax  of  ten  per  centum  on  the  amount  of  notes  of  any 
state  bank  or  state  banking  association,  paid  out  by  them  after  the  first  day 
of  July,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-six." 

This  tax  on  state  bank  circulation  was  a  practical  prohibi 
tion  of  all  state  bank  paper,  and  before  the  time  fixed  for  the 
commencement  of  the  tax,  this  circulation  entirely  disappeared. 

S.-25 


350  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Additional  duties  were  placed  upon  certain  foreign  importa 
tions.  Provisions  were  also  made  for  the  collection  in  the  in 
surrectionary  district  within  the  United  States  of  the  direct 
taxes  levied  under  the  act  of  1862.  During  the  entire  session 
my  labor  was  excessive,  and  when  it  closed  my  health  and 
strength  were  greatly  impaired. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
ASSASSINATION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Johnson's  Maudlin  Stump  Speech  in  the  Senate— Inauguration  of  Lincoln  for  the 
Second  Term  — My   Trip   to  the    South  — Paying   Off  a  Church  Debt  — Meet 
ings  to  Celebrate  the  Success  of  the  Union  Army — News  of  the  Death  of 
Lincoln  — I  Attend  the  Funeral  Services— General  Johnson's  Surrender 
to  General  Sherman  —  Controversy  with  Secretary  Stanton  Over  the 
Event— Review  of  05,000  Troops  in  Washington— Care  of  the 
Old  Soldiers  — Annual  Pension  List  of  $150,000,000—1  am 
Re-elected  to  the  Senate— The    Wade-Davis    Bill— John 
son's  Treatment  of  Public  Men  — His  Veto  of  the  Civil 
Rights  Bill— Reorganization  of  the  Rebel  States 
and  Their  Final  Restoration  to  the  Union. 

ON  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  at  the  inauguration  of  the 
President  and  Vice  President  elect,  a  scene  occurred 
in  the  Senate  chamber,  which  made  a  serious  im 
pression,  and  was  indicative  of  what  was  to  occur  in 
the  future.  About  eleven  o'clock  of  that  day  Andrew  Johnson, 
Vice  President,  was  shown  into  the  room  in  the  capitol  as 
signed  to  the  Vice  President.  He  complained  of  feeling  unwell 
and  sent  for  either  whisky  or  brandy,  and  must  have  drank  ex 
cessively  of  it.  A  few  minutes  before  twelve  o'clock  he  was 
ushered  into  the  Senate  to  take  the  oath  of  office  and  to  make 
the  usual  brief  address.  He  was  plainly  intoxicated  and  de 
livered  a  stump  speech  unworthy  of  the  occasion.  Before  him 
were  assembled  all  the  principal  officers  of  the  government 
and  the  diplomatic  corps.  He  went  on  in  a  maudlin  and 
rambling  way  for  twenty  minutes  or  more,  until  finally  he  was 
suppressed  by  the  suggestion  of  the  secretary  that  the  time  for 
the  inauguration  had  arrived,  and  he  must  close. 

The  procession  was  formed  for  the  inauguration  at  the  east 
front  of  the  capitol,  where  a  great  multitude  was  gathered, 
There  Mr.  Lincoln  delivered  his  memorable  inaugural  address, 

(351) 


352  RECOLLECTIONS 

Referring  to  the  condition  of  the  controversy  at  the  time  of  his 
former  inaugural,  he  said : 

"  Both  parties  deprecated  war ;  but  one  of  them  would  make  war  rather 
than  let  the  Union  survive  ;  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than  let 
it  perish.  And  the  war  came." 

He  hopefully  predicted  the  result  of  the  war,  but  he  said : 

"Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the 
bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and 
until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another 
drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must 
be  said,  '  The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.'  " 

His  peroration  will  always  be  remembered  for  its  impres 
sive  eloquence: 

"  With  malice  towards  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the 
right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work 
we  are  in  ;  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds  ;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have 
borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan  ;  to  do  all  which  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all 
nations." 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  I  was  invited  by  Secretary 
Stanton,  with  many  other  Senators  and  our  families,  to  take  a 
trip  to  the  south  in  the  steamer  "  Baltic."  Among  those  on 
board  were  Senators  Simon  Cameron,  Wade,  Zach.  Chandler, 
and  Foster,  of  Connecticut,  then  president  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate.  The  sea  was  exceedingly  boisterous.  Nearly  all  on 
board  were  sea  sick,  but  none  so  badly  as  Wade  and  Chandler, 
both  of  whom,  I  fear,  violated  the  third  commandment,  and 
nearly  all  the  party  were  in  hearty  sympathy  with  them.  I 
was  a  good  sailor  and  about  the  only  one  who  escaped  the 
common  fate.  We  visited  the  leading  places  of  interest  along 
the  coast,  but  especially  Charleston,  Beaufort  and  Savannah. 
Charleston  had  but  recently  been  evacuated.  General  Sher 
man  was  then  on  his  march  through  North  Carolina.  In 
Charleston  everything  looked  gloomy  and  sad.  I  rode  on 
horseback  alone  through  different  parts  of  the  city,  and  was 
warned  by  officers  not  to  repeat  the  ride,  as,  if  my  name  was 
known,  1  would  be  in  danger  of  being  shot. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  353 

We  arrived  in  Beaufort  on  Sunday  morning.  The  town 
was  then  full  of  contrabands.  We  remained  there  that  day 
and  received  an  invitation  from  a  negro  preacher  to  attend  re 
ligious  services  at  his  new  meeting-house.  About  fifteen  or 
twenty  of  the  party  went  to  the  "  meeting-house,"  a  new  un 
finished  skeleton-frame  house  of  considerable  size  without  any 
plastering — a  mere  shell.  We  were  shown  to  seats  that  had 
been  reserved  for  us.  The  rest  of  the  congregation  were  ne 
groes  in  every  kind  of  dress  and  of. every  shade  of  color.  The 
scene  was  very  interesting,  but  the  sermon  of  the  preacher 
was  little  better  than  gibberish.  He  was  a  quaint  old  man, 
wearing  goggles  and  speaking  a  dialect  we  could  hardly  under 
stand.  At  the  close  of  his  sermon  he  narrated  how  the  meet 
ing-house  had  been  built ;  that  John  had  hauled  the  logs,  Tom, 
Dick  and  Harry,  naming  them,  had  contributed  their  labor, 
but  they  were  in  debt  something  over  $200,  and,  with  a  sig 
nificant  glance  at  our  little  party,  he  thought  this  was  a  good 
time  to  take  up  a  collection.  No  sooner  was  this  said  than 
Cameron,  whispering  to  us,  said:  "Lets  pay  it;  I'll  give  twenty 
dollars,"  and  when  the  hat  came  around,  instead  of  the  usual 
dimes  and  quarters  in  ragged  currency,  it  received  greenbacks 
of  good  denominations.  In  the  meantime  the  old  preacher, 
highly  elated,  called  upon  the  audience  to  sing  "John  Brown's 
Body."  A  feeble,  piping  voice  from  an  old  negro  woman 
started  the  singing  and  the  rest  of  the  negroes,  with  loud 
melodious  voices,  joined  in,  and,  before  it  was  through,  the 
rest  of  us  joined  in.  The  hat,  when  returned  to  the  preacher, 
was  found  to  contain  more  than  fifty  dollars  in  excess  of  the 
amount  necessary  to  pay  off  the  debt.  Then,  with  many 
thanks  to  us  by  the  preacher,  the  audience  was  requested  to 
remain  standing  until  their  visitors  left. 

Our  visit  at  Savannah  was  very  interesting.  We  there 
found  many  leading  citizens  of  the  town  who  were  social  and 
kind,  treating  us  in  a  friendly  way  by  rides  around  the  city. 

In  the  latter  part  of  March,  I  was  invited  by  General  Sher 
man,  then  on  a  visit  to  Grant  near  Petersburg,  Virginia,  to  go 
with  him  to  Goldsboro,  North  Carolina,  where  his  army  was 
then  encamped.  Secretary  Stanton  was  my  next  door  neighbor, 


354  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  our  families  were  intimately  associated.  I  invited  his 
eldest  son,  Edwin,  then  a  young  man  studying  law,  to  accom 
pany  me,  an  invitation  which  he  gladly  accepted.  We  joined 
General  Sherman  at  Fortress  Monroe  and  accompanied  him  on 
the  steamer  "Bat"  to  Newbern  and  thence  by  rail  to  Goldsboro. 
There  was  a  sense  of  danger  in  traveling  by  rail  through  a 
country  mostly  unoccupied,  but  we  reached  the  army  at  Golds 
boro  safely.  There  I  had  my  first  view  of  a  great  army  in 
marching  garb.  Most  of  the  troops  had  received  their  new 
uniforms  and  equipments,  but  outlying  regiments  were  con 
stantly  coming  in,  ragged,  with  tattered  hats,  shoes  and  boots 
of  every  description,  almost  black  from  exposure  and  the 
smoke  of  the  pine  woods,  and  as  hardy  a  looking  set  of  men  as 
one  could  conceive  of.  They  had  picked  up  all  kinds  of  para 
phernalia,  "stove  pipe"  hats  being  the  favorite,  and  had  all 
sorts  of  wagons  gathered  in  their  march.  Their  appearance 
was  rapidly  changed  by  new  uniforms.  After  a  brief  visit  I 
returned  to  Washington,  and  thence  to  my  home  at  Mansfield. 

I  was  invited  soon  after,  on  the  14th  of  April,  to  attend  a 
mass  meeting  at  Columbus  to  celebrate  the  success  of  the 
Union  army.  I  accepted  the  invitation  and  attended  an  im 
mense  meeting  in  the  open  air  on  the  capitol  grounds,  and 
there  Samuel  Galloway  and  myself  made  addresses.  Meetings 
were  held,  congratulations  uttered  in  the  evening  of  that  day. 
The  whole  city  was  in  holiday  attire,  ornamented  with  flags, 
and  everywhere  and  with  everybody,  there  was  an  expression 
of  joy.  I  retired  late  at  night  to  my  room  in  the  hotel,  and 
after  my  fatigue  slept  soundly. 

Early  the  next  morning  Rush  Sloane,  a  personal  friend, 
rapped  at  my  door  and  announced  to  me  the  news  of  the  assas 
sination  of  Lincoln,  and,  as  then  reported,  that  of  Seward. 
The  change  from  joy  to  mourning  that  day  in  Columbus  was 
marked  and  impressive.  No  event  of  my  life  created  a  more 
painful  impression  than  this  news  following  the  rejoicings  of 
the  day  before.  I  returned  to  Washington  and  attended  the 
funeral  services  over  the  body  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  then  about  to  be 
carried  on  the  long  journey  to  his  old  home  in  Springfield, 
Illinois, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  355 

On  the  6th  of  May,  in  response  to  the  invitation  of  my 
neighbors  in  Mansfield,  I  made  an  address  upon  the  life  and 
character  of  the  dead  President.  It  expressed  the  opinion  and 
respect  I  then  entertained  for  him,  and  now  I  could  add 
nothing  to  it.  As  time  moves  on  his  name  and  fame  become 
brighter,  while  most  of  his  contemporaries  are  one  by  one  for 
gotten. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  terms  of  the  sur 
render  of  General  Johnston  to  General  Sherman  became  the 
subject  of  a  violent  controversy.  On  the  21st  of  April,  Secre 
tary  Stanton  issued  an  order  to  General  Grant  to  proceed  im 
mediately  to  the  headquarters  of  General  Sherman  and  direct 
operations  against  the  enemy.  He  issued  a  bulletin  in  which 
he  intimated  that  Davis  and  his  partisans  were  on  their  way 
to  escape  to  Mexico  or  Europe  with  a  large  amount  of  gold 
plundered  from  the  Richmond  banks  and  from  other  sources, 
and  that  they  hoped  to  make  terms  with  General  Sherman  by 
which  they  would  be  permitted  with  their  effects,  including 
their  gold  plunder,  to  go  to  Mexico  or  Europe.  The  most  vio 
lent  and  insulting  paragraphs  were  published  in  the  newspa 
pers,  substantially  arraigning  General  Sherman  as  a  traitor 
and  imputing  to  him  corrupt  motives.  I  felt  myself  bound  at 
once,  not  to  defend  the  terms  of  surrender,  but  to  repel  the 
innuendoes  aimed  at  General  Sherman.  This  led  me  into  a 
controversy  with  Mr.  Stanton,  not  worth  while  to  recall. 

I  believed  then  and  still  believe  that  he  was  under  the  influ 
ence  of  perhaps  a  well-grounded  fear  that  his  life  was  in  dan 
ger.  The  atmosphere  of  Washington  seemed  to  be  charged 
with  terror,  caused  by  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  the  wound 
ing  of  Seward  and  the  threats  against  all  who  were  conspicu 
ous  in  political  or  military  life  in  the  Union  cause.  Now,  since 
we  are  fully  informed  of  all  the  surrounding  circumstances 
connected  with  the  surrender,  and  the  belief  of  General  Sher 
man  that  he  was  strictly  carrying  out  the  policy  of  President 
Lincoln,  it  is  plain  that  he  acted  in  what  he  supposed  was  the 
line  of  duty.  He  did  not  comprehend  that  the  fatal  crime  in 
Washington  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.  His  agree 
ment  with  Johnston  was  on  its  face  declared  to  be  inoperative 


356  RECOLLECTIONS 

until  approved  by  the  authorities  at  Washington,  and,  while 
the  political  features  of  the  surrender  could  not  be  approved,  a 
simple  notification  of  disapproval  would  have  been  cheerfully 
acted  upon  and  the  orders  of  the  President  would  have  been 
faithfully  carried  out. 

General  Sherman,  when  he  received  notice  of  the  disap 
proval  of  his  action,  at  once  notified  Johnston,  and  new  terms 
were  arranged  in  exact  accordance  with  those  conceded  by 
General  Grant  to  General  Lee. 

I  remained  in  Washington  until  the  arrival,  on  the  19th  of 
May,  of  General  Sherman's  army,  which  encamped  by  the 
roadside  about  half  way  between  Alexandria  and  the  Long 
Bridge.  I  visited  the  general  there  and  found  that  he  was  still 
smarting  under  what  he  called  the  disgrace  put  upon  him  by 
Stanton.  I  advised  him  to  keep  entirely  quiet,  said  the  feeling 
had  passed  away  and  that  his  position  was  perfectly  well  un 
derstood.  I  persuaded  him  to  call  on  the  President  and  such 
members  of  the  cabinet  as  he  knew,  and  accompanied  him. 
He  was  dressed  in  full  uniform,  well  worn,  was  bronzed  and 
looked  the  picture  of  health  and  strength.  As  a  matter  of 
course  he  refused  to  call  on  Stanton  and  denounced  him  in 
unmeasured  terms,  declaring  that  he  would  insult  him  when 
ever  the  opportunity  occurred.  When  he  came  in  contact  with 
his  fellow  officers  and  found  that  they  sympathized  with  him 
his  anger  abated,  and  by  the  time  the  great  review  took  place, 
he  seemed  to  have  recovered  his  usual  manner. 

The  review  of  General  Meade's  army  was  to  occur  on  Tues 
day,  May  23,  and  that  of  General  Sherman's,  as  it  was  called, 
on  the  24th.  General  Sherman,  with  his  wife  and  her  father, 
Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  and  myself,  were  present  on  the  reviewing 
stand  on  the  first  day  of  the  review.  He  received  on  the  stand 
the  congratulations  of  hundreds  of  people  and  seemed  to  enjoy 
every  moment  of  time.  He  was  constantly  pointing  out  to 
Mr.  Ewing  and  myself  the  difference  between  the  eastern  and 
western  armies,  in  which  he  evidently  preferred  the  Army  of 
the  West.  On  the  next  day,  prompt  to  the  time  stated,  attended 
by  a  brilliant  staff,  he  rode  slowly  up  Pennsylvania  avenue  at 
the  head  of  his  column,  and  was  followed  by  a  magnificent 


EDWIN   M.  STANTON, 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

BORN  AT  STEUBENVILLE.  OHIO.   DEC.   19,   1814. 
DIED  AT  WASHINGTON,   D.  C.,  DEC.  24,  1899. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  357 

army  of  65,000  men,  organized  into  four  army  corps,  and 
marching  with  that  precision  only  possible  with  experienced 
troops.  His  description  of  the  scene  in  his  "  Memoirs  "  proves 
his  deep  interest  in  the  appearance  of  his  army  and  his  evident 
pride  in  it.  When  he  arrived  at  the  grand  stand,  where  the 
President  reviewed  the  troops,  he  dismounted,  left  the  line, 
came  upon  the  stand  and  took  his  place  by  the  side  of  the 
President.  Everyone  knew  his  relations  to  Stanton,  and  was 
curious  to  see  the  result  of  their  meeting.  I  stood  very  near 
the  general,  and  as  he  approached  he  shook  hands  with  the 
President  and  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  but  when  Stanton 
partially  reached  out  his  hand,  General  Sherman  passed  him 
without  remark,  but  everyone  within  sight  could  perceive  the 
intended  insult,  which  satisfied  his  honor  at  the  expense  of  his 
prudence.  However,  it  is  proper  to  say  that  these  two  men, 
both  eminent  in  their  way,  became  entirely  reconciled  before 
the  death  of  Mr.  Stanton.  General  Sherman  always  stopped 
with  me  when  he  was  temporarily  in  Washington,  and  I  know 
that  in  a  very  brief  period  they  met  and  conversed  in  a  friendly 
way.  When  Mr.  Stanton  lay  upon  his  death  bed,  General  Sher 
man  not  only  called  upon  him,  but  tendered  his  services,  and 
exhibited  every  mark  of  respect  for  him. 

The  great  body  of  the  volunteer  forces  was  disbanded,  the 
officers  and  soldiers  were  returning  to  their  homes.  To  most 
of  them  the  war  was  a  valuable  lesson.  It  gave  them  a  start 
in  life  and  a  knowledge  and  experience  that  opened  the  door 
to  all  employment,  especially  to  official  positions  in  state  and 
nation.  In  all  popular  elections  the  soldier  was  generally  pre 
ferred.  This  was  a  just  recognition  for  his  sacrifices  and 
services.  I  hope  and  trust  that  while  a  single  survivor  of  the 
War  of  the  Eebellion  is  left  among  us,  he  will  everywhere  be 
received  with  honor  and  share  all  the  respect  which  the  boys  of 
my  generation  were  so  eager  to  grant  and  extend  to  the  heroes 
of  the  Revolutionary  War.  The  service  of  one  was  as  valuable 
as  the  other,  rendered  on  a  broader  field,  in  greater  numbers, 
with  greater  sacrifices,  and  with  the  same  glorious  results  of 
securing  the  continuance  of  an  experiment  of  free  government, 
the  most  successful  in  the  history  of  mankind  and  which 


358  RECOLLECTIONS 

is  now,  I  profoundly  trust,  so  well  secured  by  the  heroism  and 
valor  of  our  soldiers,  that  for  generations  and  centuries  yet  to 
come  no  enemy  will  dare  to  aim  a  blow  at  the  life  of  the  re 
public.  For  the  wounded  and  disabled  soldiers  and  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  those  who  fell,  a  larger  provision  of  pensions 
was  freely  granted  than  ever  before  by  any  nation  in  ancient 
or  modern  times.  Provision  was  made  by  the  general  govern 
ment,  and  by  most  of  the  loyal  states,  for  hospitals  and  homes 
for  the  wounded.  The  bodies  of  those  who  died  in  the  service 
have  been  carefully  collected  into  cemeteries  in  all  parts  of  the 
United  States.  If  there  has  been  any  neglect  or  delay  in  grant 
ing  pensions,  it  has  been  caused  by  the  vast  number  of  applica 
tions — more  than  a  million- — and  the  difficulty  as  time  passes 
in  securing  the  necessary  proof.  The  pension  list  now,  thirty 
years  after  the  war,  requires  annually  the  sum  of  more  than 
$150,000,000,  or  three  times  the  amount  of  all  the  expenses  of 
the  national  government  before  the  war.  No  complaint  is 
made  of  this,  but  Congress  readily  grants  any  increase  de 
manded  by  the  feebleness  of  age  or  the  decay  of  strength.  I 
trust,  and  believe,  that  this  policy  will  be  continued  until  the 
Jast  surviving  soldier  of  the  war  meets  the  common  fate 
of  all. 

I  participated  in  the  canvass  of  1865,  when  General  Jacob 
D.  Cox,  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor  in  Ohio,  and  a 
Republican  legislature  were  elected  with  but  little  opposition. 
The  first  duty  of  this  legislature  was  to  elect  a  Senator.  There 
was  a  friendly  contest  between  General  Robert  C.  Schenck, 
Hon.  John  A.  Bingham  and  myself,  but  I  was  nominated  on 
the  first  ballot  and  duly  elected. 

I  received  many  letters  from  Horace  Greeley,  in  the  follow 
ing  one  of  which  he  showed  a  great  interest  in  my  re-election 
to  the  Senate: 

NEW  YOEK,  February  7,  1865. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN: 

MY  DEAR  SIR: —  Yours  of  the  5th  inst.  at  hand.  I  can  assure  you  that 
the  combination  to  supplant  you  in  the  Senate  is  quite  strong  and  confident 
of  success.  I  did  not  mean  to  allude  to  the  controversy,  but  was  compelled 
to  by  the  dispatch  which  got  into  our  columns.  I  observe  J.  W.  wrote 


ice  of  %l)e  ^riBunc, 


eto 


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Aftfc. 


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fo^*^ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  359 

'  locality '  as  he  says,  but  the  change  to   '  loyalty '   was  a  very  awkward  one  in 
these  days;  so  I  felt  compelled  to  correct  it. 

I  fear  more  the  raids  of  Thad.  Stevens  on  the  treasury  than  those  of 
Mosby  on  our  lines.  Yours, 

HORACE  GREELEY. 

When  Congress  met  on  the  4th  of  December,  1865,  it  had 
before  it  two  important  problems  which  demanded  immediate 
attention.  One  was  a  measure  for  the  reconstruction  of  the 
states  lately  in  rebellion  and  the  other  was  a  plan  for  refund- 
ing  and  paying  the  public  debt.  It  was  unfortunate  that  no 
measure  had  been  provided  before  the  close  of  the  war  defining 
the  condition  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  securing  the  f reed- 
men  in  their  new-born  rights,  and  restoring  these  states  to  their 
place  in  the  Union.  Therefore,  during  the  long  vacation,  from 
April  to  December,  the  whole  matter  was  left  to  executive  au 
thority.  If  Lincoln  had  lived,  his  action  would  have  been  ac 
quiesced  in.  It  would  have  been  liberal,  based  upon  universal 
emancipation  of  negroes,  and  pardon  to  rebels.  It  was  sup 
posed  that  President  Johnson  would  err,  if  at  all,  in  imposing 
too  harsh  terms  upon  these  states.  His  violent  speeches  in  the 
canvass  of  1864,  and  his  fierce  denunciation  of  the  leaders  in 
the  Rebellion,  led  us  all  to  suppose  that  he  would  insist  upon  a 
reconstruction  by  the  loyal  people  of  the  south  and  that  rea 
sonable  protection  would  be  extended  to  the  emancipated  ne 
groes.  The  necessity  of  legislation  for  the  reconstruction  of 
the  Confederate  states  was  foreseen  and  provision  had  been 
made  by  Congress,  during  the  war,  by  what  was  known  as 
the  Wade-Davis  bill,  to  provide  for  the  reorganization  of 
these  states.  During  the  37th  Congress,  Henry  Winter  Davis, 
though  not  then  a  Member  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  prepared  a  bill  to  meet  this  exigency.  It  was  a  bill  to 
guarantee  to  each  state  a  republican  form  of  government. 
It  embodied  a  plan  by  which  these  states,  then  declared 
by  Congress  to  be  in  a  state  of  insurrection,  might,  when  that 
insurrection  was  subdued  or  abandoned,  come  back  freely  and 
voluntarily  into  the  Union.  It  provided  for  representation,  for 
the  election  of  a  convention  and  a  legislature,  and  of  Senators 
and  Members  of  Congress.  It  was  a  complete  guarantee  to 


360  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  people  of  the  insurrectionary  states  that  upon  certain  con 
ditions  these  states  might  resume  their  place  in  the  Union 
when  the  insurrection  had  ceased.  This  bill  he  handed  to  me. 
I  introduced  it  at  his  request.  It  was  referred  to  the  judiciary 
committee,  but  was  not  acted  upon  by  it. 

Afterwards  Mr.  Davis  came  into  the  38th  Congress  as  a 
Member  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives.  Among  the  first 
acts  performed  by  him  after  taking  his  seat  was  the  introduc 
tion  of  this  same  bill.  On  the  15th  of  December,  1863,  it  was 
debated  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  passed  by  a  very 
decided  vote,  and  was  sent  to  the  Senate.  It  was  reported 
to  the  Senate  favorably,  but  in  place  of  it  was  substituted  a 
proposition  offered  by  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri.  This 
substitute  provided  a  mode  by  which  the  eleven  Confederate 
states  might,  when  the  Rebellion  was  suppressed  within  their 
limits,  be  restored  to  their  old  place  in  the  Union.  The  bill 
was  sent  back  to  the  House  with  the  proposed  substitute.  A 
committee  of  conference  was  appointed,  and  the  House  pre 
ferring  the  original  bill,  the  Senate  receded  from  its  amend 
ment,  and  what  was  known  as  the  Wade-Davis  bill  passed.  It 
went  to  President  Lincoln,  who  did  not  approve  it,  and  it  did 
not  become  a  law,  but  on  the  8th  of  July,  1864,  after  the  close 
of  the  session,  he  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

"  WHEREAS,  at  the  late  session  Congress  passed  a  bill  to  guaranty  to 
certain  states,  whose  governments  have  been  usurped  or  overthrown,  a 
republican  form  of  government,  a  copy  of  which  is  hereunto  annexed  ;  and 
whereas  the  said  bill  was  presented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for 
his  approval  less  than  one  hour  before  the  sine  die  adjournment  of  said  ses 
sion,  and  was  not  signed  by  him  ;  and  whereas  the  said  bill  contains,  among 
other  things,  a  plan  for  restoring  the  states  in  rebellion  to  their  proper 
practical  relation  in  the  Union,  which  plan  expresses  the  sense  of  Congress 
upon  that  subject,  and  which  plan  it  is  now  thought  fit  to  lay  before  the 
people  for  their  consideration  : 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  proclaim,  declare,  and  make  known,  that  while  I  am  (as  I  was  in  Decem 
ber  last,  when  by  proclamation  I  propounded  a  plan  for  restoration)  unpre 
pared,  by  a  formal  approval  of  this  bill,  to  be  inflexibly  committed  to  any 
single  plan  of  restoration  ;  and  while  I  am  also  unprepared  to  declare  that 
the  free  state  constitutions  and  governments  already  adopted  and  installed 
in  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  shall  be  set  aside  and  held  for  naught,  thereby 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  361 

repelling  and  discouraging  the  loyal  citizens  who  have  set  up  the  same  as  to 
further  effort,  or  to  declare  a  constitutional  competency  in  Congress  to 
abolish  slavery  in  states,  I  am  at  the  same  time  sincerely  hoping  and 
expecting  that  a  constitutional  amendment  abolishing  slavery  throughout 
the  nation  may  be  adopted." 

He  added  his  reasons  for  not  approving  the  Wade-Davis 
bill.  He  did  not  entirely  disapprove  of  it,  but  said  it  was  one 
of  numerous  plans  which  might  be  adopted.  Mr.  Sumner 
stated,  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  that  he  had  had  an  interview 
with  President  Lincoln  immediately  after  the  publication  of 
that  proclamation,  and  it  was  the  subject  of  very  minute  and 
protracted  conversation,  in  the  course  of  which,  after  discussing 
the  details,  Mr.  Lincoln  expressed  his  regret  that  he  had  not 
approved  the  bill.  I  have  always  thought  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  a  serious  mistake  in  defeating  a  measure,  which,  if 
adopted,  would  have  averted  many  if  not  all  the  difficulties 
that  subsequently  arose  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  rebel 
states. 

The  next  and  closing  session  of  that  Congress  neglected 
to  provide  for  the  reorganization  of  these  states,  and,  thus, 
when  Mr.  Johnson  became  President,  there  was  no  provi 
sion  of  law  to  guide  him  in  the  necessary  process  of  recon 
struction.  Thus,  by  the  disagreement  between  Congress  and 
President  Lincoln,  which  commenced  two  years  before  the 
close  of  the  war,  there  was  no  law  upon  the  statute  book  to 
guide  either  the  President  or  the  people  of  the  southern  states 
in  their  effort  to  get  back  into  the  Union.  It  became  im 
perative  during  the  long  period  before  the  meeting  of  Congress 
that  President  Johnson  should,  in  the  absence  of  legislation, 
formulate  some  plan  for  the  reconstruction  of  these  states.  He 
did  adopt  substantially  the  plan  proposed  and  acted  upon  by  Mr. 
Lincoln.  After  this  long  lapse  of  time  I  am  convinced  that  Mr. 
Johnson's  scheme  of  reorganization  was  wise  and  judicious. 
It  was  unfortunate  that  it  had  not  the  sanction  of  Congress 
and  that  events  soon  brought  the  President  and  Congress  into 
hostility.  Who  doubts  that  if  there  had  been  a  law  upon  the 
statute  book  by  which  the  people  of  the  southern  states  could 
have  been  guided  in  their  effort  to  come  back  into  the  Union, 


362  RECOLLECTIONS 

they  would  have  cheerfully  followed  it,  although  the  condi 
tions  had  been  hard?  In  the  absence  of  law  both  Lincoln  and 
Johnson  did  substantially  right  when  they  adopted  a  plan  of 
their  own  and  endeavored  to  carry  it  into  execution.  Johnson, 
before  he  was  elected  and  while  acting  as  military  governor  of 
Tennessee,  executed  the  plan  of  Lincoln  in  that  state  and 
subsequently  adopted  the  same  plan  for  the  reorganization  of 
the  rebel  states.  In  all  these  plans  the  central  idea  was  that 
the  states  in  insurrection  were  still  states,  entitled  to  be 
treated  as  such.  They  were  described  as  "The  eleven  states 
which  have  been  declared  to  be  in  insurrection."  There  was 
an  express  provision  that : 

"  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall  be  admitted  into  either  branch  of 
Congress  from  any  of  said  states  until  Congress  shall  have  declared  such 
state  entitled  to  such  representation." 

In  all  the  plans  proposed  in  Congress,  as  well  as  in  the  plan 
of  Johnson,  it  was  declared  that  states  had  no  right  while  in 
insurrection  to  elect  electors  to  the  electoral  college ;  they  had 
no  right  to  elect  Senators  and  Representatives.  In  other 
words  they  could  not  resume  the  powers,  rights  and  privileges 
conferred  upon  states  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
except  by  the  consent  of  Congress.  Having  taken  up  arms 
against  the  United  States,  they  by  that  act  lost  their  consti 
tutional  powers  within  the  United  States  to  govern  and  con 
trol  our  councils.  They  could  not  engage  in  the  election  of  a 
President,  or  of  Senators  or  Members  of  Congress ;  but  they 
were  still  states.  The  supreme  power  of  Congress  to  change, 
alter  or  modify  the  acts  of  the  President  and  to  admit  or  re 
ject  these  states  and  their  Senators  and  Representatives  at  its 
will  and  pleasure,  and  the  constitutional  right  of  the  respective 
Houses  to  judge  of  the  election,  returns  and  qualifications  of 
its  own  Members  were  recognized.  When  Mr.  Johnson  came 
into  power  he  found  the  Rebellion  substantially  subdued.  His 
first  act  was  to  retain  in  his  confidence,  and  in  his  councils, 
every  member  of  the  cabinet  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and,  so  far 
as  we  know,  every  measure  adopted  by  him  had  the  approval 
and  sanction  of  that  cabinet.  Every  act  passed  by  Congress, 
with  or  without  his  assent,  upon  every  subject  whatever, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  363 

connected  with  reconstruction,  was  fairly  and  fully  executed. 
He  adopted  all  the  main  features  of  the  Wade-Davis  bill — the 
only  one  passed  by  Congress.  In  his  proclamation  of  May  9, 
1865,  he  provided : 

"  First,  That  all  acts  and  proceedings  of  the  political,  military,  and  civil 
organizations  which  have  been  in  a  state  of  insurrection  and  rebellion  within 
the  State  of  Virginia  against  the  authority  and  lawrs  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  which  Jefferson  Davis,  John  Letcher,  and  William  Smith  were  late 
the  respective  chiefs,  are  declared  null  and  void." 

Thus,  with  a  single  stroke,  he  swept  away  the  whole  super 
structure  of  the  Rebellion.  He  extended  the  tax  laws  of  the 
United  States  over  the  rebel  territory.  In  his  proclamation  of 
May  29,  he  says; 

"  To  the  end,  therefore,  that  the  authority  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  may  be  restored,  and  that  peace,  order,  and  freedom  may  be 
established,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do  proclaim 
and  declare  that  I  hereby  grant  to  all  persons  who  have  directly  or  indirectly 
participated  in  the  existing  Rebellion,  except  as  hereinafter  excepted, 
amnesty  and  pardon,  with  restoration  of  all  rights  of  property,  except  as  to 
slaves,  and  except  in  cases  where  legal  proceedings,  under  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  providing  for  the  confiscation  of  property  of  persons  engaged 
in  rebellion,  have  been  instituted,  &c." 

He  enforced  in  every  case  full  and  ample  protection  to  the 
freedmen  of  the  southern  states.  No  complaint  from  them 
was  ever  brought  to  his  knowledge  in  which  he  did  not  do  full 
and  substantial  justice.  The  principal  objection  to  his  policy 
was  that  he  did  not  extend  his  proclamation  to  all  the  loyal 
men  of  the  southern  states,  including  the  colored  as  well  as 
the  white  people.  It  must  be  remembered  in  his  justification 
that  in  every  one  of  the  eleven  states  before  the  Rebellion  the 
negro  was,  by  its  laws,  excluded  from  the  right  to  vote.  In 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  that  right  was  limited.  In 
a  large  majority  of  the  states,  including  the  most  populous, 
negro  suffrage  was  then  prohibited.  It  would  seem  to  be  a 
great  stretch  of  power  on  his  part,  by  a  simple  mandatory  proc 
lamation  or  military  order,  to  confer  the  franchise  on  a  class  of 
people,  who  were  then  prohibited  from  voting  not  only  in  the 
eleven  southern  states,  but  in  a  majority  of  the  northern 

S  -  26 


364  RECOLLECTIONS 

states.  Such  a  provision,  if  it  had  been  inserted,  could  not 
have  been  enforced,  and,  in  the  condition  in  which  slavery  left 
the  negro  race,  it  could  hardly  be  defended.  I  cannot  see  any 
reason  why,  because  a  man  is  black,  he  should  not  vote,  and 
yet,  in  making  laws,  as  the  President  was  then  doing,  for  the 
government  of  the  community,  he  had  to  regard  the  preju 
dices,  not?  only  of  the  people  among  whom  the  laws  were  to  be 
executed,  but  also  of  the  army  and  the  people  who  were  to 
execute  those  laws,  and  no  man  can  doubt  but  what  at  that 
time  there  was  a  strong  and  powerful  prejudice  in  the  army 
and  among  all  classes  of  citizens  against  extending  the  right 
of  suffrage  to  negroes,  especially  down  in  the  far  south,  where 
the  great  body  of  the  slaves  were  in  abject  ignorance. 

It  must  be  also  noted  that  in  the  Wade-Davis  bill  Congress 
did  not  and  would  not  make  negro  suffrage  a  part  of  its  plan. 
Even  so  radical  an  anti-slavery  man  as  my  colleague,  Senator 
Wade,  did  not  propose  such  a  measure.  The  effort  was  made 
to  give  emancipated  negroes  the  right  to  vote,  and  it  was  aban 
doned.  By  that  bill  the  suffrage  was  conferred  only  upon  white 
male  loyal  citizens.  And  in  the  plan  of  the  President,  he 
adopted  in  this  respect  the  very  same  conditions  for  suffrage 
as  those  proposed  by  Congress.  1  believe  that  all  the  acts  and 
proclamations  of  President  Johnson  before  the  meeting  of 
Congress  were  wise  and  expedient,  and  that  there  would  have 
been  no  difficulty  between  Congress  and  the  President  but  for 
his  personal  conduct,  and,  especially,  his  treatment  of  Con 
gress  and  leading  Congressmen.  The  unfortunate  occurrence, 
already  narrated,  at  his  inauguration,  was  followed  by  violent 
and  disrespectful  language,  unbecoming  the  President,  espe 
cially,  his  foolish  speech  made  on  the  22nd  of  February,  1866, 
in  which  he  selected  particular  persons  as  the  objects  of  de 
nunciation.  He  said: 

"  I  fought  traitors  and  treason  in  the  south.  I  opposed  the  Da  vises,  the 
Toombses,  the  Slidells,  and  a  long  list  of  others,  which  you  can  readily  fill 
without  my  repeating  the  names.  Now,  when  I  turn  round,  and  at  the  other 
end  of  the  line  find  men,  I  care  not  by  what  name  you  call  them,  who  still 
stand  opposed  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union  of  these  states,  I  am  free  to 
say  to  you  that  I  am  still  in  the  field." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  365 

And  again  he  said: 

"  I  am  called  upon  to  name  three  at  the  other  end  of  the  line  ;  I  am 
talking  to  my  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  who  are  interested  wTith  me  in  this 
government,  and  I  presume  I  am  free  to  mention  to  you  the  names  of  those 
whom  I  look  upon  as  being  opposed  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  this 
government,  and  who  are  laboring  to  pervert  and  destroy  it." 

VOICES  :     "  Name  them  !  "  "  Who  are  they  ?  " 

He  replied : 

"  You  ask  me  who  they  are.  I  say  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania, 
is  one  ;  I  say  Mr.  Sumner,  of  the  Senate,  is  another ;  and  Wendell  Phillips 
is  another." 

The  violence  of  language,  so  unlike  that  of  Abraham  Lin 
coln,  added  to  the  hostility  to  Mr.  Johnson  in  Congress,  and,  I 
think,  more  than  any  other  cause,  led  to  his  impeachment  by 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  controversy  between  Congress  and 
the  President,  I  tried  to  act  as  a  peacemaker.  I  knew  Mr. 
Johnson  personally,  his  good  and  his  bad  qualities.  I  sat  by 
his  side  in  the  Senate  chamber  during  the  first  two  years  of 
the  war.  I  was  with  him  in  his  canvass  in  1864.  I  sympa 
thized  with  him  in  his  struggles  with  the  leaders  of  the  Rebel 
lion  and  admired  his  courage  during  the  war,  when,  as  Gover 
nor  of  Tennessee,  he  reorganized  that  state  upon  a  loyal  basis. 
The  defect  of  his  character  was  his  unreasoning  pugnacity. 
He  early  became  involved  in  wordy  warfare  with  Sumner, 
Wade,  Stevens  and  others.  In  his  high  position  he  could  have 
disregarded  criticism,  but  this  was  not  the  habit  of  Johnson. 
When  assailed  he  fought,  and  could  be  as  violent  and  insulting 
in  language  or  acts  as  anyone. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  made  a  long  and  carefully 
considered  speech  in  the  Senate  on  the  26th  of  February,  1866, 
in  which  I  stated  the  position  of  Congress  on  the  reconstruc 
tion  measures,  and  the  policy  adopted  by  Johnson  from  Lin 
coln.  Either  of  the  plans  would  have  accomplished  the  provi 
sional  restoration  of  these  states  to  the  Union,  while  all  agreed 
that,  when  admitted,  they  would  be  armed  with  all  the  pow 
ers  of  states,  subject  only  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States.  I  believed  then,  and  believe  now,  that  the  quarrel 


366  RECOLLECTIONS 

with  Johnson  did  much  to  weaken  the  Republican  party. 
In  consequence  of  it  several  Republican  Senators  and  Mem 
bers  severed  their  connection  with  that  party  and  joined  the 
Democratic  party.  Johnson,  irritated  by  this  antagonism, 
drifted  away  from  the  measures  he  had  himself  advocated 
and  soon  after  was  in  open  opposition  to  the  party  that  elected 
him.  I  here  insert  passages  from  my  speech,  which  expressed 
my  views  at  the  time,  and  which  I  now  feel  were  justified  by 
the  then  existing  opinions  and  conditions  of  political  life : 

"  Sir,  I  can  imagine  110  calamity  more  disgraceful  than  for  us  by  our 
divisions  to  surrender,  to  men  who  to  their  country  were  enemies  in  war, 
any  or  all  of  the  powers  of  this  government.  He,  who  contributes  in  any 
way  to  this  result,  deserves  the  execrations  of  his  countrymen.  This  may  be 
done  by  thrusting  upon  the  President  new  issues  on  which  the  well-knowvn 
principles  of  his  life  do  not  agree  with  the  judgment  of  his  political  associates. 
It  may  be  done  by  irritating  controversies  of  a  personal  character.  It  may 
be  done  by  the  President  turning  his  back  upon  those  who  trusted  him  with 
high  power,  and  thus  linking  his  name  with  one  of  the  most  disgraceful  in 
American  history,  that  of  John  Tyler.  I  feel  an  abiding  confidence  that 
Andrew  Johnson  will  not  and  cannot  do  this  ;  and,  sir,  who  will  deny  that 
the  overbearing  and  intolerant  will  of  Henry  Clay  contributed  very  much  to 
the  defection  of  John  Tyler?  But  the  division  of  the  Whig  party  was  an 
event  utterly  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  evil  results  of  a  division  in 
the  Union  party. 

"  Where  will  be  the  four  million  slaves  whom  by  your  policy  you  have 
emancipated?  What  would  be  their  miserable  fate  if  now  surrendered  to 
the  custody  of  the  rebels  of  the  south?  Will  you,  by  your  demand  of  uni 
versal  suffrage,  destroy  the  power  of  the  Union  party  to  protect  them  in 
their  dearly  purchased  liberty?  Will  you,  by  new  issues  upon  which  you 
know  you  have  not  the  voice  of  the  people,  jeopard  these  rights  which  you 
can  by  the  aid  of  the  Union  party  secure  to  these  freedmen?  We  know 
that  the  President  can  not  and  will  not  unite  with  us  upon  the  issues  of  uni 
versal  suffrage  and  dead  states,  and  he  never  agreed  to.  No  such  dogmas 
were  contemplated,  when,  for  his  heroic  services  in  the  cause  of  the  Union, 
we  placed  him,  side  by  side,  with  Mr.  Lincoln  as  our  standard-bearer.  Why, 
then,  present  these  issues?  Why  decide  upon  them?  Why  not  com 
plete  the  work  so  gloriously  done  by  our  soldiers  by  securing  union  and 
liberty  to  all  men  without  distinction  of  color,  leaving  to  the  states,  as  before, 
the  question  of  suffrage. 

"  Sir,  the  curse  of  God,  the  maledictions  of  millions  of  our  people,  and  the 
tears  and  blood  of  new-made  freemen  will,  in  my  judgment,  rest  upon  those 
who  now  for  any  cause  destroy  the  unity  of  the  great  party  that  has  led  us 
through  the  wilderness  of  war.  We  want  now  peace  and  repose.  We  must 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  867 

now  look  to  our  public  credit.  We  have  duties  to  perform  to  the  business 
interests  of  the  country,  in  which  we  need  the  assistance  of  the  President, 
We  have  every  motive  for  harmony  with  him  and  with  each  other,  and  for  a 
generous  and  manly  trust  in  his  patriotism.  If  ever  the  time  shall  come 
when  I  can  no  longer  confide  in  his  devotion  to  the  principles  upon  which 
he  was  elected,  I  will  bid  farewell  to  Andrew  Johnson  with  unaffected 
sorrow.  I  will  remember  when  he  stood  in  this  very  spot,  five  years  ago, 
repelling  with  unexampled  courage  the  assaults  of  traitors.  He  left  in  their 
hands  wife,  children,  property,  and  home,  and  staked  them  all  on  the  result. 
I  will  remember  that  when  a  retreating  general  would  have  left  Nashville 
to  its  fate,  that  again,  with  heroic  courage,  he  maintained  his  post.  I  will 
remember  the  fierce  conflicts  and  trials  through  which  he  and  his  fellow- 
compatriots  in  east  Tennessee  maintained  our  cause  in  the  heart  of  the  Con 
federacy.  I  will  remember  the  struggles  he  had  with  the  aristocratic  ele 
ment  of  Tennessee,  never  ashamed  of  his  origin  and  never  far  from  the  hearts 
of  the  people. 

"  Sir,  you  must  not  sever  the  great  Union  party  from  this  loyal  element 
of  the  southern  states.  No  new  theories  of  possible  Utopian  good  can  com 
pensate  for  the  loss  of  such  patriotism  and  devotion.  Time,  as  he  tells  you 
in  his  message,  is  a  great  element  of  reform,  and  time  is  on  your  side.  I 
remember  the  homely  and  encouraging  words  of  a  pioneer  in  the  anti-slavery 
cause,  an  expelled  Methodist  preacher  from  the  south,  who  told  those  wrho 
were  behind  him  in  his  strong  anti-slavery  opinions:  *  W^ell  friends,  I'll  block 
up  awhile  ;  we  must  all  travel  together.'  So  I  say  to  all  who  doubt  An 
drew  Johnson,  or  who  wish  to  move  more  rapidly  than  he  can,  to  block  up 
awhile,  to  consolidate  their  great  victory  with  tjie  certainty  that  reason  and 
the  Almighty  will  continue  their  work.  All  wisdom  will  not  die  writh  us. 
The  highest  human  wisdom  is  to  do  all  the  good  you  can,  but  not  to  sacrifice 
a  possible  good  to  attempt  the  impracticable.  God  knows  that  I  do  not 
urge  harmony  and  conciliation  from  any  personal  motive.  The  people  of 
my  native  state  have  intrusted  me  with  a  position  here  extending  four  years 
beyond  the  termination  of  the  President's  term  of  office.  He  can  grant  me 
no  favor. 

"  If  I  believed  for  a  moment  that  he  would  seek  an  alliance  with  those 
who,  by  either  arms  or  counsel  or  even  apathy,  were  against  their  country  in 
the  recent  war,  and  will  turn  over  to  them  the  high  powers  intrusted  to  him 
by  the  Union  party,  then,  sir,  he  is  dishonored,  and  will  receive  no  assistance 
from  me  ;  but  I  will  not  force  him  into  that  attitude.  If  he  shall  prove  false 
to  the  declaration  made  by  him  in  his  veto  message,  that  his  strongest  desire 
was  to  secure  to  the  freedmen  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  freedom  and  prop 
erty,  then  I  will  not  quarrel  with  him  as  to  the  means  used.  And  while,  as 
he  tells  us  in  this  same  message,  he  only  asks  for  states  to  be  represented 
which  are  presented  in  an  attitude  of  loyalty  and  harmony  and  in  the  persons 
of  representatives  whose  loyalty  cannot  be  questioned  under  any  constitu 
tional  or  legal  test,  surely  we  ought  not  to  separate  from  him  until,  at  least, 


368  RECOLLECTIONS 

we  prescribe  a  test  of  their  loyalty,  upon  which  we  are  willing  to  stand.  We 
have  not  done  it  yet.  I  will  not  try  him  by  new  creeds.  I  will  not  de 
nounce  him  for  hasty  words  uttered  in  repelling  personal  affronts. 

"  I  see  him  yet  surrounded  by  the  cabinet  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  pursu 
ing  Lincoln's  policy.  No  word  from  me  shall  drive  him  into  political  fel 
lowship  with  those  who,  when  he  was  one  of  the  moral  heroes  of  this  war, 
denounced  him,  spit  upon  him,  and  despiteful ly  used  him.  The  association 
must  be  self-sought,  and  even  then  I  will  part  with  him  in  sorrow,  but  with 
the  abiding  hope  that  the  same  Almighty  power  that  has  guided  us  through 
the  recent  war  will  be  with  us  still  in  our  new  difficulties  until  every  state  is 
restored  to  its  full  communion  and  fellowship,  and  until  our  nation,  purified 
by  war,  will  assume  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  the  grand  position  hoped 
for  by  Washington,  Clay,  Webster,  Lincoln,  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
unnamed  heroes  who  gave  up  their  lives  for  its  glory." 

I  received  many  letters  in  commendation  of  this  speech, 
among  others  the  following  from  Thurlow  Weed,  who  was  in 
full  sympathy  with  Secretary  Seward : 

ALBANY,  N.  Y.,  February  28,  1866. 

DEAR  SHERMAN: — You  have  spoken  words  of  wisdom  and  patriotism 
—  spoken  them  boldly  at  the  right  time.  They  will  help  save  the  Union 
• — and  they  will  save  the  Union  particularly  if  fanatics  and  despots  will 
allow  it  to  be  saved.  Just  such  a  speech  at  the  moment  it  was  made  is 
worth  more  than  all  that  has  been  said  in  Congress  since  the  session  com 
menced.  I  thank  you  gratefully  for  it.  Yours  truly, 

THURLOW  WEED. 

I  still  hoped  that  the  pending  civil  rights  bill  would  be  ap 
proved  by  the  President,  and  that  then  the  controversy  would 
end.  On  the  17th  of  March,  1866,  I  made  a  speech  at  Bridge 
port,  Conn.,  in  which  I  said : 

"  Now,  I  say,  that  upon  all  these  various  propositions,  upon  the  necessity 
of  a  change  in  the  basis  of  representation,  upon  the  necessity  for  protecting 
the  negroes,  upon  this  question  of  suffrage  —  upon  all  these  questions  that 
have  arisen  in  our  politics  of  late,  the  differences  between  Andrew  Johnson 
and  Congress  are  not  such  as  need  excite  the  alarm  of  any  patriotic  citizen. 
No,  my  friends,  we  have  a  great  duty  to  perform  to  our  country.  Every 
man  in  public  life  now  has  a  heavy  responsibility  resting  upon  him,  in  the 
discharge  of  which  he  is  bound  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience, 
given  to  him  by  Almighty  God.  There  are,  there  must  be,  differences  of 
opinion  ;  God  has  so  made  us  that  we  must  differ ;  it  is  the  established  nature 
of  the  human  mind  to  disagree.  It  is  only  by  discussion  and  comparison  of 
views  that  the  highest  human  wisdom  is  elicited.  Therefore.  I  say  again, 
that  no  Union  man  need  feel  anxious  or  uneasy  because  of  tne  differences 


^f?^.     /2y^ 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  369 

between  the  President  and  Congress.  Let  me  tell  you,  as  the  solemn  con 
viction  with  which  I  address  you  to-night,  that  Andrew  Johnson  never  will 
throw  the  power  we  have  given  him  into  the  hands  of  the  Copperhead  party 
of  the  United  States. 

"  I  have  many  reasons  for  this  faith.  One  is  that  no  nomination  has  ever 
been  sent  by  Andrew  Johnson  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  of  any 
man  of  that  stripe  of  politics.  No  flattery,  no  cajolery  can  draw  him  from 
that  line.  He  is  a  man  who  fights  his  own  battles,  and  whether  they  are  old 
friends  or  foes  that  assail  him  he  fights  them  with  equal  freedom  and  bold 
ness,  and  sometimes,  perhaps  indiscreetly;  but  that  is  a  fault  of  his  character, 
which  need  excite  no  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  the  people. 

"  On  Thursday,  the  day  that  I  left  Washington,  wre  sent  to  him  a  bill 
which  secures  to  all  the  colored  population  of  the  southern  states  equal  rights 
before  the  law,  the  civil  rights  bill.  It  declares  that  no  state  shall  exclude 
any  man  on  account  of  his  color  from  any  of  the  natural  rights  which,  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  are  declared  to  be  inalienable  ;  it  provides 
that  every  man  may  sue  and  be  sued,  may  plead  and  be  impleaded,  may 
acquire  and  hold  property,  may  purchase,  contract,  sell  and  convey ;  all 
those  rights  are  secured  to  the  negro  population.  That  bill  is  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  President.  If  he  sign  it,  it  will  be  a  solemn  pledge  of  the 
law-making  power  of  the  nation  that  the  negroes  shall  have  secured  to 
them  all  these  natural  and  inalienable  rights.  I  believe  the  President  will 
sign  it." 

Unfortunately  at  the  end  of  ten  days  the  President  sent  to 
the  Senate  the  civil  rights  bill,  referred  to,  with  his  message 
vetoing  it.  It  passed  both  Houses  with  the  requisite  two- 
thirds  majority,  and  thus  became  a  law.  This  veto  was  fol 
lowed  by  other  vetoes,  and,  practically,  the  President  aban 
doned  his  party.  From  this  time  forth,  I  heartily  joined  with 
my  political  associates  in  the  measures  adopted  to  secure  a 
loyal  reorganization  of  the  southern  states.  I  was  largely  in 
fluenced  by  the  harsh  treatment  of  the  freedmen  in  the  south 
under  acts  adopted  by  the  reconstructed  legislatures.  The 
outrages  of  the  Ku-Klux  Klans  seemed  to  me  to  be  so  atrocious 
and  wicked  that  the  men  who  committed  them  were  not  only 
unworthy  to  govern,  but  unfit  to  live.  The  weakness  of  the 
position  of  Congress  in  the  controversy  with  Mr.  Johnson,  was, 
that  it  had  furnished  no  plan  of  reconstruction  and  he  was 
compelled  to  act  upon  the  urgency  of  events.  Many  efforts 
were  made  to  provide  legislation  to  take  the  place  of  the  proc 
lamations  and  acts  of  the  President,  but  a  wide  divergence 


370  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  opinion  in  the  Eepublican  party  manifested  itself,  and  no 
substantial  progress  was  made  until  near  the  close  of  the  sec 
ond  session  of  the  39th  Congress.  Several  bills  were  then  pend 
ing  in  each  House  to  provide  governments  for  the  insurrection 
ary  states.  On  the  13th  of  February,  1867,  during  the  short 
session,  a  .bill  with  that  title  came  from  the  House  of  Represent 
atives.  It  was  manifest  unless  this  bill  could  be  acted  upon, 
that,  in  the  then  condition  of  Congress,  all  legislation  would  fail. 
It  was  kept  before  the  Senate  and  thoroughly  debated.  On  the 
16th  of  February,  after  consultation  with  my  political  col 
leagues,  I  moved  a  substitute  for  the  House  bill.  The  fifth 
section  of  this  substitute  embodied  a  comprehensive  plan  for 
the  organization  of  the  rebel  states  with  provision  for  elections 
in  said  states,  and  the  conditions  required  for  their  admis 
sion  and  restoration  to  the  Union  and  the  exercise  by  them  of 
all  the  powers  of  states,  and  provided  for  the  election  of  Sena 
tors  and  Members  of  Congress.  In  presenting  this  substitute,  I 
briefly  stated  my  reasons  for  it,  as  follows : 

"  The  principle  of  this  bill  is  contained  in  the  first  two  lines  of  the  pre 
amble.  It  is  founded  upon  the  proclamation  of  the  President  and  Secretary 
of  State  made  just  after  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  in  which 
they  declared  specifically  that  the  Rebellion  had  overthrown  all  civil  gov 
ernments  in  the  insurrectionary  states,  and  they  proceeded  by  an  executive 
mandate  to  create  governments.  They  were  provisional  in  their  character, 
and  dependent  for  their  validity  solely  upon  the  action  of  Congress.  These 
are  propositions  which  it  is  not  now  necessary  for  me  to  demonstrate.  Those 
governments  have  never  been  sanctioned  by  Congress,  nor  by  the  people  of 
the  states  where  they  exist.  Taking  that  proclamation  and  the  acknowl 
edged  fact  that  the  people  of  the  southern  states,  the  loyal  people,  whites 
and  blacks,  are  not  protected  in  their  rights,  but  that  an  unusual  and  extraor 
dinary  number  of  cases  occur  of  violence,  and  murder,  and  wrong,  I  do 
think  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  protect  those  people  in  the 
enjoyment  of  substantial  rights. 

"Now,  the  first  four  sections  of  this  substitute  contain  nothing  but 
what  is  in  the  present  law.  There  is  not  a  single  thing  in  the  first  four 
sections  that  does  not  now  exist  by  law. 

"  The  first  section  authorizes  the  division  of  the  rebel  states  into  military 
districts.  That  is  being  done  daily. 

"  The  second  section  acknowledges  that  the  President  is  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  army,  and  it  is  made  his  duty  to  assign  certain  officers  to  those 
districts.  That  is  clearly  admitted  to  be  right. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  371 

"  The  third  section  does  no  more  than  what  the  Supreme  Court  in  their 
recent  decision  have  decided  could  be  done  in  a  state  in  insurrection.  The 
Supreme  Court  in  their  recent  decision,  while  denying  that  a  military  tri 
bunal  could  be  organized  in  Indiana  because  it  never  had  been  in  a  state  of 
insurrection,  expressly  declared  that  these  tribunals  might  have  been,  and 
might  now  be,  organized  in  insurrectionary  states.  There  is  nothing  in  this 
third  section,  in  my  judgment,  that  is  not  now  and  has  not  been  done  every 
month  within  the  last  twelve  months  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
The  orders  of  General  Sickles,  and  many  other  orders  that  I  might  quote, 
have  gone  further  in  punishment  of  crime  than  this  section  proposes. 

"Now,  in  regard  to  the  fourth  section,  that  is  a  limitation  upon  the 
present  law.  Under  the  present  law  many  executions  of  military  tribunals 
are  summarily  carried  out.  This  section  requires  all  sentences  of  military 
tribunals  which  affect  the  liberty  of  the  citizen  to  be  sent  to  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  district.  They  must  be  approved  by  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  district ;  and  so  far  as  life  is  concerned  the  President  may  issue  his 
order  at  any  moment  now,  or  after  this  bill  passes,  directing  that  the  military 
commander  of  the  district  'shall  not  enforce  a  sentence  of  death  until  it  is 
submitted  to  him,  because  the  military  officer  is  a  mere  subordinate  of  the 
President,  remaining  there  at  the  pleasure  of  the  President. 

"  There  is  nothing,  therefore,  in  these  sections,  that  ought  to  alarm  the 
nerves  of  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania,  or  anybody  else.  I  cannot  think 
that  these  gentlemen  are  alarmed  about  the  state  of  despotism  that  President 
Johnson  is  to  establish  in  the  southern  states.  I  do  not  feel  alarmed  ;  nor 
do  I  see  anything  in  these  sections  as  they  now  stand  that  need  endanger 
the  rights  of  the  most  timid  citizen  of  the  United  States.  They  are  intended 
to  protect  a  race  of  people  who  are  now  without  protection. 

"  Now,  in  regard  to  the  fifth  section,  which  is  the  main  and  material 
feature  of  this  bill,  I  think  it  is  right  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
before  its  adjournment,  should  designate  some  way  by  which  the  southern 
states  may  reorganize  loyal  state  governments  in  harmony  with  the  constitu 
tion  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  the  sentiment  of  the  people,  and 
find  their  way  back  to  these  halls.  My  own  judgment  is  that  the  fifth  sec 
tion  will  point  out  a  clear,  easy,  and  right  way  for  these  states  to  be  re 
stored  to  their  full  power  in  the  government.  All  that  it  demands  of  the 
people  of  the  southern  states  is  to  extend  to  all  their  male  citizens,  without 
distinction  of  race  or  color,  the  elective  franchise.  It  is  now  too  late  in  the 
day  to  be  frightened  by  this  simple  proposition.  Senators  can  make  the 
most  of  it  as  a  political  proposition.  Upon  that  we  are  prepared  to  meet 
them.  But  it  does  point  out  a  way  by  which  the  twenty  absent  Senators, 
and  the  fifty  absent  Representatives  can  get  back  to  these  halls,  and  there 
is  no  other  way  by  which  they  can  justly  do  it. 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  this  is  the  whole  substance  of  the  bill.  All  there  is 
material  in  the  bill  is  in  the  first  two  lines  of  the  preamble  and  the  fifth  sec 
tion,  in  my  judgment.  The  first  two  lines  may  lay  the  foundation  by 


372  RECOLLECTIONS 

adopting  the  proclamation  issued  first  to  North  Carolina,  that  the  Rebellion 
had  swept  away  all  the  civil  governments  in  the  southern  states  ;  and  the 
fifth  section  points  out  the  mode  by  which  the  people  of  those  states  in  their 
own  manner,  without  any  limitations  or  restrictions  by  Congress,  may  get 
back  full  representation  in  Congress.  That  is  the  view  I  take  of  this 
amended  bill  ;  and  taking  that  view  of  it  I  see  no  reason  in  the  world  why 
we  should  not  all  vote  for  it." 

The  substitute  was  adopted  on  the  same  day  and  the  bill, 
thus  amended,  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  yeas  29,  nays  10.  In 
the  House  it  was  agreed  to  with  slight  amendments,  which  were 
finally  concurred  in  by  the  Senate,  on  February  20,  1867.  It 
was  sent  to  the  President  and  was  not  approved  by  him,  but 
was,  on  the  2nd  of  March,  passed  over  his  veto  by  a  vote  of 
two-thirds  of  both  Houses. 

Upon  this  law,  long  deferred,  the  several  states  mentioned 
in  it  were  organized  and  restored  to  their  place  in  the  Union. 
The  preamble  and  fifth  and  sixth  sections  of  this  law  are  as 
follows : 

"AN  ACT  TO  PROVIDE  FOR  THE  MORE  EFFICIENT  GOVERNMENT  OF 
THE  REBEL  STATES. 

"  WHEREAS,  no  legal  state  governments  or  adequate  protection  for  life  or 
property  now  exists  in  the  rebel  states  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  and 
Arkansas  ;  and  whereas  it  is  necessary  that  peace  and  good  order  should  be 
enforced  in  said  states  until  loyal  and  republican  state  governments  can  be 
legally  established  :  Therefore. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled  :  .  .  . 

"  SEC.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  when  the  people  of  any  one 
of  said  rebel  states  shall  have  formed  a  constitution  of  government  in  con 
formity  with  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  in  all  respects,  framed  by 
a  convention  of  delegates  elected  by  the  male  citizens  of  said  state,  twenty- 
one  years  old  and  upward,  of  whatever  race,  color,  or  previous  condition, 
who  have  been  resident  in  said  state  for  one  year  previous  to  the  day  of  such 
election,  except  such  as  may  be  disfranchised  for  participation  in  the  Rebel 
lion,  or  for  felony  at  common  law,  and  when  such  constitution  shall  provide 
that  the  elective  franchise  shall  be  enjoyed  by  all  such  persons  as  have  the 
qualifications  herein  stated  for  electors  of  delegates,  and  when  such  consti 
tution  shall  be  ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  persons  voting  on  the  question 
of  ratification  who  are  qualified  as  electors  for  delegates,  and  when  such  con 
stitution  shall  have  been  submitted  to  Congress  for  examination  and  ap 
proval,  and  Congress  shall  have  approved  the  same,  and  when  said  state,  by 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  373 

a  vote  of  its  legislature,  elected  under  such  constitution,  shall  have  adopted 
the  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  proposed  by  the 
39th  Congress,  and  known  as  article  fourteen,  and  when  said  article  shall 
have  become  a  part  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  said  state  shall 
be  declared  entitled  to  representation  in  Congress,  and  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives  shall  be  admitted  therefrom  on  their  taking  the  oath  prescribed  by 
law,  and  then  and  thereafter  the  preceding  sections  of  this  act  shall  be  inop 
erative  in  said  state  :  Provided,  That  no  person  excluded  from  the  privilege 
of  holding  office  by  said  proposed  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States  shall  be  eligible  to  election  as  a  member  of  the  convention  to 
frame  a  constitution  for  any  of  said  rebel  states,  nor  shall  any  such  person 
vote  for  members  of  such  convention. 

"  SEC.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That,  until  the  people  of  said  rebel 
states  shall  be  by  law  admitted  to  representation  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  any  civil  governments  which  may  exist  therein  shall  be  deemed  pro 
visional  only,  and  in  all  respects  subject  to  the  paramount  authority  of  the 
United  States  at  any  time  to  abolish,  modify,  control,  or  supersede  the  same  ; 
and  in  all  elections  to  any  office  under  such  provisional  governments  all  per 
sons  shall  be  entitled  to  vote,  and  none  others,  who  are  entitled  to  vote, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  fifth  section  of  this  act ;  and  no  person  shall  be 
elegible  to  any  office  under  any  such  provisional  governments  who  would  be 
disqualified  from  holding  office  under  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of 
said  constitutional  amendment." 

At  the  same  time,  the  financial  question,  embracing  the  cur 
rency,  the  public  debt  and  the  national  revenue  were  of  the 
highest  importance  and  demanded  immediate  consideration. 
Hugh  McCulloch,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  had  been  dur 
ing  most  of  his  life  a  banker  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  of  ac 
knowledged  ability  as  such,  but  with  little  or  no  experience  as  a 
financier  dealing  with  public  questions.  He  was  the  first 
comptroller  of  the  currency  under  the  banking  act,  and  ren 
dered  valuable  service  in  organizing  the  system  of  national 
banks,  though  he  had  not  originally  favored  the  system,  but 
was,  at  the  time  of  its  adoption,  a  strong  supporter  of  sound 
state  banks.  In  his  first  report  to  Congress  on  the  4th  of  De 
cember,  1865,  he,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  took  strong 
ground  against  United  States  notes  as  a  circulating  medium 
and  their  being  made  a  legal  tender  as  money.  He  regarded  the 
legal  tender  acts  as  war  measures,  and,  while  he  did  not  recom 
mend  their  repeal,  he  expressed  his  opinion  that  they  ought 
not  to  remain  in  force  one  day  longer  than  would  be  necessary 


374  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  enable  the  people  to  prepare  for  a  return  to  the  consti 
tutional  currency.  He  denied  the  authority  of  Congress  to 
issue  these  notes  except  in  the  nature  of  a  loan,  and  affirmed 
that  the  statute  making  them  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  was  not  within  the  scope  of  the  duties  or 
the  constitutional  power  of  Congress;  that  their  issue  as  lawful 
money  was  a  measure  necessary  in  a  great  emergency,  but,  as 
this  emergency  did  not  then  exist,  the  government  should,  as 
speedily  as  possible,  withdraw  them,  and  he  recommended  that 
the  work  of  retiring  the  notes  should  be  commenced  without 
delay  and  carefully  and  persistently  continued  until  all  were 
retired.  He  proposed  to  do  this  by  the  sale  of  bonds  for  United 
States  notes  outstanding  and  their  withdrawal  and  cancella 
tion.  He  recommended  as  a  substitute  the  notes  of  national 
banks,  but  even  these  notes  he  thought  redundant,  and  said: 

"  There  is  no  fact  more  manifest  than  that  the  plethora  of  paper  money  is 
not  only  undermining  the  morals  of  the  people  by  encouraging  waste  and 
extravagance,  but  is  striking  at  the  root  of  our  material  prosperity  by  dimin 
ishing  labor  .  .  .  and  if  not  speedily  checked,  will,  at  no  distant  day, 
culminate  in  widespread  disaster.  The  remedy,  and  the  only  remedy  within 
the  control  of  Congress,  is,  in  the  opinion  of  the  secretary,  to  be  found  in  the 
reduction  of  the  currency." 

The  chief  part  of  his  report  was  devoted  to  the  danger  of 
inflation  and  the  necessity  of  contraction.  He  said  the  longer 
contraction  was  delayed  the  greater  must  the  fall  eventually 
be,  and  the  more  serious  its  consequences. 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendations  of  Secretary  Mc- 
Culloch,  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the  House  by  Justin  S.  Mor- 
rill,  which  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  at  his 
discretion,  to  sell  any  of  the  description  of  bonds  authorized 
by  the  act  of  March  3,  1865,  the  proceeds  to  be  used  only  to 
retire  treasury  notes  or  other  obligations  issued  under  any  act 
of  Congress.  This  bill  as  reported  would  have  placed  in  the 
power  of  the  secretary  the  retirement  of  all  United  States  notes 
at  his  discretion.  An  amendment  was  made  in  the  House 
which  provided: 

"  That  of  United  States  notes  not  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars  may 
be  retired  and  canceled  within  six  months  from  the  passage  of  this  act,  and 
thereafter  not  more  than  four  millions  of  dollars  in  any  one  month." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  375 

The  bill  as  it  came  to  the  Senate  was  as  follows: 

"  An  act  to  amend  an  act  entitled  '  An  act  to  provide  ways  and  means  to 
support  the  government,'  approved  March  third,  eighteen  hundred  and 
sixty-five. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  act  entitled  *  An 
act  to  provide  ways  and  means  to  support  the  government,'  approved  March 
third,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-five,  shall  be  extended  and  construed  to 
authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  at  his  discretion,  to  receive  any 
treasury  notes  or  other  obligations  issued  under  any  act  of  Congress,  whether 
bearing  interest  or  not,  in  exchange  for  any  description  of  bonds  authorized 
by  the  act  to  which  this  is  an  amendment;  and  also  to  dispose  of  any  description 
of  bonds  authorized  by  said  act,  either  in  the  United  States  or  elsewhere,  to 
such  an  amount,  in  such  manner,  and  at  such  rates,  as  he  may  think  advis 
able,  for  lawful  money  of  the  United  States,  or  for  any  treasury  notes,  cer 
tificates  of  indebtedness,  or  certificates  of  deposit,  or  other  representatives  of 
value,  which  have  been  or  which  may  be  issued  under  any  act  of  Congress,  the 
proceeds  thereof  to  be  used  only  for  retiring  treasury  notes  or  other  obligations 
issued  under  any  act  of  Congress  ;  but  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  con 
strued  to  authorize  any  increase  of  the  public  debt :  Provided,  That  of  United 
States  notes  not  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars  may  be  retired  and  canceled 
within  six  months  from  the  passage  of  this  act,  and  thereafter  not  more  than 
four  millions  of  dollars  in  any  one  month  :  And  provided  further,  That  the 
act  to  which  this  is  an  amendment  shall  continue  in  full  force  in  all  its  provi 
sions,  except  as  modified  by  this  act. 

"  SEC.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
shall  report  to  Congress  at  the  commencement  of  the  next  session  the  amount 
of  exchanges  made  or  money  borrowed  under  this  act,  and  of  whom  and  on 
what  terms  ;  and  also  the  amount  and  character  of  indebtedness  retired  under 
this  act,  and  the  act  to  which  this  is  an  amendment,  with  a  detailed  statement 
of  the  expense  of  making  such  loans  and  exchanges." 

This  bill,  without  change,  became  a  law  April  12,  1866.  I 
believed  then,  and  now  know,  that  the  passage  of  this  law  was 
a  great  misfortune.  It  enabled  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  retire  at  a  rapid  rate  United  States  notes  and  to  largely 
increase  the  bonded  indebtedness  of  the  United  States.  It 
would  no  doubt  have  brought  us  abruptly  to  the  specie  stand 
ard  and  made  us  dependent  for  circulating  notes  upon  the 
issues  of  national  banks. 

At  this  time  there  was  a  wide  difference  of  opinion  between 
Secretary  McCulloch  and  myself  as  to  the  financial  policy  of 


376  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

the  government  in  respect  to  the  public  debt  and  the  currency. 
He  was  in  favor  of  a  rapid  contraction  of  the  currency  by  fund 
ing  it  into  interest  bearing  bonds.  I  was  in  favor  of  maintain 
ing  in  circulation  the  then  existing  volume  of  currency  as  an 
aid  to  the  funding  of  all  forms  of  interest-bearing  securities 
into  bonds  redeemable  within  a  brief  period  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  United  States,  and  bearing  as  low  a  rate  of  interest  as  pos 
sible.  Both  of  us  were  in  favor  of  specie  payments,  he  by  con 
traction  and  I  by  the  gradual  advancement  of  the  credit  and 
value  of  our  currency  to  the  specie  standard.  With  him  specie 
payments  was  the  primary  object,  with  me  it  was  a  secondary 
object,  to  follow  the  advancing  credit  of  the  government. 
Each  of  us  was  in  favor  of  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  bonds 
in  coin,  and  the  principal,  when  due,  in  coin.  A  large  propor 
tion  of  national  securities  were  payable  in  lawful  money,  or 
United  States  notes.  He,  by  contraction,  would  have  made 
this  payment  more  difficult,  while  I,  by  retaining  the  notes  in 
existence,  would  induce  the  holders  of  currency  certificates  to 
convert  them  into  coin  obligations  bearing  a  lower  rate  of 
interest. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
INDEBTEDNESS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1865. 

Organization  of  the  Greenback  Party— Total  Debt  on  October  31,  amounts  to 
$2,808,549,437.55  — Secretary  McCulloch's  Desire  to  Convert  All  United  States 
Notes  Into  Interest  Bearing  Bonds — My  Discussion  with  Senator  Fessenden 
Over  the  Finance  Committee's  Bill  —  Too  Great  Powers  Conferred  on 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury— His  Desire  to  Retire  $10,000,000  of 
United  States  Notes  Each  Month  —  Growth  of  the  Greenback 
Party  — The  Secretary's  Powers  to  Reduce  the  Currency  by 
Retiring  or  Canceling  United  States  Notes  Is  Suspended  — 
Bill  to  Reduce  Taxes  and    Provide   Internal   Reve 
nue  —  My  Trip  to  Laramie  and  Other  Western 
Forts    with    General    Sherman  —  Beginning 
of    the   Department   of    Agriculture. 

DURING  this  period  a  party  sprang  up  composed  of 
men  of  all  parties  called  the  Greenback  party,  who 
favored  an  increase  of  United  States  notes,  and  the 
payment  of  all  United  States  bonds  and  securities  in 
such  notes.     This  difference   of  opinion   continued   until  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments,  in  January,  1879. 

I  propose  to  state  here  the  measures  adopted  in  respect  to 
the  national  currency  and  debt  during  the  rest  of  the  adminis 
tration  of  President  Johnson. 

The  total  debt  of  the  United  States  on  the  31st  of  October, 
1865,  was  $2,808,549,437.55  in  twenty-five  different  forms  of  in 
debtedness  of  which,  $1,200,000,000  was  payable  at  the  option 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  within  a  brief  period. 
The  amount  of  United  States  notes  outstanding  was  then 
$428,160,569,  and  of  fractional  currency  $26,057,469,  in  all 
$454,218,038.  All  of  this  money  was  in  active  circulation,  in 
great  favor  among  the  people,  worth  in  use  as  much  as  na 
tional  bank  notes,  and  rapidly  rising  in  value  compared  with 
coin.  It  was  the  least  burdensome  form  of  indebtedness  then 
existing.  The  treasury  notes  and  compound  interest  notes 
were  in  express  terms  payable  in  this  lawful  money,  and, 

S.-27  (377; 


378  RECOLLECTIONS 

therefore,  bore  a  higher  rate  of  interest  than  the  bonds,  which, 
by  their  express  terms  or  necessary  implication,  were  payable 
in  coin  only. 

It  was  insisted  that  the  amount  of  United  States  notes  was 
in  excess  of  what  was  needed  for  currency  in  time  of  peace 
and  might  safely  be  gradually  reduced.  This  effort  to  con 
tract  the  currency  was  firmly  resisted  by  several  Senators, 
myself  among  them.  The  Supreme  Court  decided  that  Con 
gress  had  full  power  to  make  these  notes  a  legal  tender. 
They  were  far  better  than  any  form  of  currency  previously 
existing  in  the  United  States.  During  the  war,  when  the 
expenditures  of  the  government  reached  nearly  $1,000,000,- 
000  a  year  they  were  indispensable.  Those  most  opposed 
to  irredeemable  paper  money  acknowledged  this  necessity. 
The  only  objection  to  them  was  that  they  were  not  equiv 
alent  to  coin  in  purchasing  power.  After  the  war  was 
over,  the  general  desire  of  all  was  to  advance  these  notes 
nearer  to  par  with  coin,  but  not  to  withdraw  them.  The  ris 
ing  credit  and  financial  strength  of  the  United  States  would,  it 
was  believed,  bring  them  to  par  without  injustice  to  the  debtor, 
but  the  rapid  withdrawal  of  the  notes  would  add  to  the  burden 
of  debts  and  cripple  all  forms  of  industry.  It  would  convert 
the  compound  interest  notes  and  treasury  notes  bearing  seven 
and  three  tenths  per  cent,  interest,  amounting  to  over  $1,000,- 
000,000  expressly  payable  in  United  States  notes,  into  coin  lia 
bilities.  The  bill  prepared  at  the  treasury  department  con 
templated  the  conversion  of  all  United  States  notes  into  bonds. 
In  that  form  the  bill  was  defeated  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  but  it  was  reconsidered  and  an  amendment  was  then  made 
limiting  the  retirement  of  notes  to  $4,000,000  a  month.  This 
gained  for  the  bill  enough  votes  to  secure  its  passage.  Even 
the  withdrawal  of  $48,000,000  a  year  was  soon  found  to  be  op 
pressive  and  was  subsequently  repealed. 

When  this  bill  came  before  the  committee  on  finance,  I 
found  myself  alone  in  opposition  to  it.  I  could  not  impress  my 
colleagues  of  the  committee  with  the  grave  importance  of  the 
measure,  and  its  wide-reaching  influence  upon  our  currency, 
debt  and  credit.  They  regarded  it  simply  as  a  bill  to  change 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  379 

the  form  of  our  securities.  I  felt  confident  that  without  the 
use  of  United  States  notes  we  could  not  make  this  exchange. 
When  the  bill  was  brought  before  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Fessen- 
den,  chairman  of  the  committee,  he  made  no  statement  of  its 
terms,  but  only  said  : 

"  I  have  merely  to  say  that  this  bill  is  reported  by  the  committee  on 
finance  without  amendment  as  it  came  from  the  House  of  Representatives. 
The  committee  on  finance,  on  careful  examination  of  it,  came  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  the  bill  was  well  enough  as  it  stood,  and  did  not  deem  it  advisable 
to  make  any  amendment.  It  has  been  before  the  Senate  a  considerable 
time,  and  I  presume  every  Senator  understands  it.  I  ask,  therefore,  for  the 
question." 

I  replied : 

"  I  regret  very  much  that  I  differ  from  the  committee  on  finance  in  re 
gard  to  this  bill.  This  is  the  only  bill  on  the  subject  of  the  public  debt  on 
which  I  have  not  been  able  to  concur  with  that  committee. 

"If  Senators  will  read  this  bill  they  will  find  that  it  confers  on  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  greater  powers  than  have  ever  been  conferred,  since 
the  foundation  of  this  government,  upon  any  Secretary  of* the  Treasury.  Our 
loan  laws,  heretofore,  have  generally  been  confined  to  the  negotiation  of  a 
single  loan,  limited  in  amount.  As  the  war  progressed,  the  difficulties  of  the 
country  became  greater,  and  we  were  more  in  the  habit  of  removing  the 
limitations  on  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  but  generally  the 
power  conferred  was  confined  to  a  particular  loan  then  in  the  market.  This 
bill,  however,  is  more  general  in  its  terms.  This  bill  authorizes  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  sell  any  character  of  bonds  without  limit,  except  as 
to  the  rate  of  interest.  The  authority  conferred  does  not  limit  him  to  any 
form  of  security.  It  may  run  for  any  period  of  time  within  forty  years.  He 
may  sell  the  securities  at  less  than  par,  without  limitation  as  to  rate.  He 
may  sell  them  in  any  form  he  chooses.  He  may  put  them  in  the  form  of 
treasury  notes  or  bonds,  the  interest  payable  in  gold  or  in  paper  money.  He 
may  undertake,  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  to  fund  the  whole  debt  of 
the  United  States.  The  only  limit  as  to  amount  is  the  public  debt,  now 
$2,700,000,000.  The  power  conferred  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
absolute.  It  is  not  only  for  this  year,  or  during  the  current  fiscal  year,  or 
for  the  next  year,  but  it  is  for  all  time,  until  the  act  shall  be  repealed.  It 
gives  him  absolute  power  to  negotiate  bonds  of  the  United  States  to  the 
amount  of  $2,700,000,000,  without  limiting  the  rate  at  which  they  shall  be 
sold,  and  only  limiting  the  rate  of  interest  inferentially.  The  description  of 
the  bonds  in  the  act  of  March  3,  1865,  referred  to  here,  would  probably  limit 
the  rate  of  interest  to  six  per  cent,  in  coin,  and  seven  and  three-tenths  per 
cent,  in  currency;  but  with  this  exception  there  is  no  limitation. 


380  RECOLLECTIONS 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  in  the  present  condition  of  our  finances  there  is  no 
necessity  for  conferring  these  large  powers  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
The  people  are  not  generally  aware  of  the  favorable  condition  of  our  finances. 
The  statement  of  the  public  debt  laid  on  our  tables  the  other  day  does  not 
show  fully  the  condition  of  the  finances.  It  is  accurate  in  amounts,  but  does 
not  give  dates  of  the  maturity  of  our  debts.  But  a  small  portion  of  the  debt 
of  the  United  States  will  be  due  prior  to  August,  1867,  that  will  give  the 
secretary  any  trouble.  But  little  of  the  debt  which  he  will  be  required  to 
fund  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill  matures  before  August,  1867.  The 
temporary  or  call  loan,  now  over  one  hundred  millions,  may  readily  be  kept 
at  this  sum  even  at  a  reduced  rate  of  interest.  The  certificates  of  indebted 
ness,  amounting  to  sixty-two  millions,  may  easily  be  paid  from  accruing 
receipts,  or,  if  necessary,  may  be  renewed  or  funded  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
secretary.  None  of  the  compound  interest  notes  or  the  seven-thirty  notes 
mature  until  August,  1867. 

"  There  is,  therefore,  no  immediate  necessity  for  these  vast  powers.  The 
question  then  naturally  occurs,  why  grant  them  ?  I  have  carefully  consid 
ered  this  question,  and  I  do  not  think  there  is  now  any  immediate  necessity 
for  granting  these  powers.  No  debt  is  maturing  that  is  likely  to  give  the 
government  any  trouble  ;  and  yet  we  are  now  about  to  confer,  upon  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury,  powers  that  we  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  things,  recall. 
It  is  true  we  may  repeal  this  law  next  year,  but  we  know  very  well  that 
when  these  large  powers  are  granted  they  are  very  seldom  recalled;  they 
are  made  the  precedents  of  further  grants  of  power  and  are  very  rarelv 
recalled.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  whole  object  of  the  passage  of  this  bill 
is  to  place  it  within  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  contract 
the  currency  of  the  country,  and  thus,  as  I  think,  to  produce  an  unnecessary 
strain  upon  the  people.  This  power  I  do  not  think  ought  to  be  given  to 
him.  The  House  of  Representatives  did  not  intend  to  give  him  this  power. 
They  debated  the  bill  a  long  time,  and  it  was  defeated  on  the  ground  that 
they  would  not  confer  on  the  secretary  this  power  to  reduce  the  currency, 
and  finally  it  was  only  passed  with  a  proviso  contained  in  the  bill  which  I 
will  now  read  : 

"  '  Provided,  That  of  United  States  notes  not  more  than  $10,000,000  may 
be  retired  and  canceled  within  six  months  from  the  passage  of  this  act,  and 
thereafter  not  more  than  $4,000,000  in  any  one  month.' 

"  The  purpose  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was,  while  giving  the 
secretary  power  to  fund  the  debt  as  it  matured  or  even  before  maturity, 
giving  him  the  most  ample  power  over  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  to 
limit  his  power  over  the  currency,  lest  he  might  carry  to  an  extreme  the 
view  presented  by  him  in  his  annual  report.  If  this  proviso  would  accom 
plish  the  purpose  designed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  I  would  cease 
all  opposition  to  this  bill ;  but  I  know  it  will  not,  and  for  this  very  obvious 
reason,  that  there  is  no  restraint  upon  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  accumulate  legal  tender  notes  in  the  treasury.  He  may  retire 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  381 

$200,000,000  of  legal  tender  notes  by  retaining  them  in  his  possession 
without  cancellation,  and  thus  accomplish  the  very  purpose  the  House  of 
Representatives  did  not  intend  to  allow  him  to  accomplish.  He  may  sell 
the  bonds  of  the  United  States,  at  any  rate  he  chooses,  for  legal  tenders,  and 
he  may  hold  those  legal  tenders  in  his  vaults,  thus,  retiring  them  from  the 
business  of  the  country,  and  thus  produce  the  very  contraction  which  the 
House  of  Representatives  meant  to  deny  him  power  to  do.  Therefore,  this 
proviso,  which  only  limits  the  power  of  canceling  securities  or  notes,  does 
not  limit  his  power  over  the  currency,  and  he  may,  without  violating  this 
bill,  in  pursuance  of  the  very  terms  of  the  bill,  contract  the  currency 
according  to  his  own  good  will  and  pleasure. 

"  My  own  impression  is,  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  carrying 
out  his  own  policy,  will  do  so.  He  says  he  will  not  contract  it  unreasonably 
or  too  rapidly,  but  I  believe  he  wrill  contract  the  currency  in  this  way.  He 
has  now  in  the  vaults  of  the  treasury  $00,000,000  in  currency  and  $62.000.- 
000  in  gold — a  larger  balance,  I  believe,  than  was  ever  before  kept  in  the 
treasury  until  within  the  last  two  or  three  months  ;  a  larger  balance  than 
was  ever  found  in  the  treasury  during  the  war.  What  is  the  object  of  accu 
mulating  these  vast  balances  in  the  treasury  ?  Simply  to  carry  out  his  policy 
of  contraction.  With  this  power  of  retaining  in  the  treasury  the  money 
that  comes  in,  what  does  he  care  for  the  limitation  put  upon  this  bill  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  ?  That  says  that  he  shall  not  retire  and  cancel 
more  than  $10,000,000  of  United  States  notes  within  six  months,  and  not 
more  than  $4,000,000  in  any  one  month  thereafter  ;  but  why  need  he  retire 
and  cancel  them  when  he  can  retain  them  in  the  vaults  of  the  treasury,  and 
thus  contract  the  currency  ? 

"  I  do  not  doubt  in  the  least  either  the  integrity  or  the  capacity  of  the 
present  incumbent  of  the  treasury  department.  I  have  as  much  confidence 
in  him  as  anyone  ;  but  this  question  of  the  currency  is  one  that  affects  so 
intimately  all  the  business  relations  of  life,  the  property  of  every  man  in 
this  country,  his  ability  to  pay  taxes,  his  ability  to  earn  food  and  acquire  a 
living,  that  no  man  ought  to  have  the  power  to  vary  the  volume  of  currency. 
It  ought  to  be  regulated  by  law,  and  the  law7  ought  to  be  so  fixed  and  so  defined 
that  every  business  man  may  transact  his  business  with  full  knowledge  of 
the  amount  of  the  currency,  with  all  its  limits  and  qualifications.  I  ask  you, 
sir,  how  any  prudent  or  judicious  man  can  nowy  engage  in  any  important 
business,  in  which  he  is  compelled  to  go  in  debt,  with  this  large  power  hang 
ing  over  him.  It  wrould  be  unsafe  for  him  to  do  so.  The  amount  of  the 
currency  ought  to  be  fixed  by  law,  whether  much  or  little.  There  ought  to 
be  a  limit,  and  no  man  ought  to  have  the  power  at  pleasure  to  enlarge  or 
contract  that  limit. 

"  Then  there  is  the  further  power  to  reduce  the  currency,  a  power  that 
has  not  heretofore  been  granted  to  any  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The 
amount  heretofore  has  been  fixed  and  limited  by  law.  By  the  first  clause  of 
this  bill  the  secretary  is  authorized  to  receive  treasury  notes,  or  United  States 


382  RECOLLECTIONS 

notes  of  any  form  or  description,  and  there  is  no  limitation  to  this  power, 
except  the  clause  which  I  have  read  to  you.  That  limits  his  power  to  retire 
and  cancel  the  United  States  notes,  but  not  to  accumulate  the  enormous  bal 
ances  on  hand.  My  own  impression  has  been,  and  when  this  bill  was  before 
the  committee  on  finance  I  believed,  it  would  be  better  for  that  committee  to 
report  to  the  Senate  a  financial  project  to  fund  the  debt  of  the  United  States. 
I  believe  tjiat  now  is  the  favorable  time  to  do  it.  If  a  five  per  cent,  bond,  a 
long  bond  of  proper  description  and  proper  guarantee,  w7as  now  placed  upon 
the  market,  with  such  ample  powers  to  negotiate  it  as  ought  to  be  given  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  such  a  loan  as  wras  authorized  two  years  ago, 
at  a  reduced  rate  of  interest,  to  be  exempt  from  taxation,  I  have  no  doubt 
whatever,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  could  fund  every  portion  of  the  debt 
of  the  United  States  as  it  matured. 

"  I  do  not  like  to  embarrass  a  bill  of  this  kind  with  amendments,  because 
I  know  it  is  difficult  to  consider  amendments  of  this  sort,  requiring  an  exam 
ination  of  figures  and  tables.  I  have  prepared  a  bill  very  carefully,  with  a 
view  to  meet  my  idea,  but  I  will  not  present  it  now  in  antagonism  to  this 
bill  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  view7  taken  by  the  finance 
committee,  because  I  know,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  Senate,  it  would 
not  probably  be  fully  considered.  My  only  purpose  now7  is  to  point  out  the 
fact  that  is  perfectly  clear  to  the  mind  of  every  sensible  man  who  has  exam 
ined  this  bill,  that  the  bill  as  it  stands  does  not  carry  out  the  manifest  inten 
tion  of  the  House  of  Representatives  when  they  passed  it,  and  that  the 
proviso,  limiting  the  power  of  the  secretary  over  the  legal  tender  currency, 
does  not  accomplish  the  purpose  which  they  designed,  and  without  which  I 
know  the  bill  never  could  have  passed  the  House  of  Representatives." 

MR.  FESSENDEN  :  "If  the  House  of  Representatives  did  not  understand 
wrhat  they  were  doing  when  they  passed  this  bill,  it  arises  from  the  fact  that 
they  did  not  give  the  rein  to  their  imagination,  as  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Ohio  seems  to  have  done  to  his,  and  take  it  for  granted  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  had  a  purpose  to  accomplish,  and  that  he  would  not  hesitate  to 
take  any  means  in  his  power  to  accomplish  it,  improperly  against  the  mani 
fest  will  of  Congress,  against  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  against  his 
own  interests  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury." 

I  replied : 

"  I  appeal  to  the  Senator  whether  that  is  a  fair  statement  of  my 
argument  ?  " 

MR.  FESSENDEN:  "That  is  the  way  precisely  that  I  understand  it." 

I  said  : 

"That  is  precisely  as  no  gentleman  could  have  understood  me.  I 
never  said  that  the  secretary  improperly  would  do  so  and  so  by  any  means. 
It  is  one  of  the  honorable  Senator's  modes  of  stating  propositions." 

MR.  FESSENDEN  :  "  I  certainly  did  not  mean  to  say  that  the  honorable 
Senator  supposed  he  designed  to  do  so,  but  such  seems  to  be  the  result  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  383 

his  argument  —  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  having  the  power,  as  he 
says,  there  is  danger  that  he  might  abuse  it  in  that  precise  way ;  else  his 
argument  amounts  to  nothing  at  all  as  against  the  bill.  I  certainly  acquit 
my  friend  of  any  sort  of  desire  or  intention  to  throw  any  imputation  on  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  That  he  did  not  mean  to  do."  .  .  . 

I  said: 

"  I  do  not  think  it  wise  to  confer  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  the 
power  to  meet  the  indebtedness  not  accruing  for  a  year,  or  two,  or  three 
years.  I  do  not  think  it  is  necessary,  in  our  present  financial  condition,  to 
authorize  him  to  go  into  market  now  and  sell  bonds  at  current  market  rates 
with  a  view  to  pay  debts  that  do  not  mature  for  a  year  or  two.  I  have  no 
doubt  before  the  five-twenty  loans  are  due  we  shall  retire  every  dollar  of 
them  at  four  or  five  per  cent,  interest.  No  one  who  heeds  the  rapid  develop 
ments  of  new  sources  of  wealth  in  this  country,  the  enormous  yield  of  gold 
now,  the  renewal  of  industry  in  the  south,  the  enormous  yield  of  cotton,  the 
growing  wealth  of  this  country,  and  all  the  favorable  prospects  that  are  be 
fore  us,  doubts  the  ability  of  this  government  before  this  debt  matures  to 
reduce  it  to  four  or  five  per  cent,  interest. 

"  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  sell  bonds  at  any  rate  to  meet  debts 
as  they  accrue,  but  that  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  bill." 

MR.  FESSEXDEN  :  "  That  is  all  the  purpose  there  is  in  it." 

I  said : 

"  Then  there  is  no  necessity  for  it." 

MK.  FESSEXDEX:  "  Yes,  there  is.     I  differ  from  you." 

I  continued : 

"  We  have  here  the  tables  before  us.  The  honorable  Senator  and  I 
know  when  this  debt  matures.  .  .  . 

"That  is  the  power  now  given,  and  he  will  use  the  power.  He  may 
think  it  to  his  interest  to  retire  the  whole  of  the  seven-thirties  or  the  ten- 
forties  ;  but  is  it  wise  for  us  to  give  him  that  power  now,  at  the  heel  of  the 
war  and  before  things  have  settled  down?  I  do  not  think  it  is. 

"  I  repeat,  I  do  not  wish  to  call  in  question  the  integrity  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury.  The  Senator  interjects  by  saying  we  must  look 
ahead.  I  have  done  so.  The  difference  between  us  is  that  I  anticipate  that 
the  future  of  this  country  will  be  hopeful,  buoyant,  joyous.  We  shall  not 
have  to  beg  money  of  foreign  nations,  or  even  of  our  own  people,  within  two 
or  three  years.  Our  national  debt  will  be  eagerly  sought  for,  I  have  no 
doubt.  I  take  a  hopeful  view  of  the  future.  I  do  not  wish  now  to  cripple 
the  industry  of  the  country  by  adopting  the  policy  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  as  he  calls  it,  by  reducing  the  currency,  by  crippling  the  opera 
tions  of  the  government,  when  I  think  that  under  any  probability  of  affairs 
in  the  future,  all  this  debt  will  take  care  of  itself.  I  believe  that  if  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  would  do  nothing  in  the  world  except  simply  sit  in 


384  RECOLLECTIONS 

his  chair,  meet  the  accruing  indebtedness,  and  issue  his  treasury  warrants, 
this  debt  will  take  care  of  itself,  and  will  fund  itself  at  four  or  five  per  cent, 
before  very  long.  All  that  I  object  to  in  this  bill  is  the  power  it  gives  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  over  the  currency,  to  affect  the  currency  of  the 
country  now  and  to  anticipate  debts  that  are  not  yet  due. 

"  That  is  what  I  am  afraid  of,  his  interference  to  contract  the  currency. 
The  honorable  Senator  from  Maine,  however,  would  seem  to  think  that  I  im 
pute  to  him  a  wrong  motive,  and  therefore  I  corrected  him  when  he  made  the 
remark  that  I  seemed  to  suppose  the  secretary  wras  doing  this  improperly. 
I  think  not.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  informed  us  that  he  desired  to 
reduce  the  currency,  and  he  has  been  doing  it  as  far  as  he  could.  He  has 
been  accumulating  large  balances.  He  was  opposed  to  the  proviso  which 
has  been  inserted  in  this  bill,  and  yielded  to  it  only  with  reluctance.  That 
is  admitted  on  all  hands,  and  he  is  not  precluded  either  in  honor  or  propriety 
from  carrying  out  his  policy  if  you  gave  him  the  power  to  do  it." 

This  bill  became  a  law  on  the  12th  of  April,  1866.  Presi 
dent  Johnson  relied  entirely  upon  McCulloch,  and  had  no 
opinions  upon  financial  topics. 

Now,  nearly  thirty  years  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  it  is 
manifest  that  it  was  by  far  the  most  injurious  and  expensive 
financial  measure  ever  enacted  by  Congress.  It  not  only  com 
pelled  the  United  States  to  pay  the  large  war  rates  of  interest 
for  many  years,  but  postponed  specie  payments  until  1879. 
It  added  fully  $300,000,000  of  interest  that  might  have  been 
saved  by  the  earlier  refunding  of  outstanding  bonds  into  bonds 
bearing  four  to  five  per  cent,  interest.  Mr.  Fessenden,  then 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance,  committed  a  grave 
error  in  hastily  supporting  the  bill,  an  error  which  I  believe 
he  deeply  regretted  and  which,  in  connection  with  his  failing 
health,  no  doubt  led  him  to  resign  his  position  as  chairman  of 
that  committee.  Although  our  debate  was  rather  sharp,  it 
did  not  disturb  our  friendly  relations.  With  McCulloch  in  the 
treasury  department,  nothing  could  be  done. 

If  the  funding  clauses  of  this  act  had  been  limited  to  the 
conversion  of  compound  interest  notes,  treasury  notes  bearing 
interest,  certificates  of  indebtedness,  and  temporary  loans  into 
bonds  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  a 
brief  time,  bearing  not  exceeding  five  per  cent,  interest,  retain 
ing  in  circulation  during  this  process  of  refunding  all  the  then 
outstanding  United  States  notes,  the  result  would  have  been 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  385 

greatly  beneficial  to  the  United  States,  but  this  was  not  the 
chief  object  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  His  primary 
object  was  to  convert  United  States  notes  into  interest-bearing 
bonds,  and  thus  force  the  immediate  resumption  of  specie  pay 
ments  or  the  substitution  of  national  bank  notes  for  United 
States  notes.  The  result  of  his  refunding  was  largely  to  in 
crease  the  amount  of  six  per  cent,  bonds,  the  most  burdensome 
form  of  security  then  outstanding.  In  October,  1865,  the 
amount  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  was  $920,000,000 ;  on  the  1st  of 
July,  1868,  the  six  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding  were  $1,557,844,- 
600.  The  increase  of  these  bonds  under  the  operation  of  this 
law  was  thus  over  $637,000,000. 

The  result  of  this  policy  of  contraction  was  not  only  to  in 
crease  the  burden  of  the  public  debt,  but  it  created  serious 
derangement  of  the  business  of  the  country.  It  excited  a 
strong  popular  opposition  to  the  measures  adopted. 

The  Greenback  party,  as  it  was  called,  grew  out  of  this 
policy  of  contraction,  and  for  a  time  threatened  to  carry  the 
election  of  a  majority  of  the  Members  of  Congress.  It  con 
tended  practically  for  an  unlimited  issue  of  legal  tender  United 
States  notes,  and  the  payment  of  all  bonds  and  securities  in 
United  States  notes.  This,  however,  did  not  disturb  Secretary 
McCulloch.  In  his  annual  report  of  December  3,  1866,  he 
again  urged  the  policy  of  a  further  reduction  of  United  States 
notes.  He  was  not  satisfied  with  the  reduction  already  pro 
vided  for,  and  recommended  that  the  reduction  should  be 
increased  from  $4,000,000  a  month,  as  contemplated  by  the  act 
of  April  12,  1866,  to  $6,000,000  a  month  for  the  fiscal  year,  and 
to  $10,000,000  per  month  thereafter.  He  said: 

"  The  policy  of  contracting  the  circulation  of  the  government  notes 
should  be  definitely  and  unchangeably  established,  and  the  process  should 
go  on  just  as  rapidly  as  possible  without  producing  a  financial  crisis  or  seri 
ously  embarrassing  those  branches  of  industry  and  trade  upon  which  our 
revenues  are  dependent.  That  the  policy  indicated  is  the  true  and  safe  one, 
the  secretary  is  thoroughly  convinced.  If  it  shall  not  be  speedily  adopted  and 
rigidly,  but  judiciously,  enforced,  severe  financial  troubles  are  in  store  for  us." 

He  insisted  that  the  circulation  of  the  country  should  be 
further  reduced,  not  by  compelling  the  national  banks  to  retire 


386  RECOLLECTIONS 

their  notes,  but  by  the  withdrawal  of  United  States  notes. 
When  reminded  of  the  great  saving  of  interest  in  the  issue  of 
$400,000,000  United  States  notes,  he  answered: 

"  Considerations  of  this  nature  are  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the 
discredit  which  attaches  to  the  government  by  failing  to  pay  its  notes  accord 
ing  to  their. tenor,  by  the  bad  influence  of  this  involuntary  discredit  upon  the 
public  morals,  and  the  wide  departure,  which  a  continued  issue  of  legal  ten 
der  notes  involves,  from  past  usages,  if  not  from  the  teachings  of  the  con 
stitution  itself." 

He  said : 

"  The  government  cannot  exercise  powers  not  conferred  by  its  organic 
law  or  necessary  for  its  own  preservation,  nor  dishonor  its  own  engagements 
when  able  to  meet  them,  without  either  shocking  or  demoralizing  the  senti 
ment  of  the  people  ;  and  the  fact  that  the  indefinite  continuance  of  the  cir 
culation  of  an  inconvertible  but  still  legal  tender  currency  is  so  generally 
advocated  indicates  how  far  we  have  wandered  from  old  landmarks  both  in 
finance  and  ethics." 

The  growing  opposition  of  the  people  at  large  to  the  con 
traction  of  the  currency  seemed  to  have  no  effect  upon  his 
mind. 

He  again  recurs  to  the  same  subject  in  his  annual  report  to 
Congress,  in  December,  1867.  After  stating  that  the  United 
States  notes,  including  fractional  currency,  had  been  reduced 
from  $459,000,000  to  $387,000,000,  and  the  funded  debt  had 
been  increased  $684,548,800,  he  urged  as  a  measure  regarded  by 
him  as  important,  if  not  indispensable  for  national  prosperity, 
the  funding  or  payment  of  the  balance  of  interest-bearing 
notes,  and  a  continued  contraction  of  the  paper  currency.  He 
urged  that  the  acts  authorizing  legal  tender  notes  be  repealed, 
and  that  the  work  of  retiring  the  notes  which  had  been  issued 
under  them  should  be  commenced  without  delay,  and  carefully 
and  persistently  continued  until  all  were  retired. 

This  policy  of  contraction,  honestly  entertained  and  per 
sistently  urged  by  Secretary  McCulloch  in  spite  of  growing 
stringency,  led  Congress,  by  the  act  of  February  4, 1868,  to  sus 
pend  indefinitely  the  authority  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  make  any  reduction  of  the  currency  by  retiring  or  canceling 
United  States  notes. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  387 

Who  can  doubt  that  if  he  had  availed  himself  of  the  power 
given  him  to  refund  the  interest-bearing  notes  and  certificates 
of  the  United  States  into  bonds  bearing  a  low  rate  of  interest, 
leaving  the  United  States  notes  bearing  no  interest  to  circulate 
as  money,  he  would  have  saved  the  government  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  ?  If  irredeemable  notes  were  a  national  dis 
honor,  why  did  he  not  urge  their  redemption  in  coin  at  some 
fixed  period  and  then  reissue  them,  and  maintain  their  redemp 
tion  by  a  reserve  in  coin  ? 

The  act  of  February  25,  1862,  under  which  the  original 
United  States  notes  were  issued,  provided  that : 

"  Such  United  States  notes  shall  be  received  the  same  as  coin,  at  their 
par  value,  in  payment  for  any  loans  that  may  be  hereafter  sold  or  negotiated 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  may  be  reissued  from  time  to  time  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  public  interest  shall  require.'' 

This  provision  would  have  maintained  the  parity  of  United 
States  notes  at  par  with  bonds,  but  under  the  pressure  of  war 
it  was  deemed  best  by  Congress,  upon  the  recommendation  of 
Secretary  Chase,  to  take  from  the  holder  of  United  States 
notes  the  right  to  present  them  in  payment  for  bonds  after  the 
first  day  of  July,  1863.  If  this  privilege,  conferred  originally 
upon  United  States  notes,  had  been  renewed  in  1866,  with  the 
right  of  reissue,  bonds  and  notes  would  together  have  advanced 
to  par  in  coin.  But  this  is  what  the  contractionists  especially 
opposed.  They  demanded  the  cancellation  of  the  notes  when 
presented,  a  contraction  of  the  currency  when  offering  our 
bonds.  It  is  easy  now  to  perceive  that  a  conservative  use  of 
United  States  notes,  convertible  into  four  per  cent,  bonds, 
would  have  steadily  advanced  both  notes  and  bonds  to  par  in 
coin.  But  the  equally  erroneous  opposing  opinions  of  contrac 
tionists  and  expansionists  delayed  for  many  years  the  coming 
of  coin  resumption  upon  a  fixed  quantity  of  United  States 
notes. 

Among  the  acts  of  this  Congress  of  chief  importance  is  the 
act  approved  July  13,  1866,  to  reduce  taxes  and  provide  inter 
nal  revenue.  The  passage  of  such  an  act  required  much  labor 
in  both  Houses,  but  especially  so  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  where  tax  bills  must  originate.  It  was  a  compromise 


388  RECOLLECTIONS 

measure,  and,  unlike  previous  acts,  did  not  reach  out  for  new 
objects  of  taxation,  but  selected  such  articles  as  could  bear  it 
best,  and  on  some  of  these  the  tax  was  increased.  A  great 
number  of  articles  that  enter  into  the  common  consumption  of 
the  people  and  are  classed  as  necessaries  of  life  were  relieved 
from  taxation.  The  general  purpose  of  the  bill  was  in  time  to 
concentrate  internal  taxes  on  such  articles  as  spirits,  tobacco 
and  beer.  The  tax  on  incomes  was  continued  but  limited  to 
the  30th  of  June,  1870.  I  have  already  stated  the  marked  de 
velopment  of  internal  taxation,  and  this  measure  was  one  of 
the  most  important  in  the  series  to  produce  great  revenue  at 
the  least  cost,  and  of  the  lightest  burden  to  the  taxpayer. 

Soon  after  the  passage  of  the  act,  approved  April  12,  1866, 
to  contract  the  currency,  I  introduced  a  bill,  "To  reduce  the 
rate  of  interest  on  the  national  debt  and  for  funding  the  same." 
In  view  of  the  passage  of  that  act  I  did  not  expect  that  a  fund 
ing  bill  would  meet  with  success,  but  considered  it  my  duty 
to  present  one,  and  on  the  22nd  of  May,  1866,  made  a  speech 
in  support  of  it.  The  bill  provided  for  the  voluntary  ex 
change  of  any  of  the  outstanding  obligations  of  the  United 
States  for  a  bond  running  thirty  years,  but  redeemable  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  ten  years  from  date,  bear 
ing  interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent.,  payable  annually.  On 
reading  that  speech  now  I  find  that,  though  I  was  much  more 
confident  than  others  of  converting  our  maturing  securities 
into  five  per  cent,  bonds,  the  general  opinion  then  prevailing, 
and  acted  upon  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  to  issue 
six  per  cent,  bonds  as  already  stated.  I  soon  found  that  it  was 
idle  to  press  the  funding  bill  upon  Congress,  when  it  was  so 
much  occupied  with  reconstruction  and  with  Andrew  Johnson. 
The  refunding  and  many  other  measures  had  to  be  postponed 
until  a  new  administration  came  into  power.  Congress  had 
unfortunately  authorized  the  issue  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  for 
accruing  liabilities,  and  thus  postponed  refunding  at  a  lower 
rate  of  interest. 

The  long  and  exciting  session  of  Congress  that  ended  on  the 
28th  day  of  July,  1866,  left  me  in  feeble  strength  and  much 
discouraged  with  the  state  of  affairs.  I  had  arranged  with 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  889 

General  Sherman  to  accompany  him  in  an  official  inspection  of 
army  posts  on  the  western  plains,  but  did  not  feel  at  liberty 
to  leave  Washington  until  Congress  adjourned.  The  letter  I 
wrote  him  on  the  8th  of  July  expresses  my  feelings  as  to  the 
political  situation  at  that  time  : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  July  8,  1866.  \ 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  It  is  now  wise  for  you  to  avoid  all  expressions  of 
political  opinion.  Congress  and  the  President  are  now  drifting  from  each 
other  into  open  warfare.  Congress  is  not  weak  in  what  it  has  done,  but  in 
what  it  has  failed  to  do.  It  has  adopted  no  unwise  or  extreme  measures. 
The  civil  rights  bill  and  constitutional  amendments  can  be  defended  as 
reasonable,  moderate,  and  in  harmony  with  Johnson's  old  position  and  yours. 
As  Congress  has  thus  far  failed  to  provide  measures  to  allow  legal  Senators 
and  Representatives  to  take  their  seats,  it  has  failed  in  a  plain  duty.  This 
is  its  weakness,  but  even  in  this  it  will  have  the  sympathy  of  the  most  of  the 
soldiers,  and  the  people  who  are  not  too  eager  to  secure  rebel  political 
power.  As  to  the  President,  he  is  becoming  Tylerized.  He  was  elected  by 
the  Union  party  for  his  openly  expressed  radical  sentiments,  and  now  he 
seeks  to  rend  to  pieces  this  party.  There  is  a  sentiment  among  the  people 
that  this  is  dishonor.  It  looks  so  to  me.  What  Johnson  is,  is  from  and  by 
the  Union  party.  He  now  deserts  it  and  betrays  it.  He  may  varnish  it  up, 
but,  after  all,  he  must  admit  that  he  disappoints  the  reasonable  expectations 
of  those  who  intrusted  him  with  power.  He  may,  by  a  coalition  with  cop 
perheads  and  rebels,  succeed,  but  the  simple  fact  that  nine-tenths  of  them 
who  voted  for  him  do  not  agree  with  him,  and  that  he  only  controls  the 
other  tenth  by  power  intrusted  to  him  by  the  Union  party,  will  damn  him 
forever.  Besides,  he  is  insincere  ;  he  has  deceived  and  misled  his  best 
friends.  I  know  he  led  many  to  believe  he  would  agree  to  the  civil  rights 
bill,  and  nearly  all  who  conversed  with  him  until  within  a  few  days  be 
lieved  he  would  acquiesce  in  the  amendments,  and  even  aid  in  securing 
their  adoption.  I  almost  fear  he  contemplates  civil  war.  Under  these 
circumstances  you,  Grant,  and  Thomas  ought  to  be  clear  of  political  com 
plications.  As  for  myself,  I  intend  to  stick  to  finance,  but  wherever  I  can 
I  will  moderate  the  actions  of  the  Union  party,  and  favor  conciliation  and 
restoration.  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  the  adjournment  I  proceeded  to  St.  Louis,  and  with  Gen 
eral  Sherman  and  two  staff  officers,  went  by  rail  to  Omaha. 
This  handsome  city  had  made  great  progress  since  my  former 
visit.  We  then  went  by  the  Central  Pacific  railroad  to  Fort 
Kearney,  as  far  as  the  rails  were  then  laid.  There  our  little 


390  RECOLLECTIONS 

party  started  through  the  Indian  Territory,  riding  in  light 
wagons  with  canvas  covers,  each  drawn  by  two  good  army 
mules,  escorted  by  a  squad  of  mounted  soldiers.  We  traveled 
about  thirty  miles  a  day,  camping  at  night,  sleeping  in  our 
wagons,  turned  into  ambulances,  the  soldiers  under  shelter 
tents  on  blankets  and  the  horses  parked  near  by.  The  camp 
was  guarded  by  sentinels  at  night,  and  the  troopers  lay  with 
their  guns  close  at  hand.  Almost  every  day  we  met  Indians, 
but  none  that  appeared  to  be  hostile.  In  this  way  we  traveled 
to  Fort  Laramie.  The  country  traversed  was  an  unbroken 
wilderness,  in  a  state  of  nature,  but  singularly  beautiful  as  a 
landscape.  It  was  an  open  prairie,  traversed  by  what  was 
called  the  North  Platte  River,  with  scarcely  water  enough  in  it 
to  be  called  a  creek,  with  rolling  hills  on  either  side,  and  above, 
a  clear  sky,  and  air  pure  and  bracing.  It  was  the  first  time  I 
had  been  so  far  out  on  the  plains,  and  I  enjoyed  it  beyond  ex 
pression.  I  was  soon  able  to  eat  my  full  share  of  the  plain 
fare  of  bread  and  meat,  and  wanted  more. 

After  many  days  we  reached  Fort  Laramie,  then  an  impor 
tant  post  far  out  beyond  the  frontier.  We  remained  but  a  few 
days,  and  then,  following  south  along  the  foot  hills,  we  crossed 
into  the  Laramie  plains  to  Fort  Sanders.  This  was  the  last 
post  to  the  west  in  General  Sherman's  command.  From 
thence  we  followed  the  course  of  the  Cache  la  Poudre.  On  the 
way  we  camped  near  a  station  of  the  Overland  Stage  Company, 
for  change  of  horses  and  for  meals,  in  a  charming  and  pictur 
esque  region.  The  keeper  of  the  station  soon  called  and  in 
quired  for  me,  and  I  found  that  he  was  a  former  resident  of 
Mansfield,  who  married  the  daughter  of  an  old  friend.  He  in 
vited  our  party  to  his  house,  and  there  I  met  his  wife,  who,  in 
this  region  without  any  neighbors  or  habitations  near,  seemed 
to  be  perfectly  happy  and  fearless,  though  often  disturbed  by 
threatened  Indian  outbreaks.  We  were  handsomely  enter 
tained.  It  was  a  great  relief  to  sleep  one  night  in  a  comfortable 
bed,  after  sleeping  for  many  nights  with  two  in  a  narrow  wagon. 
We  then  proceeded  to  Greeley,  where  we  found  a  small  settle 
ment  of  farmers.  From  thence  to  Denver,  we  found  a  few  cab 
ins  scattered  over  a  vast  open  plain  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  891 

could  reach  to  the  east,  with  the  mountains  on  the  west  rising 
in  grandeur  and  apparently  presenting  an  insurmountable  bar 
rier.  I  have  seen  many  landscapes  since  that  were  more  bold 
and  striking,  but  this  combination  of  great  mountains  and 
vast  plains,  side  by  side,  made  an  impression  on  my  mind  as 
lasting  as  any  natural  landscape  I  have  seen. 

At  Denver,  General  Sherman  and  I  were  handsomely  enter 
tained  by  the  citizens,  many  of  whom  General  Sherman  knew 
as  soldiers  under  his  command  during  the  war,  and  some  of 
whom  I  knew  as  former  residents  of  Ohio.  They  were  enthu 
siastic  in  their  praise  of  Colorado.  It  seemed  to  me  the  air  was 
charged  with  a  superabundance  of  ozone,  for  everyone  was  so 
hopeful  of  the  future  of  Denver,  that  even  the  want  of  rain  did 
not  discourage  them  and  some  of  them  tried  to  convince  me 
that  irrigation  from  the  mountains  was  better  than  showers 
from  the  sky.  Denver  was  then  a  town  of  less  than  5,000  in 
habitants  and  now  contains  more  than  110,000.  Colorado  had 
less  than  50,000  inhabitants  in  1870,  and  in  1890  it  had  412,198, 
an  increase  of  nearly  ten  fold  in  twenty  years.  But  this  marvel 
ous  growth  does  not  spring  from  the  invigorating  air  and  flow 
ing  springs  of  Colorado,  but  from  the  precious  metals  stored  in 
untold  quantities  in  her  mountains.  From  Denver  General  Sher 
man  had  to  continue  his  inspection  to  the  southern  posts,  and  I 
was  called  home  to  take  part  in  the  pending  canvass.  I  started 
in  a  coach  peculiar  to  the  country,  with  three  or  four  passen 
gers,  over  a  distance  of  about  four  hundred  miles  to  Fort  Riley, 
in  Kansas.  We  had  heard  of  many  Indian  forays  on  the  line 
we  were  to  travel  over  and  there  was  some  danger,  but  it  was 
the  only  way  to  get  home.  Each  of  the  passengers,  I  among  the 
number,  had  a  good  Winchester  rifle,  with  plenty  of  ammunition. 
The  coach  was  a  crude  rattle-trap,  noisy  and  rough,  but  strong 
and  well  adapted  to  the  journey.  It  was  drawn  by  four  horses 
of  the  country,  small  but  wiry.  We  had  long  reaches  between 
changes.  The  stations  for  meals  had  means  of  defense,  and 
the  food  set  before  us  was  substantial,  mainly  buffalo  beef, 
chickens  and  bread.  A  good  appetite  (always  a  sure  thing  on 
the  plains)  was  the  best  sauce  for  a  substantial  meal,  and  all 
the  meals  were  dinners  with  no  change  of  courses.  We  saw 


392  "RECOLLECTIONS 

on  the  way  many  evidences  of  Indian  depredations,  one  of 
which  was  quite  recent,  and  two  or  three  settlers  had  been 
killed.  We  met  no  Indians  on  the  way,  but  we  did  meet 
myriads  of  buffaloes,  scattered  in  vast  herds  to  the  north  and 
south  of  us  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  It  is  sad  to  reflect 
that  all  .these  animals  have  been  exterminated,  mainly  in 
wanton  sport  by  hunters  who  did  not  need  their  flesh  for 
food  or  their  hides  for  leather  or  robes.  This  destruction  of 
buffaloes  opened  the  way  for  herds  of  domestic  cattle,  which 
perhaps  in  equal  numbers  now  feed  upon  the  native  grass  of 
the  prairies. 

In  a  recent  visit  to  western  Nebraska  and  South  Dakota,  I 
saw  these  cattle  in  great  numbers  in  good  condition,  cheaply 
cared  for  and  sold  for  four  cents  a  pound  on  the  hoof.  The 
owners  of  these  cattle  purchased  land  from  settlers  who  had 
acquired  title  under  the  homestead  or  pre-emption  laws,  as 
suitable  sites  for  ranches,  including  a  permanent  lake  or 
pond  for  each,  an  indispensable  requisite  for  a  ranch.  This 
being  secured,  they  built  houses  to  live  in  and  sheds  for  the 
protection  of  their  cattle  in  winter,  and  thus  obtained  practi 
cal  possession,  without  cost  or  taxes,  of  all  the  government 
land  needed  for  their  ranges.  Sad  experience  has  convinced 
settlers  in  all  the  vast  rainless  region  of  the  west,  that  they 
cannot  produce  grain  with  any  certainty  of  harvesting  a  crop, 
and  thousands  who  have  made  the  experiment  in  western 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  and  in  eastern  Colorado  and  Wyoming 
have  recently  abandoned  their  improvements  and  their  claims. 
It  seems  now  that  this  part  of  our  country  must  be  given  up 
to  the  herders  of  cattle.  The  Indians  and  buffaloes  have  dis 
appeared  and  the  "cowboys"  and  domestic  cattle  and  horses 
have  taken  their  place,  to  give  way,  no  doubt,  in  time,  to  the 
farmer,  when  the  water  will  be  drawn  from  the  earth  by  arte 
sian  wells,  and  life  and  vitality  will  thus  be  given  to  a  soil  as 
rich  as  the  Kansas  valley. 

We  reached  the  end  of  our  stage  ride  at  Fort  Riley,  and 
were  glad  to  enter  into  the  cars  of  the  Kansas  Pacific  railroad, 
though  they  were  as  dirty  and  filthy  as  cars  could  well  be.  All 
this  has  been  changed.  Now  the  ride  over  the  plains  from 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  393 

Kansas  City  to  Denver  can  be  made,  in  a  comparatively  few 
hours,  in  comfort  and  safety. 

I  returned  to  Ohio  to  take  my  usual  part  in  the  canvass  in 
the  fall  of  1866,  and  returned  to  Washington  in  time  for  the 
meeting  of  Congress  on  the  first  Monday  in  December. 

Prior  to  1862  but  little  attention  was  given  by  Congress  to 
the  greatest  and  most  important  industry  of  mankind,  that  of 
agriculture.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  United  States, 
where  the  majority  of  its  inhabitants  are  engaged  in  farming. 
Agriculture  has  furnished  the  great  body  of  our  exports,  yet 
this  employment  had  no  representative  in  any  of  the  depart 
ments  except  a  clerk  in  the  Patent  Office.  The  privileges 
granted  by  that  bureau  to  inventors  had  no  relation  to  work  on 
the  farm,  though  farming  was  greatly  aided  by  invention  of 
farm  implements  during  the  period  of  the  war,  when  a  million 
of  men  were  drawn  from  their  occupations  into  the  army. 
This  anomaly  led  to  the  passage,  on  the  15th  of  May,  1862, 
of  the  act  to  establish  the  department  of  agriculture.  Though 
called  a  department  its  chief  officer  was  a  commissioner  of 
agriculture,  who  was  not  for  many  years  a  member  of  the 
cabinet.  The  first  commissioner,  Isaac  Newton,  appointed  by 
Lincoln,  was  a  peculiar  character,  a  Quaker  of  Philadelphia, 
a  gardener  rather  than  a  farmer,  but  he  was  an  earnest  and 
active  officer.  The  appropriations  for  his  department  were 
very  small,  but  enabled  him  to  distribute  valuable  seeds  and 
cuttings,  which  were  in  great  demand  and  of  real  service 
to  farmers.  I  early  took  an  active  part  in  promoting  his 
efforts  and  especially  in  procuring  him  appropriations  and 
land  where  he  could  test  his  experiments.  He  applied  for  au 
thority  to  use  that  portion  of  Reservation  No.  2  between  12th 
and  14th  streets  of  the  mall  in  Washington,  then  an  unsightly 
waste  without  tree  or  shrub,  but  he  was  notified  that  the  use 
of  it  was  essentially  necessary  to  the  war  department  as  a  cat 
tle  yard.  When  the  war  was  over  Congress  appropriated  it  for 
the  use  of  his  department.  He  took  possession  of  it  about  the 
middle  of  April,  1865,  and,  though  the  ground  was  an  unbroken 
soil  of  tenacious  clay,  he  fertilized  and  pulverized  a  part  of 
it  and  planted  a  great  variety  of  seeds  for  propagation,  and 

S.— 28 


894  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

covered  the  remaining  portions  of  it  with  grass  and  cereals.  His 
reports  increased  in  interest  and  were  in  great  demand.  His 
office  work  was  done  in  inconvenient  parts  of  the  Patent  Office, 
and  the  necessity  of  better  accommodations  was  constantly 
pressed  upon  Members  of  Congress.  I  took  an  active  interest 
in  the  subject,  and  offered  an  amendment  to  the  civil  appropri 
ation  bill  to  appropriate  $100,000  for  a  suitable  building  for  the 
department  of  agriculture  on  the  reservation  mentioned.  There 
was  a  disposition  in  the  Senate  to  ridicule  Newton  and  his  seeds, 
and  Mr.  Fessenden  opposed  the  appropriation  as  one  for  an  ob 
ject  not  within  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress.  The 
amendment,  however,  was  adopted  on  the  28th  day  of  February, 
1867.  Newton  died  on  the  19th  of  June  of  that  year,  but  on 
the  22nd  of  August,  John  W.  Stokes,  as  acting  commissioner, 
entered  into  a  contract  for  the  erection  of  the  building,  and 
Horace  Capron,  as  commissioner,  completed  the  work  within 
the  limits  of  the  appropriation,  a  rare  result  in  the  construction 
of  a  public  building.  The  building  is  admirably  adapted  for  the 
purposes  designed.  The  unsightly  reservation  has  been  con 
verted  by  Mr.  Capron  and  his  successors  in  office  into  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  parks  in  Washington.  The  department  of  agri 
culture  is  now  represented  in  the  cabinet,  and  in  practical  use 
fulness  to  the  country  is  equal  to  any  of  the  departments. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THREE  MONTHS  IN  EUROPE. 

Short  Session  of  Congress  Convened   March  4,  18C7  — I    Become  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on   Finance,  Succeeding  Senator  Fessenden —  Departure  for  Europe — 
Winning  a  Wager  from   a  Sea  Captain  —  Congressman  Kasson's  Pistol — 
Under  Surveillance  by  English  Officers  — Impressions  of  John  Bright,  Dis 
raeli  and  Other  Prominent  Englishmen— Visit  to  France,  Belgium, 
Holland  and  Germany  —  An  Audience  with  Bismarck  —  His  Sympa 
thy  with  the  Union  Cause— Wonders  of  the  Paris  Exposition- 
Life  in  Paris — Presented  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  HI  and 
the  Empress  Eugenie  —  A  Dinner   at  the  Tuileries  — 
My  Return  Home  —  International  Money  Commis 
sion  in  Session  at  Paris  —Correspondence  with 
Commissioner  Ruggles —  His  Report — Fail 
ure  to  Unify  the  Coinage  of  Nations  — 
Relative  Value  of  Gold  and   Silver. 

DURING  the  last  session  of  the  39th  Congress  the 
relations  between  President  Johnson  and  Congress 
became  such  that  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  pro 
vide  by  law  for  a  session  of  the  new  Congress  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1867,  that  being  the  commencement  of  the  term 
for  which  the  Members  were  elected. 

The  law,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  be  a  permanent  one,  so 
that  the  will  of  the  people,  as  evidenced  by  the  elections,  may 
be  promptly  responded  to.  But  such  was  not  the  purpose  of 
this  act.  The  reason  was  that,  under  the  claim  of  authority 
made  by  the  President,  there  was  a  fear  that  he  might  recog 
nize  the  states  in  insurrection  before  they  had  complied  with 
the  conditions  prescribed  by  law  for  reconstruction. 

In  pursuance  of  this  law  the  40th  Congress  met  on  the  day 
named. 

I  took  the  oath  as  Senator,  my  colleague,  Benjamin  F. 
Wade,  president  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  administering  it.  I  be 
came  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance  by  the  voluntary 
retirement  of  Mr.  Fessenden.  I  knew  this  had  been  his  purpose 
during  the  session  just  closed.  He  complained  of  his  health, 
and  that  the  confinement  and  labor  of  the  position  he  held 

(395) 


396  RECOLLECTIONS 

added  to  his  infirmity.  At  the  same  time  it  was  agreed  that 
the  duties  of  the  committee  should  be  divided  by  referring  all 
appropriations  to  a  committee  on  appropriations,  and  I  was  to 
choose  between  the  two  committees.  The  House  of  Represent 
atives  had  already  divided  the  labors  of  the  committee  of  ways 
and  means,  a  corresponding  committee  to  that  on  finance, 
among  several  committees,  and  the  experiment  had  proved  a 
success.  I  preferred  the  committee  on  finance,  and  remained 
its  chairman  until  I  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Mr. 
Fessenden  took  the  easy  and  pleasant  position  of  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  public  buildings  and  grounds,  and  held  that 
position  until  he  died  in  September,  1869.  I  have  already  ex 
pressed  my  opinion  of  his  remarkable  ability  as  a  debater  and 
as  a  statesman  of  broad  and  conservative  views.  His  only 
fault  was  a  hasty  temper  too  often  displayed,  but  as  often 
regretted  by  him. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  30th  of  March,  to  meet  again  on 
the  3rd  of  July.  The  Senate  was  called  to  a  special  session 
by  proclamation  of  the  President  on  the  1st  day  of  April, 
1867.  It  remained  in  session  until  the  20th  of  April  and  then 
adjourned  sine  die. 

I  did  not  remain  until  the  close  of  the  session,  but  about 
the  10th  of  April  sailed  from  New  York  for  Europe  in  the 
steamer  "City  of  Antwerp."  I  went  for  needed  rest,  a  change 
of  air  and  scene,  and  had  in  view,  as  one  of  the  attractions  of 
the  voyage,  a  visit  to  the  exposition  at  Paris  in  that  year.  My 
associates  on  the  ocean  were  Colonel  Morrow,  United  States 
Army,  and  John  A.  Kasson,  Member  of  Congress  from  Iowa, 
and  we  remained  together  until  I  left  London. 

I  had  no  plan,  route  or  business,  except  to  go  where  I  drifted 
with  such  companions  as  I  met.  The  only  limitation  as  to  time 
was  the  duty  of  returning  to  meet  the  adjourned  session  of  the 
Senate  in  July.  I  have  no  memoranda  in  respect  to  the  voyage 
and  preserved  no  letters  about  it.  Still,  the  principal  scenes 
and  events  are  impressed  on  my  mind  and  I  will  narrate  them 
as  I  now  recall  them. 

The  passage  on  the  ocean  was  a  favorable  one.  We  had 
some  rain  but  no  winds  that  disturbed  my  digestion.  But  few 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  397 

on  the  vessel  were  seasick,  and  these  mainly  so  from  imagina 
tion.  The  captain,  whose  name  I  do  not  recall,  was  a  jolly 
Englishman,  but  a  careful,  prudent  and  intelligent  officer.  I 
sat  by  his  side  at  his  table.  After  leaving  port  we  soon  took 
our  places  at  table  for  our  first  meal  on  board.  He  inquired  of 
me  if  I  was  a  good  sailor.  I  told  him  I  would  be  as  regular  in 
my  attendance  at  meals  as  he.  He  laughed  and  said  he  would 
like  to  wager  some  wine  on  that.  I  cheerfully  accepted  his 
bet,  and,  true  to  my  promise,  I  did  not  miss  a  meal  during  the 
voyage,  while  he  three  or  four  times  remained  at  his  post  on 
deck  when  the  air  was  filled  with  fog  or  the  waves  were  high. 
He  paid  the  bet  near  the  end  of  the  voyage,  and  a  number  of 
his  passengers,  including  Morrow  and  Kasson,  shared  in  the 
treat. 

I  can  imagine  no  life  more  pleasing  than  a  tranquil,  but  not 
too  tranquil,  sea,  with  a  good  ship  well  manned,  with  com 
panions  you  like,  biit  not  too  many.  The  quiet  and  rest,  the 
view  of  the  ocean,  the  sense  of  solitude,  the  possibility  of  dan 
ger,  all  these  broken  a  little  by  a  quiet  game  of  whist  or  an  in 
teresting  book — this  I  call  happiness.  All  these  I  remember 
to  have  enjoyed  on  this,  my  fifth  trip  on  the  ocean. 

In  due  time  we  arrived  at  Queenstown  in  Ireland.  It  was 
about  the  time  a  party  of  Irishmen,  in  some  town  in  England, 
rescued  some  of  their  countrymen  from  a  van  in  charge  of 
English  constables,  one  or  more  of  whom  were  killed  or 
wounded.  Morrow,  Kasson  and  I  concluded  we  would  spend  a 
few  days  in  "Quid  Ireland."  Morrow  and  Kasson  believed 
they  were  of  Irish  descent,  though  remotely  so  as  their  ances 
tors  ''fought  in  the  Revolution."  We  remained  in  and  about 
Cork  for  two  or  three  days.  We  visited  and  kissed  the  Blar 
ney  Stone,  saw  the  Lakes  of  Killarney,  and  drove  or  walked 
about  the  interesting  environs  of  Cork  and  Queenstown.  We 
sought  no  acquaintance  with  anyone. 

We  were  all  about  the  age  of  forty,  physically  sound,  and 
both  Morrow  and  Kasson  had  the  military  air  and  step  of  sol 
diers.  We  soon  became  conscious  that  we  were  under  surveil 
lance.  One  day  an  officer  called  at  our  lodgings  and  frankly 
told  us  that  there  was  so  much  excitement  about  Fenian 


398  RECOLLECTIONS 

disturbances  in  England,  and  such  political  ferment  in  Ireland, 
that  an  examination  of  the  baggage  of  passengers  was  required 
and  he  wished  to  examine  ours.  I  told  him  who  we  were,  and 
introduced  him  to  Morrow  and  Kasson,  and  offered  my  trunk  for 
inspection.  They  did  the  same,  Kasson  producing  also  a  small 
pistol  froin  his  valise.  The  officer  had  heard  of  that  pistol. 
Kasson  had  fired  it  at  birds  hovering  about  the  vessel.  This 
had  been  reported  to  the  police.  The  officer  took  the  pistol 
and  it  was  returned  to  Kasson  some  days  after  at  Dublin. 
Morrow  ridiculed  the  pistol  and  told  the  officer  that  Kasson 
could  not  hit  or  hurt  him  at  ten  paces  away,  but  the  officer 
was  only  half  satisfied.  We  soon  after  went  to  Dublin,  but  we 
felt  that  we  were  under  suspicion.  All  Americans  were  then 
suspected  of  sympathizing  with  the  Irish.  We  told  our  consul 
at  Dublin  of  our  adventures  at  Cork,  and  he  said  we  were 
lucky  in  not  being  arrested.  We  went  to  a  steeple  chase  a 
few  miles  from  Dublin,  where  gentlemen  rode  their  own  horses 
over  a  long  and  difficult  route,  leaping  barriers  and  crossing 
streams.  We  enjoyed  the  scene  very  much  and  mingled  freely 
in  the  great  crowd,  but  always  feeling  that  we  were  watched. 
The  next  day  we  started  to  cross  the  channel  to  Holyhead. 

We  took  the  steamer  at  Dublin  Bay  and  found  aboard  a 
large  company  of  well-dressed  passengers,  such  as  we  would 
find  on  a  summer  excursion  from  New  York.  Morrow,  who 
was  a  handsome  man  of  pleasing  manners  and  address,  said  he 
could  pick  out  Americans  from  the  crowd.  I  doubted  it.  He 
said :  "  There  is  an  American,"  pointing  out  a  large,  well-built 
man,  who  seemed  to  be  known  by  the  passengers  around  him. 
I  said  he  was  an  Englishman.  Morrow  stepped  up  to  him  and 
politely  said  that  he  had  a  wager  with  a  friend  that  he  was  an 
American.  "Not  by  a  d  —  d  sight,"  replied  the  Englishman. 
Morrow  apologized  for  the  intrusion,  but  the  gentleman 
changed  his  tone  and  said  that  his  abrupt  answer  was  caused 
by  a  letter  he  had  lately  received  from  a  nephew  of  his  whom 
he  had  sent  to  America  to  make  his  fortune.  His  nephew  had 
written  him  that  now  that  the  rebels  were  put  down,  the  next 
thing  to  do  would  be  to  put  down  "  old  England."  Morrow 
said  there  was  too  much  of  that  kind  of  gasconade  in  America, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  399 

and  that  after  our  desperate  struggle  at  home  we  would  not 
be  likely  to  engage  in  one  with  England. 

We  arrived  safely  in  London.  In  my  first  visit  in  1859,  with 
my  wife,  we  were  sight-seers.  Now  I  sought  to  form  acquaint 
ance  with  men  whose  names  were  household  words  in  all  parts 
of  the  United  States.  By  the  courtesy  of  our  consul  general 
at  Liverpool,  Thomas  H.  Dudley,  I  met  John  Bright,  Disraeli, 
and  many  others  less  conspicuous  in  public  life.  I  have  already 
mentioned  my  breakfast  with  Gladstone  during  this  visit.  Mr. 
Dudley,  then  in  London,  invited  Mr.  Bright  to  a  dinner  as  his 
principal  guest.  Of  all  the  men  I  met  in  London,  Mr.  Bright 
impressed  me  most  favorably.  Finely  formed  physically,  he 
was  also  mentally  strong.  He  was  frank  and  free  in  his  talk  and 
had  none  of  the  hesitation  or  reserve  common  with  Englishmen. 
He  was  familiar  with. our  war  and  had  no  timidity  in  the  ex 
pression  of  his  sympathy  for  the  Union  cause.  If  we  ever  erect 
a  monument  to  an  Englishman,  it  should  be  to  John  Bright.  I 
heard  Disraeli  speak  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  was  intro 
duced  to  him  at  a  reception  at  Lord  Stanley's.  In  the  ten  days 
spent  in  London  I  saw  as  much  of  social  life  as  could  be 
crowded  into  that  time.  Charles  Francis  Adams  was  then 
United  States  minister  at  London,  and  I  am  indebted  to  him 
for  many  acts  of  kindness.  When  we  were  Members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  together  he  had  the  reputation  of  be 
ing  cold  and  reserved  and  he  was  not  popular  with  his  fellow 
Members,  but  in  London  he  was  distinguished  for  his  hospi 
tality  to  Americans.  He  certainly  was  very  kind  to  me,  enter 
taining  me  at  dinner  and  taking  pains  to  introduce  me  to  many 
peers  and  members  whose  names  were  familiar  to  me.  While 
receptions  are  very  common  in  London  during  the  session,  the 
Englishman  prefers  dinners  as  a  mode  of  entertainment.  It  is 
then  he  really  enjoys  himself  and  gives  pleasure  to  his  guests. 
The  sessions  of  parliament,  however,  interfere  greatly  with 
dinners.  The  great  debates  occur  during  dining  hours,  so  that, 
as  Mr.  Adams  informed  me,  it  was  difficult  to  arrange  a  dinner 
that  would  not  be  broken  up  somewhat  by  an  unexpected  de 
bate,  or  a  division  in  the  House  of  Commons.  The  precedence 
of  rank  had  to  be  carefully  observed.  The  unsocial  habit  of 


400  RECOLLECTIONS 

not  introducing  guests  to  each  other  tended  to  restrain  conver 
sation  and  to  make  the  dinner  dull  and  heavy.  Still  the  forms 
and  usages  in  social  life  in  London  are  much  like  those  in 
Washington.  But  here  the  ordinary  sessions  of  each  House  of 
Congress  terminate  before  six  o'clock,  leaving  the  evening 
hours  for  Recreation. 

The  presidential  mansion  is  the  natural  resort  of  all  who 
visit  Washington.  The  doors  are  always  open  to  visitors  at 
stated  hours,  and  the  President  is  easy  of  access  to  all  who  call 
at  such  hours.  Formerly  presidential  receptions  were  open  to 
all  comers,  and  the  result  was  a  motley  crowd,  who  formed  in 
line  and  shook  hands  with  the  President,  bowed  to  the  attend 
ing  ladies,  passed  into  the  great  east  room  and  gradually  dis 
persed.  In  late  years  these  receptions  have  become  less  fre 
quent,  and  in  their  place  we  have  had  diplomatic,  military  and 
navy,  and  congressional  receptions,  for  which  invitations  are 
issued.  During  the  usual  period  before  Lent  card  receptions 
are  given  by  the  cabinet,  by  many  Senators  and  Members,  and 
by  citizens,  for  which  invitations  are  issued.  I  know  of  no 
place  where  the  entrance  into  society  is  so  open  and  free  as  in 
Washington. 

From  London  I  went,  by  way  of  Dieppe  and  Rouen,  to  Paris, 
where  my  first  call  was  on  General  Dix  and  his  family.  Next 
I  visited  the  exposition,  and  wandered  through  and  about  and 
around  it.  I  have  attended  many  exhibitions,  but  never  one 
before  or  since  that  combined  such  magnitude  and  complete 
ness  in  size,  form  and  location,  and  such  simplicity  in  arrange 
ment  and  details,  as  the  Paris  Exposition  of  1867.  I  spent  ten 
days  in  this  inspection,  and  in  walking  and  driving  around  Paris 
and  its  environs.  Through  the  kindness  of  General  Dix,  then 
envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary,  I  received 
invitations  to  the  many  meetings  and  receptions  given  by 
Mayor  Haussman  and  other  officers  of  the  French  government 
to  visitors  from  abroad  connected  with  the  exposition.  I  ac 
cepted  some  of  them,  but  purposely  postponed  this  social  part 
of  my  visit  until  I  returned  from  Berlin. 

From  Paris  I  went  to  Antwerp  via  Brussels.  At  this  latter 
place  I  met  Doctor  John  Wilson,  then  United  States  consul  at 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  401 

Antwerp.  He  was  an  old  friend  at  Washington,  where  he 
served  during  the  greater  part  of  the  war  as  an  army  surgeon. 
He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  intelligence,  familiar  with  nearly 
every  part  of  Europe,  and  especially  with  France,  Belgium  and 
Prussia.  He  readily  acquiesced  in  my  invitation  to  accompany 
me  to  Berlin.  On  the  invitation  of  Henry  S.  Sanford,  our  min 
ister  to  Brussels,  I  returned  to  that  city,  and  met  at  dinner  the 
principal  officers  of  Belgium,  such  as  we  designate  cabinet  min 
isters.  I  drove  with  Mr.  Sanford  to  Waterloo  and  other  famous 
historic  places  in  and  about  that  beautiful  city. 

From  Brussels  we  went  to  the  Hague,  where  General  Hugh 
Ewing,  a  brother-in-law  of  General  Sherman,  was  United  States 
minister.  After  a  brief  stay  in  Holland,  General  Ewing,  Doc 
tor  Wilson  and  myself  went  to  Berlin.  Prussia  was  then  a 
kingdom  of  rising  power,  and  Berlin  was  a  growing  city,  but 
not  at  all  the  Berlin  of  to-day.  Bismarck  was  recognized  as  a 
great  statesman  and,  although  far  less  prominent  than  he 
afterwards  became,  he  was  the  one  man  in  Germany  whom  I 
desired  to  see  or  know.  Mr.  Joseph  A.  Wright,  late  United 
States  minister  at  Berlin,  had  recently  died,  and  his  son,  John 
C.  Wright,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  legation,  had  no  difficulty 
in  securing  me  an  audience  with  Bismarck,  accompanying  me 
to  the  official  residence,  where  I  was  introduced  to  him.  Bis 
marck  spoke  English  with  a  German  accent,  but  was  easily 
understood.  When  I  spoke  of  recent  events  in  Europe  he 
would  turn  the  conversation  to  the  United  States,  asking  me 
many  questions  about  the  war  and  the  principal  generals  in 
the  opposing  armies.  He  was  in  thorough  sympathy  with  the 
Union  cause,  and  emphatically  said  that  every  man  in  Prussia, 
from  the  king  to  his  humblest  subject,  was  on  the  side  of  the 
Union,  and  opposed  to  the  Rebellion.  What  a  pity,  he  said,  it 
would  have  been  if  so  great  a  country  as  the  United  States  had 
been  disrupted  on  account  of  slavery.  I  mentioned  my  visit 
to  the  international  fair  at  Paris  and  my  intention  to  return, 
and  he  said  he  would  be  there. 

This  interview,  which  lasted,  perhaps,  forty  minutes,  was  as 
informal  and  frank  as  the  usual  conversation  of  friends.  Bis 
marck  was  then  in  full  health  and  strength,  about  fifty  years 


402  RECOLLECTIONS 

old,  more  than  six  feet  high,  and  a  fine  specimen  of  vigorous 
manhood  in  its  prime. 

I  found  the  same  feeling  for  the  United  States  expressed  by 
a  popular  meeting  in  the  great  exposition  hall  in  Berlin.  Our 
little  party  was  escorted  to  this  place  on  Sunday  afternoon  by 
Mr.  Kreismann,  our  consul  at  Berlin.  As  we  entered  the  hall, 
Mr.  Kreismann  advanced  to  the  orchestra,  composed  of  several 
military  bands,  and  said  something  to  the  leader.  When  we  took 
our  seats  at  one  of  the  numerous  tables  he  told  me  to  pay  atten 
tion  after  the  first  item  of  the  second  part  of  the  programme 
before  me,  and  I  would  hear  something  that  would  please  me. 
At  the  time  stated,  a  young  man  advanced  to  the  front  of  the 
stage,  with  a  violin  in  his  hand,  and  played  exquisitely  the  air 
" Yankee  Doodle  Is  the  Tune"&nd  soon  after  the  entire  band  joined 
in,  filling  the  great  hall  with  American  music.  The  intelligent 
German  audience,  many  of  whom  knew  the  national  airs  of  all 
countries,  realized  at  once  that  this  addition  to  the  programme 
was  a  compliment  to  Americans.  They  soon  located  our  little 
party  and  then  rose,  and  fully  two  thousand  persons,  men,  wom 
en  and  children,  waved  their  handkerchiefs  and  shouted  for 
America. 

The  feeling  in  favor  of  the  United  States  was  then  strong  in 
all  parts  of  Europe,  except  in  France  and  England.  In  these 
countries  it  was  somewhat  divided — in  France  by  the  failure  of 
Maximilian,  and  in  England  by  the  rivalry  of  trade,  and  sym 
pathy  with  the  south.  Generally,  in  referring  in  Europe  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  the  people  speak  of  us  as  Ameri 
cans,  while  those  of  other  parts  of  America  are  Canadians, 
Mexicans,  etc. 

After  a  pleasant  week  in  Berlin  I  went  by  way  of  Frankfort, 
Wiesbaden  and  Cologne  to  Paris.  The  exposition  was  then  in 
full  operation.  It  may  be  that  greater  numbers  attended  the 
recent  exposition  at  Chicago,  but,  great  as  was  its  success,  I 
think,  for  symmetry,  for  plans  of  buildings,  and  arrangement  of 
exhibits,  the  fair  at  Paris  was  better  than  that  at  Chicago.  The 
French  people  are  wrell  adapted  for  such  exhibits.  The  city  of 
Paris  is  itself  a  good  show.  Its  people  almost  live  out  of  doors 
six  months  of  the  year.  They  are  quick,  mercurial,  tasteful 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  403 

and  economical.  A  Frenchman  will  live  well  on  one-half  of 
what  is  consumed  or  wasted  by  an  American.  I  do  not  propose 
to  describe  the  wonderful  collection  of  the  productions  of  na 
ture  or  the  works  of  men,  but  I  wish  to  convey  some  idea  of 
life  in  Paris  during  the  thirty  days  I  spent  in  it. 

Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  then  Emperor  of  the  French, 
and  Haussman  was  mayor  of  the  city  of  Paris.  General  Dix, 
as  before  stated,  was  United  States  minister  plenipotentiary  and 
envoy  extraordinary  at  the  court  of  France.  Upon  my  ar 
rival,  I  hired  what  in  Paris  is  called  an  apartment,  but  which 
includes  several  rooms,  comprising  together  a  comfortable  resi 
dence.  Many  similar  apartments  may  be  in  the  same  building, 
but  with  them  you  need  have  no  communication,  and  you  are 
detached  from  them  as  fully  as  if  each  apartment  was  a  sepa 
rate  house.  The  concierge,  generally  a  woman,  takes  charge  of 
your  room,  orders  your  breakfast  if  you  require  one,  and  keeps 
the  key  of  your  apartment  when  you  are  absent.  It  is  a  charm 
ing  mode  of  living.  You  can  dine  or  lunch  when  you  will,  and 
are  master  of  your  time  and  your  apartment.  I  employed  a 
neat,  light  carriage  and  one  horse,  with  a  driver  who  knew  a 
smattering  of  several  languages,  and  found  him  trusty  and 
faithful — all  this  at  a  cost  that  would  disgust  the  ordinary 
hotel  proprietor  in  the  United  States,  and  especially  the  hack 
driver  of  any  of  our  cities.  This,  in  Paris,  was  the  usual  outfit 
of  a  gentleman. 

General  Dix  advised  me  on  whom  and  when  and  how  1 
should  make  my  calls.  My  card  in  the  usual  form  announced 
that  I  was  "  Senateur  des  Etats  Unis  d'Amerique."  A  Parisian 
could  not  pronounce  my  name.  The  best  he  could  do  was  to 
call  me  "  Monsieur  le  Senateur.''  With  a  few  words  of  French 
I  acquired,  and  the  imperfect  knowledge  of  English  possessed 
by  most  French  people,  I  had  no  difficulty  in  making  my  way 
in  any  company.  I  received  many  invitations  I  could  not  ac 
cept.  I  attended  a  reception  at  the  Palais  Royal,  the  residence 
of  the  mayor,  dressed  in  the  ordinary  garb  for  evening  parties, 
a  dress  coat  and  trousers  extending  to  the  knees,  and  below 
black  silk  stockings  and  pumps.  I  felt  very  uncomfortable  in 
this  dress  when  I  entered  the  reception  room,  but,  as  I  found 


404  RECOLLECTIONS 

every  gentleman  in  the  same  dress,  soon  became  reconciled  to 
it.  Subsequently  I  attended  a  reception  at  the  Tuileries,  at 
which  I  was  presented  by  General  Dix  to  the  emperor  and 
empress. 

One  feature  of  this  presentation  I  shall  always  remember. 
The  general  company  had  been  gathered  in  the  great  hall. 
The  diplomatic  representatives  of  many  countries  were  formed 
in  line  according  to  their  rank,  attended  by  the  persons  to  be 
presented.  Soon  a  door  was  opened  from  an  adjoining  room 
and  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  escorting,  I  think,  the  Empress 
of  Russia,  passed  along  the  line  and  saluted  the  ambassadors 
and  ministers  in  their  order,  and  the  ladies  and  gentlemen 
to  be  presented  were  introduced  by  name  to  the  emperor. 
General  Dix  presented  Fernando  Wood,  of  New  York,  and 
myself.  Following  the  French  emperor  came  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  escorting  the  Empress  Eugenie  of  France,  and  the  same 
mention  of  our  names  was  made  to  her.  Following  them 
came  kings,  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  others  of  like  rank, 
each  accompanied  by  distinguished  peers  of  his  country.  Third 
or  fourth  in  this  order  came  the  King  of  Prussia,  Prince  Bis 
marck,  and  General  Von  Moltke.  When  Bismarck  passed  he 
shook  hands  with  Dix  and  recognized  me  with  a  bow  and  a 
few  words.  If  the  leaders  in  this  pageant  could  have  foreseen 
what  happened  three  years  later— that  King  William  would 
be  an  emperor,  that  Bonaparte  would  be  his  prisoner  and 
Eugenie  a  refugee  from  republican  France  —  the  order  of  this 
march  would  have  been  reversed. 

Soon  after  this  reception,  I  was  invited  by  the  emperor  to 
attend,  with  General  Dix  and  his  daughter,  a  dinner  at  the 
Tuileries.  Such  an  invitation  is  held  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a 
command.  I  accompanied  them,  and  was  agreeably  surprised 
to  find  that  the  dinner  was  quite  informal,  though  more  than 
forty  sat  at  the  table.  When  I  entered  the  room  one  of  the 
ladies  in  waiting  came  to  me  and  introduced  me  to  a  lady 
whom  I  was  to  escort  to  the  table.  Presently  she  returned  and 
said :  "  Oh,  I  understand  monsieur  does  not  speak  French,  and 
marquise  does  not  speak  English.  Will  monsieur  allow  me  to 
be  a  substitute  ? "  I  agreed  with  great  pleasure.  Both  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  405 

guests  and  the  hosts  were  promptly  on  time.  I  was  introduced 
to  the  emperor  and  empress.  She  was  very  gracious  to  her 
guests,  passing  from  one  to  another  with  a  kindly  word  to  all. 
I  noticed  her  greeting  to  Miss  Dix  was  very  cordial.  The 
emperor  engaged  in  a  conversation  with  me  that  continued 
until  the  dinner  was  announced,  —  fully  ten  minutes.  He 
asked  many  questions  about  the  war,  and  especially  about 
General  Sherman.  I  answered  his  questions  as  I  would  to  any 
gentleman,  but  felt  uneasy  lest  I  was  occupying  time  that  he 


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INVITATION    FROM   NAPOLEON   III. 


should  bestow  on  others.  General  Dix  was  by  my  side,  and 
encouraged  the  conversation.  When  the  dinner  was  an 
nounced  each  guest  knew  his  place  from  the  card  furnished 
him,  and  the  party  was  seated  without  confusion. 

I  need  not  say  that  the  young  lady  I  escorted  was  a  charm 
ing  woman.  I  did  not  learn  whether  she  was  married  or  not, 
but  have  always  regarded  her  action  in  relieving  me  from  a 
silent  dinner  as  the  highest  mark  of  politeness.  She  was 
bright  and  attractive,  and  I  certainly  did  and  said  all  I  could 


406  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  amuse  her,  so  what  I  expected  to  be  a  dull  dinner  turned 
out  to  be  a  very  joyful  one. 

It  is  impossible  for  an  American  to  visit  Paris  without 
enjoyment  and  instruction.  The  people  of  Paris  are  always 
polite,  especially  to  Americans.  The  debt  of  gratitude  for  the 
assistance  of  France  in  our  War  of  the  Revolution  is  never 
forgotten  'by  a  true  American,  and  Frenchmen  are  always 
proud  of  their  share  in  establishing  the  independence  of  Amer 
ica.  The  two  Bonapartes  alone  did  not  share  in  this  feeling. 
The  Americans  are  liberal  visitors  in  Paris.  They  spend  their 
money  freely,  join  heartily  in  festivities,  and  sympathize  in  the 
success  and  prosperity  of  the  French  republic.  If  I  was  not 
an  American  I  certainly  would  be  a  Frenchman.  I  have  vis 
ited  Paris  three  times,  remaining  in  it  more  than  a  month 
at  each  visit,  and  always  have  been  received  with  civility 
and  kindness.  Though  it  is  a  great  manufacturing  city,  chiefly 
in  articles  of  luxury  requiring  the  highest  skill,  yet  it  is  also 
a  most  beautiful  city  in  its  location,  its  buildings,  public  and 
private,  its  museums  and  opera  houses,  its  parks  and  squares, 
its  wide  streets  and  avenues,  and  especially  the  intelligence  of 
its  people.  Science  and  art  have  here  reached  their  highest 
development.  We  may  copy  all  these,  but  it  will  require  a 
century  to  develop  like  progress  in  America. 

I  returned  to  England  for  a  few  days  and  then  took  the 
steamer  "  City  of  Paris  "  for  New  York,  where  I  arrived  on  the 
13th  of  July.  I  took  the  cars  for  Washington  and  arrived  ten 
days  after  the  session  had  commenced. 

While  I  was  in  Paris  a  special  international  commission, 
composed  of  delegates  from  seventeen  nations,  was  sitting  to 
consider,  and,  if  possible,  agree  on  a  common  unit  of  money  for 
the  use  of  the  civilized  world.  Mr.  Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  a 
gentleman  of  the  highest  standing  and  character,  was  the 
representative  of  the  United  States  on  this  commission.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  at  this  time  the  only  currency  in 
circulation  in  the  United  States  was  the  legal  tender  notes  of 
the  United  States  and  the  notes  of  national  banks.  Neither 
gold  nor  silver  coin  was  in  circulation,  both  being  at  a  premium 
in  currency.  At  this  time  silver  bullion  was  at  a  premium 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  40? 

over  gold  bullion,  the  legal  ratio  being  sixteen  to  one.  In  other 
words,  sixteen  ounces  of  silver  were  worth,  in  the  open  market, 
three  to  five  cents  more  than  one  ounce  of  gold.  All  parties  in 
the  United  States  were  then  looking  forward  to  the  time  when 
United  States  notes  would  advance  in  value  to  par  with  gold, 
the  cheaper  metal. 

The  question  before  the  commission  was  how  to  secure  a 
common  coin  that  would  be  the  measure  of  value  between  all 
nations,  and  thus  avoid  the  loss  by  exchange  of  the  coins  of 
one  nation  for  those  of  another.  Mr.  Ruggles  knew  that  I  had 
studied  this  question,  and  therefore  wrote  this  letter: 

PARIS,  May  17,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — You  are.  of  course,  aware  that  there  is  a  special  commit 
tee  now  in  session,  organized  by  the  Imperial  Commission  of  France,  in  con 
nection  with  the  '  Paris  Exposition,'  composed  of  delegates  from  many  of  the 
nations  therein  represented.  Its  object,  among  others,  is  to  agree,  if  possi 
ble,  on  a  common  unit  of  money,  for  the  use  of  the  civilized  world. 

I  perceive  that  the  opinions  of  the  committee  are  running  strongly  in 
favor  of  adopting,  as  the  unit,  the  existing  French  five-franc  piece  of  gold. 

May  I  ask  what,  in  your  opinion,  is  the  probability  that  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  at  an  early  period,  would  agree  to  reduce  the  weight 
and  value  of  our  gold  dollar,  to  correspond  with  the  present  weight  and 
value  of  the  gold  five-franc  piece  of  France  ;  and  how  far  back  such  a  change 
would  commend  itself  to  your  own  judgment  ? 

I  would  also  ask  the  privilege  of  submitting  your  answer  to  the  consid 
eration  of  the  committee. 

With  high  respect,  faithfully  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  B.  RUGGLES, 
U.  S.  Commissioner  to  the  Paris  Exposition  and 

Member  of  the  Committee. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  now  in  Paris. 

To  this  letter  I  made  the  following  reply : 

HOTEL  JARDIN  DES  TUILERIES,  May  18,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Your  note  of  yesterday,  inquiring  whether  Congress 
would  probably,  in  future  coinage,  make  our  gold  dollar  conform  in  value  to 
the  gold  five-franc  piece,  has  been  received. 

There  has  been  so  little  discussion  in  Congress  upon  the  subject  that  I 
cannot  base  my  opinion  upon  anything  said  or  done  there. 

The  subject  has,  however,  excited  the  attention  of  several  important 
commercial  bodies  in  the  United  States,  and  the  time  is  now  so  favorable 


408  RECOLLECTIONS 

that  I  feel  quite  sure  that  Congress  will  adopt  any  practical  measure  that  will 
secure  to  the  commercial  world  a  uniform  standard  of  value  and  exchange. 

o 

The  only  question  will  be,  how  can  this  be  accomplished  ? 

The  treaty  of  December  23,  1865,  between  France,  Italy,  Belgium,  and 
Switzerland,  and  the  probable  acquiescence  in  that  treaty  by  Prussia,  has  laid 
the  foundation  for  such  a  standard.  If  Great  Britain  will  reduce  the  value 
of  her  sovereign  two  pence,  and  the  United  States  will  reduce  the  value  of 
her  dollar  something  over  three  cents,  we  then  have  a  coinage  in  the  franc, 
dollar  and  sovereign  easily  computed,  and  which  will  readily  pass  in  all 
countries  ;  the  dollar  as  five  francs  and  the  sovereign  as  25  francs. 

This  will  put  an  end  to  the  loss  and  intricacies  of  exchange  and  discount. 

Our  gold  dollar  is  certainly  as  good  a  unit  of  value  as  the  franc  ;  and 
so  the  English  think  of  their  pound  sterling.  These  coins  are  now  exchange 
able  only  at  a  considerable  loss,  and  this  exchange  is  a  profit  only  to  brokers 
and  bankers.  Surely  each  commercial  nation  should  be  willing  to  yield  a 
little  to  secure  a  gold  coin  of  equal  value,  weight,  and  diameter,  from  what 
ever  mint  it  may  have  been  issued. 

As  the  gold  five-franc  piece  is  now  in  use  by  over  60,000,000  of  people 
of  several  different  nationalities,  and  is  of  convenient  form  and  size-,  it  may 
well  be  adopted  by  other  nations  as  the  common  standard  of  value,  leaving 
to  each  nation  to  regulate  the  divisions  of  this  unit  in  silver  coin  or  tokens. 

If  this  is  done  France  will  surely  abandon  the  impossible  effort  of 
making  two  standards  of  value.  Gold  coins  will  answer  all  the  purpose  of 
European  commerce.  A  common  gold  standard  will  regulate  silver  coinage, 
of  which  the  United  States  will  furnish  the  greater  part,  especially  for  the 
Chinese  trade. 

I  have  thought  a  good  deal  of  how  the  object  you  propose  may  be 
most  readily  accomplished.  It  is  clear  that  the  United  States  cannot  become 
a  party  to  the  treaty  referred  to.  They  could  not  agree  upon  the  silver 
standard  ;  nor  could  wre  limit  the  amount  of  our  coinage,  as  proposed  by  the 
treaty.  The  United  States  is  so  large  in  extent,  is  so  sparsely  populated, 
and  the  price  of  labor  is  so  much  higher  than  in  Europe,  that  we  require 
more  currency  per  capita.  We  now  produce  the  larger  part  of  the  gold  and 
silver  of  the  world,  and  cannot  limit  our  coinage  except  by  the  wrants  of  our 
people  and  the  demands  of  commerce. 

Congress  alone  can  change  the  value  of  our  coin.  I  see  no  object  in 
negotiating  with  other  powers  on  the  subject.  As  coin  is  not  now  in  general 
circulation  with  us,  we  can  readily  fix  by  law  the  size,  weight,  and  measure 
of  future  issues.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  negotiate  about  that  which  we  can 
do  without  negotiation,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  limit  ourselves  by  treaty 
restrictions. 

In  England  many  persons  of  influence  and  different  chambers  of  com 
merce  are  earnestly  in  favor  of  the  proposed  change  in  their  coinage.  The 
change  is  so  slight  with  them  that  an  enlightened  self-interest  will  soon 
induce  them  to  make  it,  especially  if  we  make  the  greater  change  in  our 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  409 

coinage.  "We  have  some  difficulty  in  adjusting  existing  contracts  with  the 
new  dollar  ;  but  as  contracts  are  now  based  upon  the  fluctuating  value  of 
paper  money,  even  the  reduced  dollar  in  coin  will  be  of  more  purchasable 
value  than  our  currency. 

We  can  easily  adjust  the  reduction  with  the  public  creditors  in  the 
payment  or  conversion  of  their  securities,  while  private  creditors  might  be 
authorized  to  recover  upon  the  old  standard.  All  these  are  matters  of  detail 
to  which  I  hope  the  commission  will  direct  their  attention. 

And  now,  my  dear  sir,  allow  me  to  say  in  conclusion  that  I  heartily 
sympathize  with  you  and  others  in  your  efforts  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the 
metrical  system  of  weights  and  measures. 

The  tendency  of  the  age  is  to  break  down  all  needless  restrictions  upon 
social  and  commercial  intercourse.  Nations  are  now  as  much  akin  to  each 
other  as  provinces  were  of  old.  Prejudices  disappear  by  contact.  People 
of  different  nations  learn  to  respect  each  other  as  they  find  that  their  differ 
ences  are  the  effect  of  social  and  local  custom,  not  founded  upon  good  rea 
sons.  I  trust  that  the  industrial  commission  will  enable  the  world  to  compute 
the  value  of  all  productions  by  the  same  standard,  to  measure  by  the  same 
yard  or  meter,  and  weigh  by  the  same  scales. 

Such  a  result  would  be  of  greater  value  than  the  usual  employments 
of  diplomatists  and  statesmen.  I  am  very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHEKMAN. 

As  the  result  of  its  investigation  the  commission  agreed, 
with  entire  unanimity,  that  the  gold  five-franc  piece  should  be 
adopted  as  the  unit  of  value,  and  that  the  coins  of  all  nations 
represented  should  be  based  upon  that  unit  or  multiples 
thereof.  This  would  require  a  slight  change  in  the  quantity 
of  gold  in  the  dollar  of  the  United  States,  amounting  to  a  re 
duction  of  about  three  cents,  a  reduction  in  the  pound  ster 
ling  of  England  of  about  one  penny,  and  a  slight  reduction 
or  increase  in  the  gold  coins  of  other  countries. 

Mr.  Euggles  reported  the  proceedings  and  recommendation 
of  the  commission  to  the  President,  and  his  report  was  referred 
to  Congress. 

A  private  letter  to  me  from  Mr.  Ruggles,  dated  December 
30,  1867,  shows  the  nature  of  the  opposition  to  the  measure 
proposed,  being  entirely  from  British  opposition  to  a  change  in 
the  pound  sterling.  He  wrote: 

NEW  YORK,  December  30,  1867. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  : — You  may  have  perceived,  within  the  last 
week,  articles  in  the  'New  York  Evening  Post,'  the  'New  York  Times* 


410  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  'World,'  on  the  subject  of  the  proposed  monetary  unification;  the 
first  denying  its  propriety,  the  second  its  practicability,  and  the  third  un 
derrating  its  importance. 

The  articles  are  hastily  and  ignorantly  and,  in  some  respects,  bitterly 
written.  My  first  impulse  was  to  briefly  answer  each  of  them  in  its  respec 
tive  newspaper.  On  further  reflection,  it  seemed  more  decorous  that,  as  a 
member  of  the  *  conference,'  I  should  first  appear  before  the  Senate  commit 
tee  now  in  possession  of  all  the  papers,  and  there  render  any  proper  expla 
nations,  and  not  obtrude  myself  as  a  combatant  in  the  newspapers,  prema 
turely  and  only  partially  defending  my  official  action.  If,  however,  you 
should  think  that  the  articles  should  be  answered  without  delay,  I  could 
readily  cause  it  to  be  done,  by  other  persons. 

I  cannot  but  think  that  the  dignity  of  the  subject,  formally  presented 
as  it  now  is,  to  our  national  authorities,  by  a  diplomatic  assemblage  repre 
senting  nearly  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  Christian  world,  entitles  it  to 
a  full  discussion  before  the  Senate  committee,  to  be  followed  by  a  maturely 
considered  report,  fairly  weighing  and  presenting  to  the  country  all  the 
merits  and  demerits,  facilities  and  difficulties  of  the  measure. 

I  am  just  at  the  moment  confined  to  my  house  by  an  'influenza,'  but 
if  I  can  be  of  any  service,  either  before  the  committee  or  elsewhere,  I  shall 
hold  myself  subject  to  your  official  call,  for  any  duty,  after  the  7th  or  8th 
of  January,  which  you  may  indicate. 

You  must  have  perceived  that  my  report  to  the  department  of  state, 
having  in  view  the  possibility  of  European  readers,  abstained  from  some 
considerations  which  might  properly  be  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  com 
mittee  of  the  American  Senate. 

It  is  strange,  indeed,  to  see  American  newspapers  eagerly  maintaining 
the  inviolability  of  the  '  pound  sterling,'  when  it  has  become  entirely  evi 
dent  that  the  great  monetary  struggle  of  the  future  must  lie  between  the 
British  pound  and  the  American  dollar.  In  truth,  this  was  virtually  admitted 
in  the  '  conference '  by  Mr.  Graham,  one  of  the  British  delegates,  and  mas 
ter  of  the  royal  mint.  With  high  regard,  faithfully  yours, 

SAMUEL  B.  RUGGLES. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Chairman  Senate  Finance  Committee,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 


We  were  called  upon  to  legislate  upon  the  subject.  The 
French  government  promptly  acquiesced  in  the  coin  proposed. 
Mr.  Ruggles'  report  said  that  several  governments  had  already 
assented  to  it.  The  report  was  referred  to  the  committee  on 
finance  of  the  Senate,  who  submitted  a  favorable  report  with  a 
bill  to  carry  out  the  recommendations,  and  that  report  was 
published.  There  was  no  dissent  from  the  plan  except  that 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  411 

Senator  Morgan,  of  New  York,  thought  it  wouid  interfere 
with  the  profit  of  New  York  brokers  in  changing  dollars  into 
pounds.  As  a  matter  of  course,  ib  would  have  interfered  with 
the  exchanges  of  New  York  and  London,  the  great  money  cen 
ters  of  the  world.  It  would  have  interfered  with  bullion  deal 
ers  who  make  profit  in  exchanging  coins ;  but  the  whole  of  it 
was  for  the  benefit  of  each  country. 

No  man  can  estimate  the  benefit  it  would  have  conferred 
upon  our  own  people.  It  was  only  defeated  by  the  refusal  of 
Great  Britain  to  assent  to  the  change  of  her  pound  sterling  by 
the  reduction  of  its  value  about  one  penny.  But  pride  in 
its  existing  coins,  so  strong  in  that  country,  defeated  the  meas 
ure,  although  it  had  been  assented  to  by  her  representatives  in 
that  monetary  congress ;  and  so  the  thing  ended. 

It  is  easy  now  to  perceive  that  if  this  international  coin 
had  been  agreed  to  it  would  have  passed  current  everywhere, 
as  it  could  rapidly  be  exchanged  at  sight  without  going  through 
the  hands  of  brokers.  I  do  not  believe  that  Mr.  Morgan  would 
have  insisted  on  his  opposition,  as  the  only  ground  of  his  ob 
jection  was,  it  would  have  destroyed  the  business  of  the  money 
changers  of  New  York.  Even  his  resistance  would  have  been 
ineffectual,  as  the  committee  and  the  Senate  were  decidedly  in 
favor  of  the  bill  and  the  opposition  of  New  York  brokers 
would  have  added  strength  to  the  measure. 

The  greatest  statesmen  of  Europe  and  America  have  sought 
for  many  years  to  unify  the  coinage  of  nations,  and  to  adopt 
common  standards  of  weights  and  measures,  so  that  commerce 
may  be  freed  from  the  restrictions  now  imposed  upon  it,  but 
Great  Britain  has  steadily  opposed  all  these  enlightened  meas 
ures,  and  thus  far  has  been  able  to  defeat  them. 

My  report  from  the  committee  on  finance,  made  to  the  Sen 
ate  June  7,  1868,  contains  a  full  statement  of  the  acts  of  the 
monetary  conference  at  Paris,  and  of  the  approval  of  its  action 
by  many  of  the  countries  there  represented,  and  of  the  support 
given  to  the  plan  in  Great  Britain  by  many  of  her  ablest  states 
men  and  the  great  body  of  her  commercial  classes,  but  the 
party  then  in  power  in  parliament  refused  its  sanction,  and 
thus,  as  already  stated,  the  measure  failed. 


412  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

It  has  been  quite  common,  during  recent  discussions  about 
silver,  to  attribute  the  alleged  demonetization  of  that  metal  to 
the  action  of  the  Paris  monetary  conference.  In  1867,  when 
this  conference  was  in  session,  as  already  stated,  sixteen  ounces 
of  silver  were  worth  more  than  one  ounce  of  gold.  Fifteen  and 
one-half-  ounces  of  silver  were  the  legal  equivalent  of  one  ounce 
of  gold  in  all  European  countries.  No  suggestion  was  made  or 
entertained  to  disturb  the  circulation  of  silver.  The  only  ob 
ject  sought  was  to  secure  some  common  coin  by  which  other 
coins  could  be  easily  measured.  As  gold  was  the  most  valuable 
metal  in  smallest  space,  and  the  five-franc  gold  piece  of  France 
was  the  best  unit  by  which  other  coins  could  be  measured, 
other  gold  coins  were  to  be  of  multiples  of  the  unit,  so  that  five 
francs  would  be  a  dollar  and  five  dollars  would  be  a  pound. 
The  coins  of  other  nations  would  be  made  to  conform  to  mul 
tiples  of  this  unit. 

It  was  perfectly  understood  that,  while  silver  was  the  chief 
coin  in  domestic  exchanges  in  every  country,  it  was  not  con 
venient  for  foreign  commerce,  owing  to  its  bulk.  The  ratio 
between  gold  and  silver  was  purely  a  domestic  matter,  to  be 
determined  by  each  country  for  itself.  It  is  apparent  that  the 
chief  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  market  value  of  silver  is  its  in 
creased  production.  This  affects  the  price  of  every  commodity, 
cotton,  corn,  or  wheat  as  well  as  silver.  The  law  of  supply  and 
demand  regulates  value.  It  is  the  "  higher  law  "  more  potent 
than  acts  of  Congress.  If  the  supply  is  in  excess  of  demand 
the  price  will  fall,  in  spite  of  legislation.  The  most  striking 
evidence  of  this  was  furnished  by  our  recent  legislation  by 
which  we  purchased  over  400,000,000  ounces  of  silver  at  its 
market  value  and  hoarded  it,  and  yet  the  price  of  it  steadily 
declined.  We  can  coin  it  into  silver  dollars,  but  we  can  keep 
these  dollars  at  par  with  gold  only  by  receiving  them  as  the 
equal  of  gold  when  offered. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

Judiciary  Committee's  Resolution  Fails  of  Adoption  by  a  Vote  of  57  Yeas  to  108 
Nays  — Johnson's  Attempt  to  Remove  Secretary  Stanton  and  Create  a  New 
Office  for  General  Sherman— Correspondence  on  the  Subject  —  Report  of 
the  Committee  on  Impeachment,  and  Other  Matters  Pertaining  to 
the  Appointment   of  Lorenzo  Thomas  —  Impeachment  Resolu 
tion  Passed  by  the  House  by  a  Vote  of  126  Yeas  to  47 
Nays  — Johnson's  Trial  by  the  Senate  — Acquittal  of 
the  President  by  a  Vote  of  35  Guilty  to  19  Not 
Guilty  —  Why    I    Favored    Conviction  — 
General  Schofield  Becomes  Secretary  of 
War— "Tenure   of    Office    Act." 

DURING  the  spring  and  summer  of  1867  the  question 
of  impeaching  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of    the 
United  States,  was  frequently  discussed  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.    The  resolutions  relating  to  his 
impeachment  were  introduced  by  James  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  on 
the  7th  of  March,  1867,  and  they  were  adopted  on  the  same  day. 
These  resolutions  instructed  the   judiciary  committee,  when 
appointed,  to  continue  the   inquiry,  previously  ordered,  into 
certain  charges  preferred  against  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  with  authority  to  sit  during  the  sessions  of  the  House, 
and  during  any  recess  the  Congress  might  take. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1867,  a  majority  of  the  committee 
on  the  judiciary  reported  a  resolution  of  impeachment,  as 
follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  be 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

This  resolution  was  accompanied  by  a  long  report  and  the 
testimony,  all  of  which  was  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  made  the 
special  order  for  Wednesday,  December  4,  1867.  James  F.  Wil 
son,  of  Iowa,  made  a  minority  report  against  the  resolution  of  im 
peachment,  signed  by  himself  and  Frederick  E.  Woodbridge,  of 
Vermont.  Samuel  S.  Marshall,  of  Illinois,  also  made  a  minority 
report  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Charles  A.  Eldridge,  of  Wisconsin. 

(413) 


414  RECOLLECTIONS 

On  the  7th  of  December,  the  resolution  of  impeachment 
reported  by  the  committee  on  the  judiciary  at  the  previous  ses 
sion  was  disagreed  to  by  a  vote  of  57  yeas  and  108  nays.  This 
decision  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  against  an  impeach 
ment  on  the  charges  then  made  was  entirely  justified.  This 
imposing  process  was  not  authorized  for  misconduct,  immoral 
ity,  intoxication  or  neglect  of  duties,  such  as  were  alleged  in 
the  report  of  the  committee,  but  only  for  high  crimes  or  mis 
demeanors.  The  House  properly  made  this  distinction,  and 
here  the  accusations  against  the  President  would  have  ended, 
but  for  his  attempt,  in  violation  of  the  constitution  and  law,  to 
place  General  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  an  important  office  without 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  then  in  session. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1867,  and  the  early  part  of  1868,  I 
became  involved  in  a  controversy,  between  President  Johnson, 
General  Grant  and  General  Sherman,  which  caused  the  last- 
named  serious  embarrassment.  As  much  of  the  correspondence 
between  these  parties  has  been  published  in  the  "  Sherman 
Letters,"  I  at  first  thought  it  best  not  to  make  any  reference  to 
the  matter,  but  upon  reflection,  and  to  explain  subsequent 
events,  I  insert  the  letters  in  their  order. 

General  Sherman  was  summoned  to  Washington,  by  the 
President,  and  upon  his  arrival  there  wrote  me  the  following 
letter : 

WASHINGTON,  October  11,  1867. 

DEAR  BROTHER  : — I  have  no  doubt  that  you  have  been  duly  concerned 
about  my  being  summoned  to  Washington. 

It  was  imprudently  done  by  the  President  without  going  through 
Grant.  But  I  think  I  have  smoothed  it  over  so  that  Grant  does  not  feel 
hurt.  I  cannot  place  myself  in  a  situation  even  partially  antagonistic  with 
Grant.  We  must  work  together.  Mr.  Johnson  has  not  offered  me  any 
thing,  only  has  talked  over  every  subject,  and  because  I  listen  to  him 
patiently,  and  make  short  and  decisive  answers,  he  says  he  would  like  to 
have  me  here.  Still  he  does  not  oppose  my  going  back  home.  . 

On  Monday  I  will  start  for  St.  Louis  by  the  Atlantic  and  G.  W.  road, 
and  pass  Mansfield  Tuesday.  Can't  you  meet  me  and  ride  some  miles  ?  I 
have  been  away  from  home  so  much,  and  must  go  right  along  to  Fort  Lara- 
mie,  that  I  cannot  well  stop  at  Cleveland  or  Mansfield,  and  would  like  to 
see  you  for  an  hour  or  so  to  hear  your  views  of  the  coming  events.  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  415 

And  on  his  return  to  St.  Louis  he  continues  : 

I  have  always  talked  kindly  to  the  President,  and  have 
advised  Grant  to  do  so.  I  do  think  that  it  is  best  for  all  hands  that  his 
administration  be  allowed  to  run  out  its  course  without  threatened  or 
attempted  violence.  Whoever  begins  violent  proceedings  will  lose  in  the 
long  run.  Johnson  is  not  a  man  of  action  but  of  theory,  and  so  long  as 
your  party  is  in  doubt  as  to  the  true  mode  of  procedure,  it  would  be  at  great 
risk  that  an  attempt  be  made  to  displease  the  President  by  a  simple  law  of 
Congress.  This  is  as  much  as  I  have  ever  said  to  anybody.  I  have  never, 
by  word  or  inference,  given  anybody  the  right  to  class  me  in  opposition  to, 
or  in  support  of,  Congress.  On  the  contrary,  I  told  Mr.  Johnson  that  from 
the  nature  of  things  he  could  not  dispense  with  a  Congress  to  make  laws 
and  appropriate  money,  and  suggested  to  him  to  receive  and  make  over 
tures  to  such  men  as  Fessenden,  Trumbull,  Sherman,  Morgan,  and  Morton, 
who,  though  differing  with  him  in  abstract  views  of  constitutional  law  and 
practice,  were  not  destructive.  That  if  the  congressional  plan  of  reconstruc 
tion  succeeded,  he  could  do  nothing,  and  if  it  failed  or  led  to  confusion, 
the  future  developed  results  in  his  favor,  etc.;  and  that  is  pretty  much  all 
I  have  ever  said  or  done.  At  the  meeting  of  the  society  of  the  army  of  the 
Tennessee  on  the  13th  inst.,  I  will  be  forced  to  speak,  if  here,  and  though  I 
can  confine  myself  purely  to  the  military  events  of  the  past,  I  can  make  the 
opportunity  of  stating  that  in  no  event  will  I  be  drawn  into  the  complica 
tions  of  the  civil  politics  of  this  country. 

If  Congress  could  meet  and  confine  itself  to  current  and  committee 
business,  I  feel  certain  that  everything  will  work  along  quietly  till  the  nom 
inations  are  made,  and  a  new  presidential  election  will  likely  settle  the  prin 
ciple  if  negroes  are  to  be  voters  in  the  states  without  the  consent  of  the 
whites.  This  is  more  a  question  of  prejudice  than  principle,  but  a  voter  has 
as  much  right  to  his  prejudices  as  to  his  vote.  .  .  . 

I  answered : 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  November  1,  1867. 

DEAK  BROTHER  :  —  ...  I  see  no  real  occasion  for  trouble  with 
Johnson.  The  great  error  of  his  life  was  in  not  acquiescing  in  and  sup 
porting  the  14th  amendment  of  the  constitution  in  the  39th  Congress.  This 
he  could  easily  have  carried.  It  referred  the  suffrage  question  to  each  state, 
and  if  adopted  long  ago  the  whole  controversy  would  have  culminated  ;  or, 
if  further  opposed  by  the  extreme  radicals,  they  would  have  been  easily 
beaten.  Now  I  see  nothing  short  of  universal  suffrage  and  universal 
amnesty  as  the  basis.  When  you  come  on,  I  suggest  that  you  give  out  that 
you  go  on  to  make  your  annual  report  and  settle  Indian  affairs.  Give  us 
notice  when  you  will  be  on,  and  come  directly  to  my  house,  where  we  will 
make  you  one  of  the  family. 

Grant,  I  think,  is  inevitably  the  candidate.  He  allows  himself  to  drift 
into  a  position  where  he  can't  decline  if  he  would,  and  I  feel  sure  he  don't 


416  RECOLLECTIONS 

want  to  decline.     My  judgment  is  that  Chase  is  better  for  the  country  and 
for  Grant  himself,  but  I  will  not  quarrel  with  what  I  cannot  control. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 
And  later  I  wrote: — 

If  you  can  keep  free  from  committals  to  Johnson,  you  will  surely  as  you 
live  be  called  upon  to  act  as  President.  The  danger  now  is  that  the  mistakes 
of  the  Republicans  may  drift  the  Democratic  party  into  power.  If  so,  the 
Rebellion  is  triumphant,  and  no  man  active  in  suppressing  it  will  be  trusted 
or  honored.  Grant  is  not  injured  by  his  correspondence  with  Johnson,  but 
no  doubt  feels  annoyed.  .  .  . 

At  this  time  President  Johnson  had  come  to  open  disagree 
ment  with  Mr.  Stanton,  his  Secretary  of  War,  and  wished  to 
force  him  from  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Stanton  had  refused  to  resign 
and  had  been  upheld  by  Congress.  The  President  then  turned 
for  help  in  his  difficulties  to  General  Grant,  commanding  the 
army ;  but  the  latter  found  that  any  interference  on  his  part 
would  be  illegal  and  impossible. 

Mr.  Johnson  then  planned  to  create  a  new  office  for  General 
Sherman,  that  of  brevet  general  of  the  army,  in  order  to  bring 
him  to  Washington. 

The  following  letters  and  telegrams  refer  to  this  difficulty : 

(Confidential.)  LIBRARY  ROOM,  WAR  DEPARTMENT,         ) 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  31,  1868.  J 

To  THE  PRESIDENT  :  —  Since  our  interview  of  yesterday  I  have  given  the 
subject  of  our  conversation  all  my  thoughts,  and  I  beg  you  will  pardon  my 
reducing  the  result  to  writing. 

My  personal  preferences,  if  expressed,  were  to  be  allowed  to  return  to 
St.  Louis  to  resume  my  present  command,  because  my  command  was  im 
portant,  large,  suited  to  my  rank  and  inclination,  and  because  my  family 
was  well  provided  for  there,  in  house  facilities,  schools,  living,  and  agree 
able  society. 

Whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  Washington  was  for  many  (to  me)  good 
reasons  highly  objectionable.  Especially  because  it  is  the  political  capital 
of  the  country  and  focus  of  intrigue,  gossip,  and  slander.  Your  personal 
preferences  were,  as  expressed,  to  make  a  new  department  east  adequate  to 
my  rank,  with  headquarters  at  Washington,  and  to  assign  me  to  its  command 
— to  remove  my  family  here,  and  to  avail  myself  of  its  schools,  etc.;  to 
remove  Mr.  Stanton  from  his  office  as  Secretary  of  War,  and  have  me  to 
discharge  the  duties. 

To  effect  this  removal  two  modes  were  indicated:  To  simply  cause  him 
to  quit  the  war  office  building  and  notify  the  treasury  department  and  the 
army  staff  departments  no  longer  to  respect  him  as  Secretary  of  War;  or  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  417 

remove  him,  and  submit  my  name  to  the  Senate  for  confirmation.  Permit 
me  to  discuss  these  points  a  little,  and  I  will  premise  by  saying  that  I  have 
spoken  to  no  one  on  the  subject,  and  have  not  even  seen  Mr.  Ewing,  Mr. 
Stanbery,  or  General  Grant  since  I  was  with  you. 

It  has  been  the  rule  and  custom  of  our  army,  since  the  organization  of 
the  government,  that  the  officer  of  the  army  second  in  rank  should  be  in  com 
mand  at  the  second  place  in  importance,  and  remote  from  general  head 
quarters.  To  bring  me  to  Washington  would  put  three  heads  to  an  army, 
— yourself,  General  Grant,  and  myself, — and  we  would  be  more  than  human 
if  we  were  not  to  differ.  In  my  judgment  it  would  ruin  the  army,  and  would 
be  fatal  to  one  or  two  of  us. 

Generals  Scott  and  Taylor  proved  themselves  soldiers  and  patriots  in 
the  field,  but  Washington  was  fatal  to  both.  This  city  and  the  influences 
that  centered  here  defeated  every  army  that  had  its  head  here  from  1861  to 
1865,  and  would  have  overwhelmed  General  Grant  at  Spottsylvania  and 
Petersburg,  had  he  not  been  fortified  by  a  strong  reputation  already  hard 
earned,  and  because  no  one  then  living  coveted  the  place.  Whereas  in 
the  west  we  made  progress  from  the  start,  because  there  was  no  political 
capital  near  enough  to  poison  our  minds  and  kindle  into  light  that  craving 
itching  for  fame  which  has  killed  more  good  men  than  bullets.  I  have  been 
with  General  Grant  in  the  midst  of  death  and  slaughter — when  the  howls  of 
people  reached  him  after  Shiloh;  when  messengers  were  speeding  to  and 
fro,  between  his  army  and  Washington,  bearing  slanders  to  induce  his 
removal  before  he  took  Vicksburg;  in  Chattanooga,  when  the  soldiers  were 
stealing  the  corn  of  the  starving  mules  to  satisfy  their  own  hunger;  at  Nash 
ville,  when  he  was  ordered  to  the  'forlorn  hope'  to  command  the  army  of  the 
Potomac,  so  often  defeated — and  yet  I  never  saw  him  more  troubled  than 
since  he  has  been  in  Washington,  and  has  been  compelled  to  read  himself  a 
'sneak  and  deceiver,'  based  on  reports  of  four  of  the  cabinet,  and  apparently 
with  your  knowledge.  If  this  political  atmosphere  can  disturb  the  equa 
nimity  of  one  so  guarded  and  so  prudent  as  he  is,  what  will  be  the  result 
with  one  so  careless,  so  outspoken,  as  I  am?  Therefore,  with  my  consent, 
Washington  never. 

As  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  his  office  is  twofold.  As  cabinet  officer  he 
should  not  be  there  without  your  hearty,  cheerful  consent,  and  I  believe  that 
is  the  judgment  and  opinion  of  every  fair-minded  man.  As  the  holder  of  a 
civil  office,  having  the  supervision  of  moneys  appropriated  by  Congress,  and 
of  contracts  for  army  supplies,  I  do  think  Congress,  or  the  Senate  by  delega 
tion  from  Congress,  has  a  lawful  right  to  be  consulted.  At  all  events,  I 
would  not  risk  a  suit  or  contest  on  that  phase  of  the  question.  The  law  of 
Congress  of  March  2,  1867,  prescribing  the  manner  in  which  orders  and  in 
structions  relating  to  '  military  movements '  shall  reach  the  army,  gives  you, 
as  constitutional  commander  in  chief,  the  very  power  you  want  to  exercise, 
and  enables  you  to  prevent  the  secretary  from  making  any  such  orders  and 
instructions,  and  consequently  he  cannot  control  the  army,  but  is  limited  and 


418  RECOLLECTIONS 

restricted  to  a  duty  that  an  auditor  of  the  treasury  could  perform.  You  cer 
tainly  can  afford  to  await  the  result.  The  executive  power  is  not  weakened, 
but,  rather,  strengthened.  Surely  he  is  not  such  an  obstruction  as  would 
warrant  violence  or  even  a  show  of  force  which  could  produce  the  very  reac 
tion  and  clamor  that  he  hopes  for,  to  save  him  from  the  absurdity  of  holding 
an  empty  office  '  for  the  safety  of  the  country.' 

With  great  respect,  yours  truly, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI, 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  February  14,  1868. 
To  THE  PRESIDENT  : 

DEAR  SIR  : — It  is  hard  for  me  to  conceive  you  would  purposely  do  me 
an  unkindness,  unless  under  the  pressure  of  a  sense  of  public  duty,  or 
because  you  do  not  believe  me  sincere. 

I  was  in  hopes,  since  my  letter  to  you  of  the  31st  of  January,  that  you 
had  concluded  to  pass  over  that  purpose  of  yours,  expressed  more  than  once 
in  conversation,  to  organize  a  new  command  for  me  in  the  east,  with  head 
quarters  in  Washington  ;  but  a  telegram,  from  General  Grant,  of  yesterday 
says  that  'the  order  was  issued  ordering  you  '  (me)  '  to  Atlantic  division; ' 
and  the  newspapers  of  this  morning  contain  the  same  information,  with  the 
addition  that  I  have  been  nominated  as  '  brevet  general.'  I  have  telegraphed 
to  my  own  brother  in  the  Senate  to  oppose  my  confirmation,  on  the  ground 
that  the  two  higher  grades  in  the  army  ought  not  to  be  complicated  with 
brevets,  and  I  trust  you  will  conceive  my  motives  aright.  If  I  could  see  my 
way  clear  to  maintain  my  family,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  resign 
my  present  commission  and  seek  some  business  wherein  I  would  be  free 
from  those  unhappy  complications  that  seem  to  be  closing  about  me,  in  spite 
of  my  earnest  efforts  to  avoid  them  ;  but  necessity  ties  my  hands,  and  I 
submit  with  the  best  grace  I  can,  till  I  make  other  arrangements. 

In  Washington  are  already  the  headquarters  of  a  department,  and  of 
the  army  itself,  and  it  is  hard  for  me  to  see  wherein  I  can  render  military 
service  there.  Any  staff  officer  with  the  rank  of  major  could  surely  fill  any 
gap  left  between  those  two  military  offices  ;  and  by  being  placed  at  Wash 
ington  I  shall  be  universally  construed  as  a  rival  to  the  general  in  chief,  a 
position  damaging  to  me  in  the  highest  degree.  Our  relations  have  always 
been  most  confidential  and  friendly,  and  if,  unhappily,  any  cloud  of  difficulty 
should  arise  between  us,  my  sense  of  personal  dignity  and  duty  would  leave 
me  no  alternative  but  resignation.  For  this  I  am  not  yet  prepared,  but  I 
shall  proceed  to  arrange  for  it  as  rapidly  as  possible,  that  when  the  time 
does  come  (as  it  surely  will  if  this  plan  is  carried  into  effect),  I  may  act 
promptly. 

Inasmuch  as  the  order  is  now  issued,  I  cannot  expect  a  full  revocation 
of  it,  but  I  beg  the  privilege  of  taking  post  at  New  York,  or  at  any  point 
you  may  name,  within  the  new  military  division,  other  than  Washington. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  419 

This  privilege  is  generally  granted  to  all  military  commanders,  and  I 
can  see  no  good  reasons  why  I,  too,  may  not  ask  for  it  ;  and  this  simple  con 
cession,  involving  no  public  interest,  will  much  soften  the  blow  which,  right 
or  wrong,  I  construe  as  one  of  the  hardest  I  have  sustained  in  a  life  some 
what  checkered  with  adversity. 

With  great  respect,  yours  truly, 
(Signed)  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Lieutenant  General. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  MISSOURI,      ) 
ST.  Louis,  February  14,  1868.  j 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  ...  I  am  again  in  the  midst  of  trouble,  oc 
casioned  by  a  telegram  from  Grant  saying  that  the  order  is  out  for  me  to 
come  to  the  command  of  the  military  division  of  the  Atlantic,  headquarters 
at  Washington.  The  President  repeatedly  asked  me  to  accept  of  some  such 
position,  but  I  thought  I  had  fought  it  off  successfully,  though  he  again  and 
again  reverted  to  it. 

Now,  it  seems,  he  has  ordered  it,  and  it  is  full  of  trouble  for  me.  I 
wrote  him  one  or  two  letters  in  Washington,  which  I  thought  positive  enough, 
but  have  now  written  another,  and  if  it  fails  in  its  object  I  might  as  well 
cast  about  for  new  employment.  The  result  would  be  certain  conflict,  result 
ing  in  Grant's  violent  deposition,  mine,  or  the  President's. 

There  is  not  room  on  board  of  one  ship  for  more  than  one  captain. 

If  Grant  intends  to  run  for  President  I  should  be  willing  to  come  on, 
because  my  duties  would  then  be  so  clearly  defined  that  I  think  I  could 
steer  clear  of  the  breakers — but  now  it  would  be  impossible.  The  Presi 
dent  would  make  use  of  me  to  beget  violence,  a  condition  of  things  that 
ought  not  to  exist  now. 

He  has  no  right  to  use  us  for  such  purposes,  though  he  is  commander 
in  chief.  I  did  suppose  his  passage  with  Grant  would  end  there,  but  now 
it  seems  he  will  fight  him  as  he  has  been  doing  Congress.  I  don't  object  if 
he  does  so  himself  and  don't  rope  me  in.  ... 

If  the  President  forces  me  into  a  false  position  out  of  seeming  favor,  I 
must  defend  myself.  It  is  mortifying,  but  none  the  less  inevitable. 

Affectionately,  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


(Telegram.)  WASHINGTON,  February  14,  1868. 

From  ST.  Louis,  February  14,  1868. 
To  GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT,  Commander  U.  S.  Army  : 

Your  dispatch  informing  me  that  the  order  for  the  Atlantic  division 
was  issued,  and  that  I  was  assigned  to  its  command,  is  received. 

I  was  in  hopes  I  had  escaped  the  danger,  and  now,  were  I  prepared, 
should  resign  on  the  spot,  as  it  requires  no  foresight  to  predict  such  must  be 
the  inevitable  result  in  the  end. 

I  will  make  one  more  desperate  effort  by  mail,  which  please  await. 

(Signed)  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Lieutenant  General. 


420  RECOLLECTIONS 

(Telegram.)  Dated  ST.  Louis,  February  1.4,  1868, 

Received  at  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  February  14. 
To  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN  : 

Oppose  confirmation  of  myself  as  brevet  general  on  ground  that  it  is 
unprecedented,  and  that  it  is  better  not  to  extend  the  system  of  brevets 
above  major  general.  If  I  can't  avoid  coming  to  Washington  I  may  have 
to  resign.  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Lieutenant  General. 

This  correspondence,  some  of  which  was  published,  excited 
a  great  deal  of  attention,  and  I  received  many  letters  in  regard 
to  it,  one  of  which  I  insert : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  17,  1868. 

DEAR  SHERMAN  : — How  nobly  and  magnanimously  your  gallant  brother 
has  acted.  If  A.  J.  was  not  callous  to  all  that  would  affect  gentlemen  gen 
erally,  he  would  feel  this  rebuke  stingingly.  But  since  he  has  betrayed  the 
men  who  elected  him  he  is  proof  against  such  things. 

Yours  very  truly,  SCHUYLER  COLFAX. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  General  Sherman's  telegram  I  requested 
the  committee  on  military  affairs  to  take  no  action  upon  his 
nomination,  as  he  did  not  desire,  and  would  not  accept,  the 
proposed  compliment.  This  correspondence  then  followed  : 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI,      ) 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  February  17,  1868.  J 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  .  .  .  I  have  not  yet  got  the  order  for  the 
Atlantic  division,  but  it  is  coming  by  mail,  and  when  received  I  must  act. 
I  have  asked  the  President  to  let  me  make  my  headquarters  in  New  York, 
instead  of  Washington,  making  my  application  on  the  ground  that  my  simply 
being  in  Washington  will  be  universally  construed  as  rivalry  to  General 
Grant,  a  position  which  would  be  damaging  to  me  in  the  extreme. 

If  I  must  come  to  Washington,  it  will  be  with  a  degree  of  reluctance 
never  before  experienced.  I  would  leave  my  family  here  on  the  supposition 
that  the  change  was  temporary.  I  do  not  question  the  President's  right  to 
make  the  new  division,  and  I  think  Congress  would  make  a  mistake  to  qual 
ify  his  right.  It  would  suffice  for  them  to  nonconfirm  the  brevet  of  general. 
I  will  notify  you  by  telegraph  when  the  matter  is  concluded. 

Affectionately,  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

(Telegram.)  Received  WASHINGTON,  February  20,  1868. 

From  ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  February  20,  1868. 
To  GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT  : 

The  President  telegraphs  that  I  may  remain  in  my  present  command. 
I  write  him  a  letter  of  thanks  through  you  to-day.  Congress  should  not 
have  for  publication  my  letters  to  the  President,  unless  the  President  him 
self  chooses  to  give  them.  (Signed)  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Lieut.  General. 


fa^fr£~Z*- 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  421 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,         ) 
WASHINGTON,  February  21,  1868.  j 

DEAR  SIR  : — By  General  Grant's  direction  I  inclose  a  copy  of  a  dis 
patch  from  General  Sherman,  seeming  to  indicate  his  preference  that  the 
correspondence  in  question  should  not  now  be  made  public. 

Respectfully  yours,  C.  B.  COMSTOCK,  B.  B.  S. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  United  States  Senate. 

A  few  days  after  this,  General  Sherman  went  to  Washing 
ton  in  response  to  the  President's  order,  and  while  there  had 
several  interviews  with  the  President  relating  to  the  change  of 
his  command.  He  objected  very  strongly,  as  has  been  seen,  to 
any  such  change,  because  he  felt  that  he  could  not  hold  a  com 
mand  in  Washington  without  interfering  with  Grant's  interests, 
and  because  he  had  a  rooted  objection  to  living  in  Washington 
in  the  midst  of  the  turmoil  of  politics.  These  objections  were 
embodied  in  three  letters  which  General  Sherman  wrote  and 
showed  to  Grant  before  he  sent  them  to  the  President.  One  of 
them  found  its  way  into  the  public  press,  and  created  a  disturb 
ance  which  called  forth  the  following  letters : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  22,  1868.  ) 
HON.  J.  SHERMAN,  United  States  Senate. 

DEAR  SIR  : — The  '  National  Intelligencer '  of  this  morning  contains  a 
private  note  which  General  Sherman  sent  to  the  President  whilst  he  was  in 
Washington,  dictated  by  the  purest  kindness  and  a  disposition  to  preserve 
harmony,  and  not  intended  for  publication.  It  seems  to  me  the  publication 
of  that  letter  is  calculated  to  place  the  general  in  a  wrong  light  before  the 
public,  taken  in  connection  with  what  correspondents  have  said  before,  evi 
dently  getting  their  inspiration  from  the  White  House. 

As  General  Sherman  afterwards  wrote  a  semi-official  note  to  the  Presi 
dent,  furnishing  me  a  copy,  and  still  later  a  purely  official  one  sent  through 
me,  which  placed  him  in  his  true  position,  and  which  have  not  been  published, 
though  called  for  by  the  '  House,'  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  these 
letters  to  give  you  the  opportunity  of  consulting  General  Sherman  as  to  what 
action  to  take  upon  them.  In  all  matters  where  I  am  not  personally  inter 
ested,  I  would  not  hesitate  to  advise  General  Sherman  how  I  wrould  act  in  his 
place.  But  in  this  instance,  after  the  correspondence  I  have  had  with  Mr. 
Johnson,  I  may  not  see  General  Sherman's  interest  in  the  same  light  that 
others  see  it,  or  that  I  would  see  it  in  if  no  such  correspondence  had  occurred. 
I  am  clear  in  this,  however,  the  correspondence  here  inclosed  to  you  should 
not  be  made  public  except  by  the  President,  or  with  the  full  sanction  of 
General  Sherman.  Probably  the  letter  of  the  31st  of  January,  marked  'con 
fidential,'  should  not  be  given  out  at  all.  Yours  truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 


422  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  the  "  National  Intelli 
gencer,"  a  Washington  newspaper : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  February  22,  1868.  J 

GENTLEMEN  :  —  The  publication  in  your  paper  yesterday  of  General 
Sherman's  note  to  the  President,  and  its  simultaneous  transmission  by  tele 
graph,  unaccompanied  by  subsequent  letters  withheld  by  the  President  be 
cause  they  were  '  private,'  is  so  unfair  as  to  justify  severe  censure  upon  the 
person  who  furnished  you  this  letter,  whoever  he  may  be.  Upon  its  face  it 
is  an  informal  private  note  dictated  by  the  purest  motives — a  desire  to  pre 
serve  harmony — and  not  intended  for  publication.  How  any  gentleman 
receiving  such  a  note  could  first  allow  vague  but  false  suggestions  of  its 
contents  to  be  given  out,  and  then  print  it,  and  withhold  other  letters  because 
they  were  '  private,'  with  a  view  to  create  the  impression  that  General  Sher 
man,  in  referring  to  ulterior  measures,  suggested  the  violent  expulsion  of  a 
high  officer  from  his  office,  passes  my  comprehension.  Still  I  know  that 
General  Sherman  is  so  sensitive  upon  questions  of  official  propriety  in  pub 
lishing  papers,  that  he  would  rather  suffer  from  this  false  inference  than 
correct  it  by  publishing  another  private  note,  and  as  I  knew  that  this  letter 
was  not  the  only  one  written  by  General  Sherman  to  the  President  about  Mr. 
Stanton,  I  applied  to  the  President  for  his  consent  to  publish  subsequent 
letters.  This  consent  was  freely  given  by  the  President,  and  I  therefore 
send  copies  to  you  and  ask  their  publication. 

These  copies  are  furnished  me  from  official  sources  ;  for  while  I  know 
General  Sherman's  opinions,  yet  he  did  not  show  me  either  of  the  letters  to 
the  President,  during  his  stay  here,  nervously  anxious  to  promote  harmony, 
to  avoid  strife,  and  certainly  never  suggested  or  countenanced  resistance  to 
law — or  violence  in  any  form.  He  no  doubt  left  Washington  with  his  old 
repugnance  to  politics,  politicians,  and  newspapers  very  much  increased  by 
his  visit  here.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,  February  23,  1868. 

DEAR  BROTHER: — I  received  your  letters  and  telegrams,  and  did  not 
answer  because  events  were  moving  so  rapidly  that  I  could  say  nothing  but 
might  be  upset  before  you  got  the  letter. 

Now  you  can  congratulate  yourself  upon  being  clear  of  the  worst 
complications  we  have  ever  had.  Impeachment  seems  to  be  a  foregone  con 
clusion  so  far  as  the  House  of  Representatives  is  concerned,  based  upon  the 
alleged  forcible  expulsion  of  Stanton.  No  one  disputes  the  right  of  the 
President  to  raise  a  question  of  law  upon  his  right  to  remove  Stanton,  but 
the  forcible  removal  of  a  man  in  office,  claiming  to  be  in  lawfully,  is  like  the 
forcible  ejectment  of  a  tenant  when  his  right  of  possession  is  in  dispute.  It 
is  a  trespass,  an  assault,  a  riot,  or  a  crime,  according  to  the  result  of  the  force. 
It  is  strange  the  President  can  contemplate  such  a  thing,  when  Stanton  is 
already  stripped  of  power,  and  the  courts  are  open  to  the  President  to  try 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  423 

his  right  of  removal.  The  President  is  acting  very  badly  with  respect  to 
you.  He  creates  the  impression  that  you  acted  disingenuously  with  him.  He 
has  published  your  short  private  note  before  you  went  to  Annapolis,  and  yet 
refuses  to  publish  your  formal  one  subsequently  sent  to  him,  because  it  was 
1  private.'  The  truth  is,  he  is  a  slave  to  his  passions  and  resentments.  No 
man  can  confide  in  him,  and  you  ought  to  feel  happy  at  your  extrication 
from  all  near  connection  with  him.  .  .  .  Grant  is  anxious  to  have  your 
letters  published,  since  the  note  referred  to  was  published.  I  will  see  Grant 
and  the  President  this  evening,  and  if  the  latter  freely  consents,  I  will  do  it 
informally  ;  but  if  he  doubts  or  hesitates,  I  will  not  without  your  expressed 
directions.  In  these  times  of  loose  confidence,  it  is  better  to  submit  for  a 
time  to  a  wrong  construction,  than  to  betray  confidential  communications. 
Grant  will,  unquestionably,  be  nominated.  Chase  acquiesces,  and  I  see  no 
reason  to  doubt  his  election.  .  .  .  Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI,      ) 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  February  25,  1868.  } 

DEAR  BROTHER: —  ...  I  am  in  possession  of  all  the  news  up  to 
date — the  passage  of  the  impeachment  resolution,  etc.— but  I  yet  don't 
know  if  the  nomination  of  T.  Ewing,  Senior,  was  a  real  thing  or  meant  to 
compromise  a  difficulty. 

The  publication  of  my  short  note  of  January  18,  is  nothing  to  me.  I 
have  the  original  draft  which  I  sent  through  Grant's  hands,  with  his  indorse 
ment  back  to  me.  At  the  time  this  note  must  have  been  given  to  the 
reporter,  the  President  had  an  elaborate  letter  from  me,  in  which  I  discussed 
the  whole  case,  and  advised  against  the  very  course  he  has  pursued,  but  I 
don't  want  that  letter  or  any  other  to  be  drawn  out  to  complicate  a  case 
already  bad  enough. 

You  may  always  safely  represent  me  by  saying  that  I  will  not  make  up 
a  final  opinion  till  called  on  to  act,  and  I  want  nothing  to  do  with  these  con 
troversies  until  the  time  comes  for  the  actual  fight,  which  I  hope  to  God  may 
be  avoided.  If  the  Democratic  party  intend  to  fight  on  this  impeachment, 
which  I  believe  they  do  not,  you  may  count  200,000  men  against  you  in  the 
south.  The  negroes  are  no  match  for  them.  On  this  question,  the  whites 
there  will  be  more  united  than  on  the  old  issue  of  union  and  secession.  I  do 
not  think  the  President  should  be  suspended  during  trial,  and,  if  possible, 
the  Republican  party  should  not  vote  on  all  side  questions  as  a  unit.  They 
should  act  as  judges,  and  not  as  partisans.  The  vote  in  the  House,  being  a 
strictly  party  vote,  looks  bad,  for  it  augurs  a  prejudiced  jury.  Those  who 
adhere  closest  to  the  law  in  this  crisis  are  the  best  patriots.  Whilst  the  float 
ing  politicians  here  share  the  excitement  at  Washington,  the  people  gener 
ally  manifest  little  interest  in  the  game  going  on  at  Washington.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

S.— 30 


424  RECOLLECTIONS 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  March  1,  1868.  \ 

DEAR  BROTHEK:  —  Your  letter  of  the  25th  is  received.  I  need  not  say 
to  you  that  the  new  events  transpiring  here  are  narrowly  watched  by  me. 
So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  mean  to  give  Johnson  a  fair  and  impartial  trial, 
and  to  decide  nothing  until  required  to  do  so,  and  after  full  argument.  I  re 
gard  him  as  a  foolish  and  stubborn  man,  doing  even  right  things  in  a  wrong 
way,  and  in  a  position  where  the  evil  that  he  does  is  immensely  increased  by 
his  manner  of  doing  it.  He  clearly  designed  to  have  first  Grant,  and  then 
you,  involved  in  Lorenzo  Thomas'  position,  and  in  this  he  is  actuated  by  his 
recent  revolt  against  Stanton.  How  easy  it  would  have  been,  if  he  had  fol 
lowed  your  advice,  to  have  made  Stanton  anxious  to  resign,  or  what  is  worse, 
to  have  made  his  position  ridiculous.  By  his  infernal  folly  we  are  drifting 
into  turbulent  waters.  The  only  way  is  to  keep  cool  and  act  conscientiously. 
I  congratulate  you  on  your  lucky  extrication.  I  do  not  anticipate  civil  war, 
for  our  proceeding  is  unquestionably  lawful,  and  if  the  judgment  is  against 
the  President,  his  term  is  just  as  clearly  out  as  if  the  4th  of  March,  1869,  was 
come.  The  result,  if  he  is  convicted,  would  cast  the  undivided  responsibility 
of  reconstruction  upon  the  Republican  party,  and  would  unquestionably 
secure  the  full  admission  of  all  the  states  by  July  next,  and  avoid  the  danger 
ous  questions  that  may  otherwise  arise  out  of  the  southern  vote  in  the  Presi 
dential  election.  It  is  now  clear  that  Grant  will  be  a  candidate,  and  his 
election  seems  quite  as  clear.  The  action  of  North  Carolina  removed  the  last 
doubt  of  his  nomination.  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI,      ) 

ST.  Louis,  March  14,  1868.  j 

DEAR  BROTHER  :  —  I  don't  know  what  Grant  means  by  his  silence 
in  the  midst  of  the  very  great  indications  of  his  receiving  the  nomina 
tion  in  May.  Doubtless  he  intends  to  hold  aloof  from  the  expression 
of  any  opinion,  till  the  actual  nomination  is  made,  when,  if  he  accepts 
with  a  strong  radical  platform,  I  shall  be  surprised.  My  notion  is  that 
he  thinks  that  the  Democrats  ought  not  to  succeed  to  power,  and  that 
he  would  be  willing  to  stand  a  sacrifice  rather  than  see  that  result. 
I  notice  that  you  Republicans  have  divided  on  some  of  the  side  ques 
tions  on  impeachment,  and  am  glad  you  concede  to  the  President  the 
largest  limits  in  his  defense  that  are  offered.  I  don't  see  what  the  Repub 
licans  can  gain  by  shoving  matters  to  an  extent  that  looks  like  a  foregone 
conclusion. 

No  matter  what  men  may  think  of  Mr.  Johnson,  his  office  is  one  that 
ought  to  have  a  pretty  wide  latitude  of  opinion.  Nevertheless,  the  trial 
is  one  that  will  be  closely  and  sternly  criticised  by  all  the  civilized 
world.  .  .  .  Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  425 

At  this  time  I  wrote  from  Washington : 

You  notice  the  impeachment  proceedings  have  commenced.  As  a 
matter  of  course,  I  have  nothing  to  say  about  them.  It  is  strange  that  they 
have  so  little  effect  on  prices  and  business.  The  struggle  has  been  so  long 
that  the  effect  has  been  discounted.  .  . 

The  President  was  very  anxious  to  send  you  to  Louisiana,  and  only 
gave  it  up  by  reason  of  your  Indian  command.  He  might  think  that  your 
visit  to  Europe  now  was  not  consistent  with  the  reason  given  for  your  re 
maining  at  St.  Louis.  Still,  on  this  point  you  could  readily  ask  his  opinion, 
and  if  that  agrees  with  Grant's  you  need  feel  no  delicacy  in  going.  No 
more  favorable  opportunity  or  time  to  visit  Europe  will  likely  occur.  .  .  . 

General  Sherman  responded : 

I  hardly  know  what  to  think  of  the  impeachment.  Was  in  hopes  Mr. 
Johnson  would  be  allowed  to  live  out  his  term,  and  doubt  if  any  good  will 
result  by  a  change  for  the  few  months  still  remaining  of  his  term.  A  new 
cabinet,  and  the  changes  foreshadowed  by  Wade's  friends,  though  natural 
enough,  would  have  insufficient  time  to  do  any  good.  I  have  a  private  let 
ter  from  Grant  as  late  as  March  18,  but  he  says  not  a  word  of  his  political 
intentions.  So  far  as  I  know,  he  would  yet  be  glad  of  a  change  that  would 
enable  him  to  remain  as  now.  .  .  . 

On  the  27th  of  February,  1868,  Mr.  Stevens  made  the  follow 
ing  report : 

"  The  committee  on  reconstruction,  to  whom  was  referred,  on  the  27th 
of  January  last,  the  following  resolution  : 

"  *  Resolved,  That  the  committee  on  reconstruction  be  authorized  to 
inquire  what  combinations  have  been  made  or  attempted  to  be  made  to 
obstruct  the  due  execution  of  the  laws  ;  and  to  that  end  the  committee  have 
power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  to  examine  witnesses  on  oath,  and 
report  to  this  House  what  action,  if  any,  they  may  deem  necessary  ;  and 
that  said  committee  have  leave  to  report  at  any  time.' 

"And  to  whom  was  also  referred,  on  the  21st  day  of  February,  instant,  a 
communication  from  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  dated  on 
said  21st  day  of  February,  together  with  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Andrew 
Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  the  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  as 
follows  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  21,  1868.  j 

SIR  :  —  By  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  vested  in  me,  as  President, 
by  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  you  are  hereby  removed 
from  office  as  secretary  for  the  department  of  war,  and  your  functions  as 
such  will  terminate  upon  the  receipt  of  this  communication. 

You  will  transfer  to  Brevet  Major  General  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant 
General  of  the  Army,  who  has  this  day  been  authorized  and  empowered  to 


426  RECOLLECTIONS 

act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  all  records,  books,  papers,  and  other 
public  property  now  in  your  custody  and  charge. 

Respectfully  yours, 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

HON.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"And  to  whom  was  also  referred  by  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
following  resolution,  namely  : 

" '  Hesolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  be 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  :' 

"  Have  considered  the  several  subjects  referred  to  them,  and  submit  the 
following  report  : 

" '  That  in  addition  to  the  papers  referred  to  the  committee,  the  committee 
find  that  the  President,  on  the  21st  day  of  February,  1868,  signed  and  issued 
a  commission  or  letter  of  authority  to  one  Lorenzo  Thomas,  directing  and 
authorizing  said  Thomas  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  and  to  take 
possession  of  the  books,  records,  and  papers,  and  other  public  property  in 
the  war  department,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,       ) 
WASHINGTON,  February  21,  1868.) 

SIR: — Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stantou  having  been  this  day  removed  from  office  as  sec 
retary  for  the  department  of  war,  you  a.re  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  act 
as  Secretary  of  War  fid  interim,  and  will  immediately  enter  upon  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  pertaining  to  that  office.  Mr.  Stanton  has  been  instructed  to  transfer  to 
you  all  the  records,  books,  papers,  and  other  public  property  now  in  his  custody  and 
charge.  Respectfully  yours,  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

To  BREVET  MAJOR  GENERAL  LORENZO  THOMAS,  Adjutant  General  of  the  United 
States  Army,  Washington,  District  of  Columbia. 

Official  copy  respectfully  furnished  to  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

L.  THOMAS, 
Secretary  of  War  ad  interim? 

"  Upon  the  evidence  collected  by  the  committee,  which  is  herewith  pre 
sented,  and  in  virtue  of  the  powers  with  which  they  have  been  invested  by 
the  House,  they  are  of  the  opinion  that  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  They  there 
fore  recommend  to  the  House  the  adoption  of  the  accompanying  resolution  : 

THADDEUS  STEVENS, 
GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL, 
JOHN  A.  BINGHAM, 

C.    T.    HULBUKD, 

JOHN  F.  FARNSWOJBTH, 
F.  C.  BEAMAN, 
H.  E.  PAINE." 

"  Resolution  providing  for  the  impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  : 

"'  Hesolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  be 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  in  office.' " 

On  the  24th  of  February  the  resolution  providing  for  im 
peachment  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  126  yeas  and  47  nays. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  427 

On  the  same  day  Mr.  Stevens  introduced  the  following  reso 
lution,  which  was  agreed  to : 

"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  two  be  appointed  to  go  to  the  Senate 
and,  at  the  bar  thereof,  in  the  name  of  the  House  of  Representatives  and  of 
all  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to  impeach  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  in  office,  and 
acquaint  the  Senate  that  the  House  of  Representatives  will,  in  due  time, 
exhibit  particular  articles  of  impeachment  against  him  and  make  good  the 
same  ;  and  that  the  committee  do  demand  that  the  Senate  take  order  for  the 
appearance  of  said  Andrew  Johnson  to  answer  to  said  impeachment. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  seven  be  appointed  to  prepare  and 
report  articles  of  impeachment  against  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  with  power  to  send  for  persons,  papers,  and  records,  and  to 
take  testimony  under  oath." 

The  speaker  then  announced  the  following  committees 
under  these  resolutions : 

Committee  to  communicate  to  the  Senate  the  action  of  the  House  order 
ing  an  impeachment  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  : — Thaddeus 
Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio. 

Committee  to  declare  articles  of  impeachment  against  the  President  of 
the  United  States  :  —  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts ;  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio  ;  James  F.  Wilson,  of 
Iowa  ;  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois  ;  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana  ;  and 
Hamilton  Ward,  of  New  York. 

The  trial  of  this  impeachment  by  the  Senate  was  an  impos 
ing  spectacle,  which  excited  profound  interest  during  its  cfon- 
tinuance.  It  was  soon  developed  that  the  gravamen  of  the 
charges  was  not  the  removal  of  Stanton,  but  was  the  attempt 
of  the  President  to  force  General  Lorenzo  Thomas  into  a  high 
office  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 

In  the  trial  of  this  impeachment  I  wished  to  be,  and  I  think 
I  was,  absolutely  impartial.  I  liked  the  President  personally 
and  harbored  against  him  none  of  the  prejudice  and  animosity 
of  some  others.  I  knew  he  was  bold  and  rash,  better  fitted  for 
the  storms  of  political  life  than  the  grave  responsibilities  of 
the  chief  magistrate  of  a  grqat  country.  His  education,  such 
as  it  was,  was  acquired  late  in  life,  when  his  character  was 
formed  and  his  habits  fixed.  Still,  his  mind  was  vigorous  and 
his  body  strong,  and  when  thoroughly  aroused  he  was  an  able 


428  RECOLLECTIONS 

speaker ;  his  language  was  forcible  and  apt  and  his  influence 
over  a  popular  audience  was  effective.  I  disliked  above  all 
things  to  be  a  judge  in  his  case.  I  knew  some  of  my  associates 
were  already  against  the  President,  and  others  were  as  decided 
in  his  favor.  I  resolutely  made  up  my  mind,  so  far  as  human 
nature  would  admit,  to  fairly  hear  and  impartially  consider 
all  the  evidence  produced  and  all  the  arguments  made. 

The  counsel  for  the  President  were  Henry  Stanbery,  B.  R. 
Curtis,  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  William  M.  Evarts,  William  S.  Groes- 
beck,  and  Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson.  The  managers  on  the  part  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  were  John  A.  Bingham,  George 
S.  Boutwell,  James  F.  Wilson,  John  A.  Logan,  Thomas  Wil 
liams,  Benjamin  F.  Butler  and  Thaddeus  Stevens.  The  trial 
lasted  nearly  two  months,  was  ably  conducted  on  both  sides, 
and  ended  by  the  acquittal  of  the  President,  on  the  eleventh 
article  of  impeachment,  by  a  vote  of  35  guilty  and  19  not  guilty. 
Two-thirds  of  those  voting  not  having  pronounced  "  guilty,"  as 
required  by  the  constitution,  the  President  was  acquitted  upon 
this  article.  Two  other  articles  were  voted  on  with  the  same 
result.  Thereupon,  on  the  26th  day  of  May,  1868,  the  Senate 
sitting  as  a  court  of  impeachment  adjourned  without  day. 
Mr.  Stanton  resigned  and  General  Schofield  became  Secretary 
of  War. 

I  voted  for  conviction  for  the  reasons  stated  in  the  opin 
ion  given  by  me.  I  have  carefully  reviewed  this  opinion  and 
am  entirely  content  with  it.  I  stated  in  the  beginning  my 
desire  to  consider  the  case  without  bias  or  feeling.  I  quote  in 
full  the  opening  paragraphs: 

"  This  cause  must  be  decided  upon  the  reasons  and  presumptions  which 
by  law  apply  to  all  other  criminal  accusations.  Justice  is  blind  to  the 
official  station  of  the  respondent,  and  to  the  attitude  of  the  accusers  speak 
ing  in  the  name  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States.  It  only  demands  of 
the  Senate  the  application  to  this  cause  of  the  principles  and  safeguards 
provided  for  every  human  being  accused  of  crime.  For  the  proper  appli 
cation  of  these  principles  we  ourselves  are  on  trial  before  the  bar  of  public 
opinion.  The  novelty  of  this  proceeding,  the  historical  character  of  the 
trial,  and  the  grave  interests  involved,  only  deepen  the  obligation  of  the 
special  oath  we  have  taken  to  do  impartial  justice  according  to  the  constitu 
tion  and  laws. 


The  rote  of  the  Senate,  sitting  as  affi^h  Court  of  Impeach 
ment  for  the  trial  of  Jli^^  of  the 
TrnitedStates,uponthellth,2ndaiid3rdArticles. 

Secretary., 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  429 

"And  this  case  must  be  tried  upon  the  charges  now  made  by  the  House 
of  Representatives.  We  cannot  consider  other  offenses.  An  appeal  is  made 
to  the  conscience  of  each  Senator  of  guilty  or  not  guilty  by  the  President 
of  eleven  specific  offenses.  In  answering  this  appeal  a  Senator  cannot  jus 
tify  himself  by  public  opinion,  or  by  political,  personal,  or  partisan  demands, 
or  even  grave  considerations  of  public  policy.  His  conscientious  conviction 
of  the  truth  of  these  charges  is  the  only  test  that  will  justify  a  verdict  of 
guilty.  God  forbid  that  any  other  should  prevail  here.  In  forming  this 
conviction  we  are  not  limited  merely  to  the  rules  of  evidence,  which,  by  the 
experience  of  ages,  have  been  found  best  adapted  to  the  trial  of  offenses  in 
the  double  tribunal  of  court  and  jury,  but  we  may  seek  light  from  history, 
from  personal  knowledge,  and  from  all  sources  that  will  tend  to  form  a  con 
scientious  conviction  of  the  truth.  And  we  are  not  bound  to  technical  defi 
nitions  of  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

"A  willful  violation  of  the  law,  a  gross  and  palpable  breach  of  moral 
obligations  tending  to  unfit  an  officer  for  the  proper  discharge  of  his  office, 
or  to  bring  the  office  into  public  contempt  and  derision,  is,  when  charged 
and  proven,  an  impeachable  offense.  And  the  nature  and  criminality  of 
the  offense  may  depend  on  the  official  character  of  the  accused.  A  judge 
would  be  held  to  higher  official  purity,  and  an  executive  officer  to  a  stricter 
observance  of  the  letter  of  the  law.  The  President,  bound  as  a  citizen  to 
obey  the  law,  and  specially  sworn  to  execute  the  law,  may  properly,  in  his 
high  office  as  chief  magistrate,  be  held  to  a  stricter  responsibility  than  if  his 
example  was  less  dangerous  to  the  public  safety.  Still,  to  justify  the  con 
viction  of  the  President  there  must  be  specific  allegations  of  some  crime  or 
misdemeanor  involving  moral  turpitude,  gross  misconduct,  or  a  willful  vio 
lation  of  law,  and  the  proof  must  be  such  as  to  satisfy  the  conscience  of  the 
truth  of  the  charge. 

"  The  principal  charges  against  the  President  are  that  he  willfully  and 
purposely  violated  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  in  the  order  for  the  re 
moval  of  Mr.  Stanton,  and  in  the  order  for  the  appointment  of  General 
Thomas  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim.  These  two  orders  were  con 
temporaneous —  part  of  the  same  transaction  —  but  are  distinct  acts,  and  are 
made  the  basis  of  separate  articles  of  impeachment." 

I  stated  the  grounds  of  my  conviction  that  the  action  of 
the  President,  in  placing  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  charge  of  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  War,  without  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  was  a  clearly  illegal  act,  committed  for  the  pur 
pose  of  obtaining  control  of  that  office.  I  held  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  the  power  to  remove  Secretary  Stanton,  but  that  he 
had  not  the  power  to  put  anyone  in  his  place  unless  the  per 
son  appointed  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 


430  RECOLLECTIONS 

Did  the  act  of  March  2,  1867,  commonly  known  as  the 
"tenure  of  office  act,"  confer  this  authority?  On  the  con 
trary,  it  plainly  prohibits  all  temporary  appointments  ex 
cept  as  specially  provided  for.  The  third  section  repeats  the 
constitutional  authority  of  the  President  to  fill  all  vacancies 
happening,  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate  by  death  or  resigna 
tion,  and  provides  that  if  no  appointment  is  made  during  the 
following  session  to  fill  such  vacancy,  the  office  shall  remain  in 
abeyance  until  an  appointment  is  duly  made  and  confirmed,  and 
provision  is  made  for  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office  in 
the  meantime.  The  second  section  provides  for  the  suspension 
of  an  officer  during  the  recess,  and  for  a  temporary  appoint 
ment  during  the  recess.  This  power  was  exercised  and  fully  ex 
hausted  by  the  suspension  of  Mr.  Stanton  until  restored  by  the 
Senate,  in  compliance  with  the  law.  No  authority  whatever 
is  conferred  by  this  act  for  any  temporary  appointment  during 
the  session  of  the  Senate,  but,  on  the  contrary,  such  an  ap 
pointment  is  plainly  inconsistent  with  the  act,  and  could  not 
be  inferred  or  implied  from  it.  The  sixth  section  further  pro 
vides  : 

"  That  every  removal,  appointment,  or  employment,  made,  had,  or  exer 
cised,  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  the  making,  signing,  seal 
ing,  countersigning,  or  issuing  of  any  commission  or  letter  of  authority  for, 
or  in  respect  to,  any  such  appointment  or  employment,  shall  be  deemed, 
and  are  hereby  declared  to  be,  high  misdemeanors,  and,  upon  trial  and  con 
viction  thereof,  every  person  guilty  thereof  shall  be  punished  by  a  fine  not 
exceeding  $10,000,  or  by  imprisonment  not  exceeding  five  years,  or  both 
said  punishments,  in  the  discretion  of  the  court." 

This  language  is  plain,  explicit,  and  was  inserted  not  only 
to  prohibit  all  temporary  appointments  except  during  the 
recess,  and  in  the  mode  provided  for  in  the  second  section,  but 
the  unusual  course  was  taken  of  affixing  a  penalty  to  a  law 
defining  the  official  duty  of  the  President.  The  original  bill 
did  not  contain  penal  clauses;  but  it  was  objected  in  the  Sen 
ate  that  the  President  had  already  disregarded  mandatory  pro 
visions  of  law,  and  would  this;  and  therefore,  after  debate, 
these  penal  sections  were  added  to  secure  obedience  to  the 
law,  and  to  give  to  it  the  highest  sanction. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  431 

I  quote  my  view  of  the  action  of  the  President: 

"  Was  not  this  act  willfully  violated  by  the  President  during  the  session 
of  the  Senate? 

"It  appears,  from  the  letter  of  the  President  to  General  Grant, from  his 
conversation  with  General  Sherman,  and  from  his  answer,  that  he  had 
formed  a  fixed  resolve  to  get  rid  of  Mr.  Stanton,  and  fill  the  vacancy  with 
out  the  advice  of  the  Senate.  He  might  have  secured  a  new  Secretary  of 
War  by  sending  a  proper  nomination  to  the  Senate.  This  he  neglected 
and  refused  to  do.  He  cannot  allege  that  the  Senate  refused  to  relieve  him 
from  an  obnoxious  minister.  He  could  not  say  that  the  Senate  refused  to 
confirm  a  proper  appointee,  for  he  would  make  no  appointment  to  them. 
The  Senate  had  declared  that  the  reasons  assigned  for  suspending  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  did  not  make  the  case  required  by  the  tenure  of  office  act,  but  I  affirm 
as  my  conviction  that  the  Senate  would  have  confirmed  any  one  of  a  great 
number  of  patriotic  citizens  if  nominated  to  the  Senate.  I  cannot  resist  the 
conclusion,  from  the  evidence  before  us,  that  he  was  resolved  to  obtain  a 
vacancy  in  the  department  of  war  in  such  a  way  that  he  might  fill  the 
vacancy  by  an  appointment  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  and  in  viola 
tion  of  the  constitution  and  the  law.  This  was  the  purpose  of  the  offer  to 
General  Sherman.  This  was  the  purpose  of  the  appointment  of  General 
Thomas.  If  he  had  succeeded  as  he  hoped,  he  could  have  changed  his 
temporary  appointment  at  pleasure,  and  thus  have  defied  the  authority  of 
the  Senate  and  the  mandatory  provisions  of  the  constitution  and  the  law. 
I  cannot  in  any  other  way  account  for  his  refusal  to  send  a  nomination  to 
the  Senate  until  after  the  appointment  of  General  Thomas.  The  removal 
of  Mr.  Stanton  by  a  new  appointment,  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  would  have 
complied  with  the  constitution.  The  absolute  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton 
would  have  created  a  temporary  vacancy,  but  the  Senate  was  in  session  to 
share  in  the  appointment  of  another.  An  ad  interim  appointment,  without 
authority  of  law,  during  the  session  of  the  Senate,  would  place  the  depart 
ment  of  war  at  his  control  in  defiance  of  the  Senate  and  the  law,  and  would 
have  set  an  evil  example,  dangerous  to  the  public  safety  —  one  which,  if 
allowed  to  pass  unchallenged,  would  place  the  President  above  and  beyond 
the  law. 

"  The  claim  now  made,  that  it  was  the  sole  desire  of  the  President  to 
test  the  constitutionality  of  the  tenure  of  office  act,  is  not  supported  by  rea 
son  or  by  proof.  He  might,  in  August  last,  or  at  any  time  since,  without 
an  ad  interim  appointment,  have  tested  this  law  by  a  writ  of  quo  warranto. 
He  might  have  done  so  by  an  order  of  removal,  and  a  refusal  of  Mr.  Stan- 
ton's  requisitions.  He  might  have  done  so  by  assigning  a  head  of  a  depart 
ment  to  the  place  made  vacant  by  the  order  of  removal.  Such  was  not  his 
purpose  or  expectation.  He  expected  by  the  appointment  of  General  Sher 
man  at  once  to  get  possession  of  the  war  department,  so  when  General 
Thomas  was  appointed  there  was  no  suggestion  of  a  suit  at  law,  until  the 


432  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

unexpected  resistance  of  Mr.  Stanton,  supported  by  the  action  of  the  Sen 
ate,  indicated  that  as  the  only  way  left." 

It  is  difficult  to  convey,  by  extracts,  a  correct  idea  of  a  care 
fully  prepared  opinion,  but  this  statement  shows  my  view  of  the 
case,  and,  entertaining  it,  I  felt  bound,  with  much  regret,  to  vote 
"guilty"  .in  response  to  my  name,  but  I  was  entirely  satisfied 
with  the  result  of  the  vote,  brought  about  by  the  action  of 
several  Republican  Senators.  There  was  some  disposition  to 
arraign  these  Senators  and  to  attribute  their  action  to  corrupt 
motives,  but  there  was  not  the  slightest  ground  for  these  impu 
tations.  Johnson  was  allowed  to  serve  out  his  term,  but  there 
was  a  sense  of  relief  when  General  Grant  was  sworn  into  office 
as  President  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  FORTIETH  CONGRESS. 

Legislation  During  the  Two  Years  —  Further  Reduction  of  the  Currency  by  the 
Secretary  Prohibited  —  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference— Bill  for  Re 
funding   the   National   Debt  — Amounted   to    $2,639,382,572.68  on  De 
cember  1,  1867  —  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  Recommended  — 
Refunding  Bill   in  the  Senate  —  Change  in  My  Views — Debate 
Participated  in  by  Nearly    Every   Senator  — Why  the  Bill 
Failed   to  Become  a   Law  — Breach   Between   Congress 
and  the  President  Paralyzes  Legislation  —  Nomina 
tion  and  Election  of  Grant  for  President  — His 
Correspondence  with   General   Sherman. 

DURING  the  40th  Congress,  extending  from  the  4th  of 
March,  1867,  to  the  4th  of  March,  1869,  the  chief  sub 
jects  of  debase  were  the  contraction  of  the  currency, 
the  refunding  of  the  public  debt,  the  payment  of 
United  States  notes  in  coin,  and  a  revision  of  the  laws  impos 
ing  internal  taxation  and  duties  on  imported  goods. 

Early  in  the  first  session  of  this  Congress,  the  opposition  of 
the  people  to  the  policy  of  contraction,  constantly  pressed  by 
Secretary  McCulloch,  became  so  imperative  that  both  Houses 
determined  to  take  from  him  all  power  to  diminish  the  volume 
of  currency  then  in  circulation.  On  the  5th  of  December,  1867, 
Robert  C.  Schenck,  chairman  of  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  reported  a  bill  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  so  much  of  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  amend 
an  act  to  provide  ways  and  means  to  support  the  government,"  approved 
April  12,  1866,  as  authorizes  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  retire  United 
States  notes  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  $4,000,000  in  any  one  month,  is 
hereby  repealed. 

"  Sec.  2.  And  lye  it  further  enacted,  That  from  and  after  the  passage 
of  this  act  the  further  reduction  of  the  currency  by  retiring  or  canceling 
United  States  notes  shall  be,  and  hereby  is,  prohibited." 

This  bill  was  taken  up  for  consideration  on  the  7th  of 
December,  and,  after  a  brief  debate,  with  little  opposition, 

(433) 


434  RECOLLECTIONS 

passed  the  House  by  the  vote  of  127  yeas  and  32  nays.  It  was 
sent  to  the  Senate,  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  and 
was  carefully  considered.  That  committee,  with  but  two  dis 
senting  voices,  directed  me  to  report  the  bill  to  the  Senate  with 
a  single  amendment.  On  the  9th  of  January,  1868,  I  called  up 
the  bill  for  consideration,  and  made  a  brief  explanation,  in 
which  I  said  the  committee,  after  full  reflection,  had  thought 
proper  to  recommend  the  passage  of  the  bill  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  in  substance  as  it  was  sent  to  us,  only  chang 
ing  the  phraseology.  I  said  that  the  bill  contemplated  further 
legislation  during  that  session.  It  was  understood  by  all  that 
some  more  comprehensive  measures  must  be  adopted  dur 
ing  that  session,  but  until  further  legislation  there  should 
be  no  more  contraction  of  the  currency.  I  thus  stated  the 
reasons  which,  in  my  opinion,  justified  the  passage  of  the 
bill: 

"  First.  It  will  satisfy  the  public  mind  that  no  further  contraction  will 
be  made  when  industry  is  in  a  measure  paralyzed.  We  hear  the  complaint 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  from  all  branches  of  industry,  from  every 
state  in  the  Union,  that  industry  for  some  reason  is  paralyzed,  and  that  trade 
and  enterprise  are  not  so  well  rewarded  as  they  were.  Many,  perhaps 
erroneously,  attribute  all  this  to  the  contraction  of  the  currency — a  contrac 
tion  that  I  believe  is  unexampled  in  the  history  of  any  nation.  $140,000- 
000  have  been  withdrawn  out  of  $737,000,000  in  less  than  two  years.  There 
is  no  example,  that  I  know  of,  of  such  rapid  contraction.  It  may  be  wise,  it 
may  be  beneficial,  but  still  it  has  been  so  rapid  as  to  excite  a  stringency 
that  is  causing  complaint,  and  I  think  the  people  have  a  right  to  be  relieved 
from  that. 

"  Second.  This  bill  will  restore  to  the  legislature  their  power  over  the 
currency,  a  power  too  important  to  be  delegated  to  any  single  officer  of  the 
government.  I  do  not  wish  to  renew  the  discussion  that  occurred  here  two 
years  ago  on  the  passage  of  the  law  of  April  12,  1866;  but  it  is  still  my 
opinion,  as  it  has  been  always,  that  the  question  of  the  amount  of  currency 
ought  to  be  fixed  by  Congress.  We  have  the  power  to  coin  money,  and  to 
regulate  the  value  thereof.  We  have  coined  money  in  the  form  of  paper 
money,  and  certainly  the  power  of  Congress  in  this  respect  ought  not  to  be 
delegated  to  any  single  officer.  If  contraction  ought  to  be  established  as 
the  policy  it  should  be  by  Congress,  not  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  it  is  not  wise  to  confer  upon  any  officer  of  the  government  a  power  of 
this  kind,  which  can  be  and  may  be  properly  controlled  and  limited  by 
Congress. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  435 

"  Third.  This  will  strongly  impress  upon  Congress  the  imperative  duty 
of  acting  wisely  upon  financial  measures,  for  the  responsibility  will  then 
rest  entirely  upon  Congress,  and  will  not  be  shared  with  them  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  Fourth.  It  will  encourage  business  men  to  continue  old,  and  embark 
in  new,  enterprises,  when  they  are  assured  that  no  change  will  be  made  in 
the  measure  of  value  without  the  open  and  deliberate  consent  of  their 
representatives. 

"  These  considerations  are  amply  sufficient  to  justify  this  measure,  but 
it  is  only  preliminary  to  others  of  far  greater  importance  that  must  command 
our  attention.  These  involve  — 

"  1.  The  existence  of  the  banking  system  of  the  United  States. 

"  2.  The  time  and  manner  of  resuming  specie  payments. 

"  3.  The  mode  of  redeeming  the  debt  of  the  United  States  and  the 
kind  of  money  in  which  it  may  be  redeemed ;  and,  in  this  connection,  the 
taxes,  if  any,  that  may  be  levied  upon  the  public  creditors. 

"  4.  Such  a  reduction  of  our  expenditures  and  taxes  as  will  relieve  our 
constituents,  as  far  as  practicable,  from  the  burdens  resulting  from  the  re 
cent  war." 

This  led  to  a  long  debate,  which  continued  until  the  15th  of 
January,  when  the  bill,  as  amended,  passed  by  a  vote  of  33  yeas 
and  4  nays. 

These  decisive  votes  against  contraction  definitely  settled 
the  policy  of  the  government  to  retain  in  circulation  the  then 
existing  volume  of  United  States  notes.  The  disagreement  be 
tween  the  two  Houses  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  confer 
ence,  and  the  conferees  reported  the  bill  in  the  following  form : 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  ^Representatives  of  the 
United  /States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled, 

"  That,  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  the  authority  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  to  make  any  reduction  of  the  currency,  by  retiring 
or  canceling  United  States  notes,  shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  suspended ;  but 
nothing  herein  contained  shall  prevent  the  cancellation  and  destruction  of 
mutilated  United  States  notes,  and  the  replacing  of  the  same  with  notes  of 
the  same  character  and  amount." 

This  bill  was  sent  to  the  President,  and,  not  having  been 
returned  by  him  within  ten  days,  it  became  a  law  without  his 
approval,  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  1867,  I  reported  from  the  com 
mittee  on  finance  a  bill  for  refunding  the  national  debt  and 
for  a  conversion  of  the  notes  of  the  United  States.  This  bil] 


436  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  accompanied  by  an  elaborate  report.  This  report  was 
carefully  prepared  by  me,  and  met,  I  believe,  the  general  ap 
proval  of  the  committee  on  finance.  In  that  Congress  there 
were  but  five  Democratic  Senators,  and  it  so  happened  that  all 
the  members  of  the  committee  on  finance  were  Republicans, 
but  these  represented  widely  different  opinions  on  financial 
subjects.  I  undertook,  in  this  report,  to  deal  in  a  general  way 
with  these  topics.  Upon  a  careful  reading  of  it  now  I  find  but 
little  that  I  do  not  approve.  The  general  policy  set  out  in  this 
report  was  subsequently  embodied  into  laws,  but  the  measures 
relating  to  refunding  the  debt  and  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments  were  not  adopted  until  several  years  after  the  date 
of  the  report. 

The  ascertained  debt  on  the  first  day  of  December,  1867,  as 
stated  by  the  Secretary  of  .the  Treasury,  was  $2,639,382,572.68, 
divided  as  follows : 

DEBT    BEARING    COIN    INTEREST. 

5  per  cent,  bonds,  10-40's  and  old  fives  $205,532,850  00 

6  per  cent,  bonds  of  1867  and  1868 .  . .        14,690,941  80 

6  per  cent,  bonds,  1881 282,731,550  00 

6  per  cent.  5-20  bonds 1,324,412,550  00 

Navy  pension  fund 13,000,000  00 

-  $1,840,367,891  80 

DEBT  BEARING  CURRENCY  INTEREST. 

6  per  cent,  bonds 18,601,000  00 

3-year  compound  interest  notes 62,249,360  00 

3-year  7-30  notes 285,587,100  00 

3  per  cent,  certificates 12,855,000  00 

$379,292,460  00 

MATURED    DEBT    NOT    PRESENTED    FOR    PAYMENT. 

3-year  7-30  notes,  due  August  15, 1867  $2,855,400  00 

Compound  interest  notes,  matured  June 
10,  July  15,  August  15,  and  Octo 
ber  15,  1867 7,065,750  00 

Bonds,  Texas  indemnity 260,000  00 

Treasury  notes,  acts  July  17,  1861  and 

prior  thereto 163,011  64 

Bonds,  April  15,  1842 54,061  64 

Treasury  notes,  March  3,  1863 868,240  00 

Temporary    loan 2,880,900  55 

Certificates  of  indebtedness 31,000  00 

$14,178,363  83 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  437 


DEBT  BEARING  NO  INTEREST. 


United  States  notes $356,212,473  00 

Fractional    currency 30,929,984  05 

Gold  certificates  of"  deposit 18,401,400  00 

$405,543,857  05 


Total  debt $2,639,382,572  68 

Amount  in   treasury,  coin $100,690,645  69 

Amount  in  treasury,  currency 37,486,175  24 

138,176,820  93 


Amount  of  debt  less  cash  in  treasury $2,501,205,751   75 

Besides  the  amounts  thus  stated  there  were  large  balances 
due  to  loyal  states,  upon  accounts  not  then  rendered  or  ascer 
tained,  and  to  individuals  for  losses  sustained  during  the  war. 

The  ascertained  debt  consisted  of  twenty  different  forms  of 
liability,  some  payable  in  coin  and  some  in  lawful  money. 
Much  of  this  debt  was  due  on  demand,  but  the  great  body  of 
it  was  payable  in  from  one  to  twenty  years,  while  the  unascer 
tained  debt  was  being  stated  from  time  to  time  and  had  to  be 
met  from  accruing  revenues.  Nearly  $300,000,000  of  debt  had 
been  paid  out  of  current  revenue  since  the  close  of  the  war. 
The  first  recommendation  of  the  committee  was  that  the  debt 
should  be  refunded  as  rapidly  as  practicable  into  bonds  bearing 
as  low  a  rate  of  interest  as  possible,  payable  in  twenty  or  thirty 
years,  but  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  in 
five  or  ten  years.  This  recommendation  was  based  on  the  fixed 
policy  of  the  government  to  limit  the  duration  of  a  bond  with 
in  a  lifetime,  and  thus  leave  it  to  the  option  of  the  government 
to  pay  its  indebtedness  and  to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest  after 
a  brief  period,  if  the  condition  of  the  public  revenues  and  of 
the  money  market  should  enable  it  to  do  so. 

Here  the  question  arose  whether  the  bonds  known  as  the 
5-20  bonds  could  be  paid  in  lawful  money  after  the  period  of 
five  years,  when,  by  their  terms,  they  were  redeemable.  These 
bonds  promised  to  pay  so  many  dollars.  Other  bonds  were  spe 
cifically  payable  in  coin,  and  still  other  bonds  were  payable  in 
lawful  money;  that  is,  in  United  States  notes.  These  notes 
were  then  at  a  discount,  being  worth  in  the  market  about  88 
cents  in  coin.  But  the  notes  were  obligations  of  the  United 

S— 31 


438  RECOLLECTIONS 

States,  and  it  was  the  duty,  and  then  within  the  power  of  the 
United  States,  to  advance  these  notes  to  par  in  coin. 

The  majority  of  the  committee,  I  among  them,  believed 
that  the  United  States  should  not  take  advantage  of  its  own 
wrong,  in  not  redeeming  its  notes  in  coin,  but  should  either 
advance  these  notes  to  par  in  coin,  or  pay  its  bonds  in  coin. 
The  committee,  therefore,  recommended  that  both  the  notes 
and  bonds  should  be  received  in  exchange  for  the  funding 
bonds,  and  that  the  notes  should  be  reissued  and  maintained 
at  par  with  coin,  and  be  supported  by  a  reserve  of  coin  ample 
to  maintain  the  notes  at  par  with  coin.  In  other  words,  the 
United  States  would  resume  specie  payments.  The  committee 
expressed  the  opinion  that,  with  the  system  of  taxation  then 
in  existence,  this  policy  of  refunding  and  resumption  could  be 
maintained,  and  that  the  rate  of  interest  then  paid  could  be 
reduced  to  four  or  five  per  cent.,  and  the  money  then  in  circu 
lation  would  be  kept  at  par  with  coin  at  the  cost  only  of  the 
interest  on  the  bullion  and  coin  held  to  meet  any  notes  pre 
sented  for  redemption.  The  committee  also  recommended 
that  the  internal  and  tariff  taxes  be  revised  to  correct  irregu 
larities  or  defects,  and  to  repeal  such  as  were  oppressive. 

While  the  committee  opposed  any  contraction  of  the  cur 
rency  it  also  opposed  any  increase  of  it.  The  general  theory 
of  the  report  was  to  advance  both  bonds  and  notes  to  par  in 
coin,  and  to  issue  bonds  in  such  form  and  terms  that  the  gov 
ernment  could  redeem  them,  or  renew  them  at  lower  rates  of 
interest. 

The  report  states : 

"  Your  committee  are  therefore  of  opinion  that  no  legal  tender  notes, 
beyond  the  amount  now  limited  by  law,  should  be  issued  under  any 
pressure  of  financial  or  political  necessity  until  they  are  convertible  into 
gold  and  silver.  Our  duty  is  to  elevate  the  '  greenback,'  the  standard  of 
national  credit,  to  the  standard  of  gold,  the  money  of  the  world.  Until 
then  we  are  not  on  a  substantial  foundation.  Let  us  make  the  dollar  of  our 
promise  in  the  pocket  of  a  laboring  man  equal  to  the  dollar  of  our  mint. 
The  rapidity  of  the  process  is  a  question  of  public  policy.  It  may  be  by 
gradually  diminishing  the  volume  of  currency,  or  be  left  at  its  present 
amount  until  increased  business  or  improved  credit  bring  it  up  to  the 
specie  standard." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  439 

The  refunding  bill  was  taken  up  by  the  Senate  on  the  27th 
of  February,  1868,  and  was  fully  discussed  by  me.  After  stat 
ing  its  general  objects  I  said : 

"  It  is  with  this  view,  and  actuated  by  this  principle,  that  the  committee 
on  finance  have  endeavored  to  make  this  bill  a  bill  of  relief,  reducing,  if 
possible,  consistent  with  the  public  faith,  the  interest  of  the  public  debt, 
and  giving  increased  value  to  United  States  notes.  We  have  endeavored 
in  this  bill  to  accomplish  three  results  :  First,  to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest 
with  the  voluntary  consent  of  the  holders  of  our  securities  ;  second,  to  make 
a  distinct  provision  for  the  payment  of  the  public  debt ;  and  third,  to  give 
increased  value  to  United  States  notes,  and  to  provide  for  a  gradual  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments.  All  these  are  objects  admitted  to  be  of  the 
highest  importance.  The  only  question  is,  whether  the  measure  proposed 
tends  to  accomplish  them." 

I  then  quoted  the  example  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  in  reducing  the  rate  of  interest  on  public  securities.  I 
do  not  approve  all  I  said  in  that  speech.  It  has  been  fre 
quently  quoted  as  being  inconsistent  with  my  opinions  and  ac 
tion  at  a  later  period.  It  is  more  important  to  be  right  than 
to  be  consistent.  I  then  proposed  to  use  the  doubt  expressed 
by  many  people  as  to  the  right  of  the  government  to  redeem 
the  5-20  bonds  in  the  legal  tender  money  in  circulation  when 
the  bonds  were  sold,  as  an  inducement  to  the  holders  of  bonds 
to  convert  them  into  securities  bearing  a  less  rate  of  interest 
but  specifically  payable  in  coin.  Upon  this  policy  I  changed 
my  opinion.  I  became  convinced  that  it  was  neither  right 
nor  expedient  to  pay  these  bonds  in  money  less  valuable  than 
coin,  that  the  government  ought  not  to  take  advantage  of  its 
neglect  to  resume  specie  payments  after  the  war  was  over,  by 
refusing  the  payment  of  the  bonds  with  coin.  I  acted  on  this 
conviction  when  years  afterwards  the  resumption  act  was 
adopted,  and  the  beneficial  results  from  this  action  fully  justi 
fied  my  change  of  opinion. 

The  debate  on  this  bill  was  participated  in  by  nearly  every 
Senator,  and  was  conceded  to  be  the  most  comprehensive  and 
instructive  debate  on  financial  questions  for  many  years. 

The  bill,  as  it  then  stood,  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  issue  registered  or  coupon  bonds  of  the  United 
States,  in  such  form  and  of  such  denominations  as  he  might 


440  RECOLLECTIONS 

prescribe,  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  coin,  and  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi- 
annually,  such  bonds  to  be  payable  forty  years  from  date  and 
to  be  redeemable  in  coin  after  ten  years. 

It  authorized  the  exchange  of  the  bonds  commonly  known 
as  the  5-20  bonds  for  the  bonds  authorized  by  that  bill.  It 
also  authorized  the  holders  of  United  States  notes  to  the 
amount  of  $1,000,  or  any  multiple  of  that  sum,  to  convert  them 
into  the  five  per  cent,  bonds  provided  for  by  the  bill.  This  bill 
passed  the  Senate  on  the  14th  of  July,  1868.  It  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives  soon  after,  with  amendments  that 
were  disagreed  to  by  the  Senate.  The  bill  and  amendments 
were  referred  to  a  conference  committee  which  reported  a 
modified  bill  which  passed  both  Houses  and  was  sent  to  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  but  at  so  late  a  period  of  the  session  that  it  was 
not  approved  by  him  and  thus  failed  to  become  a  law. 

The  committee  on  finance  at  the  next  and  closing  session  of 
that  Congress  deemed  it  useless  to  report  another  funding  bill, 
and  on  the  16th  of  December,  1868,  I  reported,  by  direction  of 
that  committee,  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate,  That  neither  public  policy  nor  the  good  faith 
of  the  nation  will  allow  the  redemption  of  the  5-20  bonds  until  the  United 
States  shall  perform  its  primary  duty  of  paying  its  notes  in  coin  or  making 
them  equivalent  thereto  ;  and  measures  shall  be  adopted  by  Congress  to  se 
cure  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  at  as  early  a  period  as  practicable." 

This  resolution  was  the  foundation  of  the  act  "to  strengthen 
the  public  credit,"  the  first  act  subsequently  adopted  in  Gen 
eral  Grant's  administration.  Neither  this  nor  any  other  finan 
cial  measure  was  pressed  to  a  conclusion,  as  we  knew  that  any 
measure  that  would  be  sanctioned  by  Congress  would  probably 
be  vetoed  by  the  President.  This,  however,  did  not  stop  the 
almost  continous  financial  debate  which  extended  to  currency, 
banking,  funding  and  taxation.  The  drift  of  opinion  was  in 
favor  of  resumption  without  contraction,  and  funding  at  low 
rates  of  interest  on  a  coin  basis.  The  wide  breach  between 
Congress  and  the  President  paralyzed  legislation.  But  one 
vital  question  had  been  settled,  that  no  further  contraction  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  441 

the  currency  should  occur ;  and  it  was  well  settled,  though  not 
embodied  in  law,  that  no  question  would  be  made  as  to  the 
payment  of  bonds  in  coin. 

While  Congress  was  drifting  to  a  sound  financial  policy, 
the  President  and  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  were  wide 
ly  divergent,  the  former  in  favor  of  repudiation,  and  the 
latter  in  favor  of  paying  and  canceling  all  United  States 
notes. 

President  Johnson,  in  his  last  annual  message  to  Congress, 
on  the  9th  of  December,  1868,  substantially  recommended  a 
repudiation  of  the  bonds  of  the  United  States,  as  follows : 

"  Upon  this  statement  of  facts  it  would  seem  but  just  and  equitable 
that  the  six  per  cent,  interest  now  paid  by  the  government  should  be  ap 
plied  to  the  reduction  of  the  principal  in  semi-annual  installments,  which  in 
sixteen  years  and  eight  months  would  liquidate  the  entire  national  debt. 
Six  per  cent,  in  gold  would,  at  present  rates,  be  equal  to  nine  per  cent,  in 
currency,  and  equivalent  to  the  payment  of  the  debt  one  and  a  half  times  in 
a  fraction  less  than  seventeen  years.  This,  in  connection  with  the  other 
advantages  derived  from  their  investment,  would  afford  to  the  public  cred 
itors  a  fair  and  liberal  compensation  for  the  use  of  their  capital,  and  with 
this  they  should  be  satisfied.  The  lessons  of  the  past  admonish  the  lender 
that  it  is  not  well  to  be  over  anxious  in  exacting  from  the  borrower  rigid 
compliance  with  the  letter  of  the  bond." 

While  the  President  wished  to  apply  the  interest  on  the 
United  States  bonds  to  the  redemption  of  the  principal,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  pressing  for  the  restoration  of 
the  specie  standard.  I  quote  from  his  report  to  Congress, 
made  on  the  same  day  the  message  of  the  President  was 
sent  us: 

"  The  first  and  most  important  of  these  measures  are  those  which  shall 
bring  about,  without  unnecessary  delay,  the  restoration  of  the  specie  stand 
ard.  The  financial  difficulties  under  which  the  country  is  laboring  may  be 
traced  directly  to  the  issue,  and  continuance  in  circulation,  of  irredeemable 
promises  as  lawful  money.  The  country  will  not  be  really  and  reliably 
prosperous  until  there  is  a  return  to  specie  payments.  The  question  of  a 
solvent,  convertible  currency,  underlies  all  other  financial  and  economical 
questions.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  fundamental  question  ;  and  until  it  is  settled, 
and  settled  in  accordance  with  the  teachings  of  experience,  all  attempts  at 
other  financial  and  economical  reforms  will  either  fail  absolutely,  or  be  but 


442  RECOLLECTIONS 

partially  successful.  A  sound  currency  is  the  lifeblood  of  a  commercial 
nation.  If  this  is  debased  the  whole  current  of  its  commercial  life  must  be 
disordered  and  irregular.  The  starting  point  in  reformatory  legislation 
must  be  here.  Our  debased  currency  must  be  retired  or  raised  to  the  par 
of  specie,  or  cease  to  be  lawful  money,  before  substantial  progress  can  be 
made  with  other  reforms." 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  manifest  that  no  wise 
financial  legislation  could  be  secured  until  General  Grant 
should  become  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Eepublican  national  convention  met  at  the  city  of 
Chicago,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1868.  It  declared  its  approval 
of  the  reconstruction  policy  of  Congress,  denounced  all  forms 
of  repudiation  as  a  national  crime,  and  pledged  the  nation 
al  good  faith  to  all  creditors  at  home  and  abroad,  to  pay  all 
public  indebtedness,  not  only  according  to  the  letter,  but 
the  spirit,  of  the  law.  It  favored  the  extension  of  the  national 
debt  over  a  fair  period  for  redemption,  and  the  reduction  of 
the  rate  of  interest  whenever  it  could  be  honestly  made.  It 
arraigned,  with  severity,  the  treachery  of  Andrew  Johnson, 
and  deplored  the  tragic  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  en 
tire  resolutions  were  temperate  in  tone;  they  embodied  the 
recognized  policy  of  the  Eepublican  party,  and  made  no  issue 
on  which  Republicans  were  divided. 

The  real  issue  was  not  one  of  measures,  but  of  men.  The 
nomination  of  General  Grant  for  President,  and  of  Schuyler 
Colfax  for  Vice  President,  upon  the  basis  of  reconstruction  by 
loyal  men,  was  antagonized  by  the  nomination,  by  the  Demo- 
ocratic  convention,  of  Horatio  Seymour  for  President  and  Fran 
cis  P.  Blair  for  Vice  President,  upon  the  basis  of  universal 
amnesty,  and  immediate  restoration  to  power,  in  the  states 
lately  in  rebellion,  of  the  men  who  had  waged  war  against  the 
government. 

In  this  contest,  Grant  was  the  representative  Union  soldier 
of  the  war,  and  Seymour  was  the  special  representative  of  the 
opponents  in  the  north  to  the  war.  Grant  received  197  elec 
toral  votes,  and  Seymour  72. 

A  few  hours  in  advance  of  the  meeting  of  the  national 
convention,  there  was  a  great  mass  meeting  of  soldiers 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  443 

and  sailors  of  the  war,  a  delegation  from  whom,  headed 
by  General  Lucius  Fairchild,  of  Wisconsin,  entered  the  con 
vention  after  its  organization  and  presented  this  resolu 
tion: 

"  Resolved,  That  as  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  steadfast  now  as  ever  to  the 
Union  and  the  flag,  fully  recognize  the  claims  of  Gen.  Ulysses  S.  Grant  to 
the  confidence  of  the  American  people,  and  believing  that  the  victories 
won  under  his  guidance  in  war  will  be  illustrated  by  him  in  peace  by  such 
measures  as  will  secure  the  fruits  of  our  exertions  and  restore  the  Union 
upon  a  loyal  basis,  we  declare  our  deliberate  conviction  that  he  is  the  choice 
of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Union  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States." 

This  resolution  was  received  with  great  applause.  Henry 
S.  Lane,  of  Indiana,  leaped  upon  a  chair,  and  moved  to  nomi 
nate  Grant  by  acclamation.  This  was  done  without  rules  and 
amid  great  excitement. 

I  need  not  say  that  I  gave  to  General  Grant  my  cordial  and 
active  support.  From  the  beginning  of  the  canvass  to  the  end, 
there  was  no  doubt  about  the  result.  I  spoke  in  his  behalf  in 
several  states  and  had  frequent  letters  from  him.  Assuming 
that  his  election  was  already  foreordained,  I  invited  him  to 
stop  with  me  at  Mansfield,  on  his  way  to  Washington,  and 
received  from  him  the  following  autograph  letter,  which, 
though  dated  at  the  Headquarters,  Army  of  the  United  States, 
was  written  at  Galena,  Illinois : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  26,  1868.  \ 

DEAR  SENATOR  :  —  Your  invitation  to  Mrs.  Grant  and  myself  to  break 
our  journey  east  and  spend  a  day  or  two  with  you  was  duly  received,  and 
should  have  been  sooner  acknowledged.  I  thank  you  for  the  invitation 
and  would  gladly  accept  it,  but  my  party  will  be  large  and  having  a  special 
car  it  will  inconvenience  so  many  people  to  stop  over.  Mrs.  Grant  too  and 
her  father  are  anxious,  when  they  start,  to  get  through  to  Washington 
before  they  unpack.  Yours  truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

HON.  J.  SHERMAN,  U,  S.  S. 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  a  letter  to  General  Sherman, 
which  was  referred  to  me  by  the  latter.  I  regard  this  letter, 
which  exhibits  clearly  the  cordial  relations  existing,  at  the 


444  RECOLLECTIONS 

time,  between  these  two  men,  as  of  sufficient  interest  to  justify 
its  publication: 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  26,  1868.  J 

DEAR  GENERAL  :- — Your  letter  inclosing  one  from  your  brother  was  duly 
received.  As  I  did  not  want  to  change  your  determination  in  regard  to  the 
publication  pf  the  correspondence  between  us,  and  am  getting  to  be  a  little 
lazy,  I  have  been  slow  in  answering.  I  had  forgotten  what  my  letter  to 
you  said  but  did  remember  that  you  spoke  of  the  probable  course  the 
Ewings  \vould  take,  or  something  about  them  which  you  would  not  prob 
ably  want  published  with  the  letters.  The  fact  is,  general,  I  never  wanted 
the  letters  published  half  so  much  on  my  own  account  as  yours.  There  are 
a  great  many  people  who  do  not  understand  as  I  do  your  friendship  for  me. 
I  do  not  believe  it  will  make  any  difference  to  you  in  the  end,  but  I  do  fear 
that,  in  case  I  am  elected,  there  will  be  men  to  advocate  the  '  abolition  of  the 
general '  bill  who  will  charge,  in  support  of  their  motion,  lack  of  evidence 
that  you  supported  the  Union  cause  in  the  canvass.  I  would  do  all  I  could 
to  prevent  any  such  legislation,  and  believe  that  without  my  doing  anything 
the  confidence  in  you  is  too  genuine  with  the  great  majority  of  Congress 
for  any  such  legislation  to  succeed.  If  anything  more  should  be  necessary 
to  prove  the  falsity  of  such  an  assumption  the  correspondence  between  us 
heretofore  could  then  be  produced. 

I  agree  with  you  that  Sheridan  should  be  let  alone  to  prosecute  the  In 
dian  War  to  its  end.  If  no  treaty  is  made  with  the  Indians  until  they  can 
hold  out  no  longer  we  can  dictate  terms,  and  they  will  then  keep  them. 
This  is  the  course  that  has  been  pursued  in  the  northwest,  where  Crook  has 
prosecuted  war  in  his  own  way,  and  now  a  white  man  can  travel  through  all 
that  country  with  as  much  security  as  if  there  was  not  an  Indian  in  it. 

I  have  concluded  not  to  return  to  Washington  until  after  the  election. 
I  shall  go  very  soon  after  that  event,  however.  My  family  are  all  well  and 
join  me  in  respects  to  Mrs.  Sherman  and  the  children. 

Yours  truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

LT.  GEN.  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  Army. 

In  the  spring  of  1871  there  was  a  good  deal  of  feeling 
against  Grant,  and  some  opposition  indicated  to  his  renomi- 
nation  for  the  presidency.  Several  influential  papers  had 
recommended  the  nomination  of  General  Sherman,  who  then, 
as  always  afterwards,  had  resolutely  announced  his  pur 
pose  not  to  allow  his  name  to  be  used  in  connection  with  the 
office  of  President.  This  suggestion  arose  out  of  the  feeling  that 
injustice  had  been  done  to  General  Sherman  by  the  Secretary  of 
War,  Mr.  Belknap,  who  practically  ignored  him,  and  issued 


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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  445 

orders  in  the  name  of  the  President,  greatly  interfering  with 
the  personnel  of  the  army.  This  led  to  the  transfer  of  General 
Sherman  from  Washington  to  St.  Louis.  General  Sherman 
made  no  complaint  of  Grant,  who  had  the  power  to  con 
trol  the  action  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  the  general 
impression  prevailed  that  the  friendly  relations  that  had  al 
ways  subsisted  between  the  President  and  General  Sherman 
had  been  disturbed,  but  this  was  not  true.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  Grant,  in  the  following  letter,  stated  truthfully  his  per 
fect  willingness  that  General  Sherman  should,  if  he  wished, 
be  made  his  successor  as  President : 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J.,  June  14,  1871. 

DEAR  SENATOR: — Being  absent  at  West  Point  until  last  evening,  for  the 
last  week,  your  letter  of  the  5th  inst.,  inclosing  one  to  you  from  General  Sher 
man,  is  only  just  received.  Under  no  circumstances  would  I  publish  it ;  and 
now  that  the  'New  York  Herald'  has  published  like  statements  from  him 
it  is  particularly  unnecessary.  I  think  his  determination  never  to  give  up 
his  present  position  a  wise  one,  for  his  own  comfort,  and  the  public,  knowing 
it,  will  relieve  him  from  the  suspicion  of  acting  and  speaking  with  reference 
to  the  effect  his  acts  and  sayings  may  have  upon  his  claims  for  political  pre 
ferment.  If  he  should  ever  change  his  mind,  however,  no  one  has  a  better 
right  than  he  has  to  aspire  to  anything  within  the  gift  of  the  American 
people.  Very  truly  yours, 

HON.  J.  SHERMAN,  IT.  S.  S.  U.  S.  GRANT. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 
BEGINNING  OF   GRANT'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

His  Arrival  at  Washington  in  1864  to  Take  Command  of  the  Armies  of  the  United 
States  —  Inaugural  Address  as  President  —  "An  Act  to  Strengthen  the  Public 
Credit"  Becomes  a  Law  on  March  19,  3869  — Formation  of  the  Presi 
dent's  Cabinet  —  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution — Bill  to 
Fund  the  Public  Debt  and  to  Aid  in  the  Resumption  of  Specie 
Payment  — Bill  Finally  Agreed  to  by  the  House  and  Sen 
ate  —  A    Redemption     Stipulation    Omitted  —  Reduc 
tion  of  the  Public  Debt— Problem  of  Advancing 
United  States   Notes  to  Par  with  Coin. 

PRESIDENT  Grant  entered  into  his  high  office  without 
any  experience  in  civil  life.  In  his  training  he  was  a 
soldier.  His  education  at  West  Point,  his  services  as 
a  subordinate  officer  in  the  Mexican  War,  and  as  the 
principal  officer  in  the  Civil  War  of  the  Rebellion,  had  demon 
strated  his  capacity  as  a  soldier,  but  he  was  yet  to  be  tested  in 
civil  life,  where  his  duties  required  him  to  deal  with  problems 
widely  differing  from  those  he  had  successfully  performed  in 
military  life.  I  do  not  recall  when  I  first  met  him,  but  am 
confident  it  was  before  his  coming  to  Washington,  in  March, 
1864,  to  take  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States. 
His  arrival  in  Washington  then  was  not  generally  known  until 
he  entered  the  dining  hall  at  Willard's  hotel.  He  came  in 
alone,  and  was  modestly  looking  for  a  vacant  seat  when  I  rec 
ognized  him  and  went  to  him  and  invited  him  to  a  seat  at  my 
table.  He  quietly  accepted,  and  then  the  word  soon  passed 
among  the  many  guests  at  the  tables,  that  General  Grant  was 
there,  and  something  like  an  ovation  was  given  him.  His  face 
was  unknown,  but  his  name  and  praise  had  been  sounded  for 
two  years  throughout  the  civilized  world.  His  coming  to  take 
full  command  of  the  Union  forces  was  an  augury  of  success  to 
every  loyal  citizen  of  the  United  States.  His  personal  mem 
oirs,  written  in  the  face  of  death,  tell  the  story  of  his  life  in 

(446) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  447 

a  modest  way,  without  pretension  or  guile.  I  am  not  sure  that 
he  added  to  his  fame  by  his  eight  years  of  service  as  President 
of  the  United  States,  but  what  he  did  in  subduing  the  Kebel- 
lion  will  always  keep  his  name  among  those  of  the  greatest 
benefactors  of  his  country.  He  was  elected  because  of  his 
military  services,  and  would  have  been  elected  in  1868  by  any 
party  that  put  him  in  nomination,  without  respect  to  platform 
or  creed. 

He  opened  his  inaugural  address  with  these  words: 

"Your  suffrages  having  elected  me  to  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  I  have,  in  conformity  with  the  constitution  of  our  country, 
taken  the  oath  of  office  prescribed  therein.  I  have  taken  this  oath  without 
mental  reservation  and  with  the  determination  to  do  to  the  best  of  my  abil 
ity  all  that  it  requires  of  me.  The  responsibilities  of  the  position  I  feel  but 
accept  them  without  fear.  The  office  has  come  to  me  unsought.  I  com 
mence  its  duties  untrammeled.  I  bring  to  it  a  conscientious  desire  and  de 
termination  to  fill  it  to  the  best  of  my  ability  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
people. 

"On  all  leading  questions  agitating  the  public  mind  I  will  always  ex 
press  my  views  to  Congress,  and  urge  them  according  to  my  judgment ; 
and  when  I  think  it  advisable  wrill  exercise  the  constitutional  privilege  of 
interposing  a  veto  to  defeat  measures  which  I  oppose.  But  all  laws  will  be 
faithfully  executed  whether  they  meet  my  approval  or  not. 

"  I  shall  on  all  subjects  have  a  policy  to  recommend,  but  none  to  enforce 
against  the  will  of  the  people.  Laws  are  to  govern  all  alike,  those  opposed 
as  well  as  those  who  favor  them.  I  know  no  method  to  secure  the  repeal 
of  bad  or  obnoxious  laws  so  effective  as  their  stringent  execution." 

And  closed  with  these  words : 

"  In  conclusion  I  ask  patient  forbearance  one  toward  another  through 
out  the  land,  and  a  determined  effort  on  the  part  of  every  citizen  to  do  his 
share  toward  cementing  a  happy  Union  ;  and  I  ask  the  prayers  of  the  nation 
to  Almighty  God  in  behalf  of  this  consummation." 

I  believe  he  strictly  performed  what  he  thought  was  his 
duty,  and  if  he  erred,  it  was  from  a  want  of  experience  in  the 
complicated  problems  of  our  form  of  government.  The  execu 
tive  department  of  a  republic  like  ours  should  be  subordinate 
to  the  legislative  department.  The  President  should  obey  and 
enforce  the  laws,  leaving  to  the  people  the  duty  of  correcting 
any  errors  committed  by  their  representatives  in  Congress. 


448  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  first  act  of  the  41st  Congress,  entitled  "An  act  to 
strengthen  the  public  credit,"  was  introduced  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  by  General  Schenck,  on  the  12th  of  March, 
1869,  and  was  passed  the  same  day.  It  came  to  the  Senate  on 
the  15th  of  March,  and,  on  my  motion,  was  substituted  for  a 
similar  MU,  reported  from  the  committee  on  finance,  and,  after 
a  brief  debate,  was  passed  by  the  decisive  vote  of  42  yeas  and 
13  nays,  as  follows: 

"  That  in  order  to  remove  any  doubt  as  to  the  purpose  of  the  govern 
ment  to  discharge  all  just  obligations  to  the  public  creditors,  and  to  settle 
conflicting  questions  and  interpretations  of  the  laws  by  virtue  of  which 
said  obligations  have  been  contracted,  it  is  hereby  provided  and  declared 
that  the  faith  of  the  United  States  is  solemnly  pledged  to  the  payment  in 
coin,  or  its  equivalent,  of  all  obligations  of  the  United  States  not  bearing 
interest,  known  as  United  States  notes,  and  of  all  interest-bearing  obliga 
tions  of  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  where  the  law  authorizing  the 
issue  of  any  such  obligations  has  expressly  provided  that  the  same  may  be 
paid  in  lawful  money  or  other  currency  than  gold  and  silver.  But  none  of 
said  interest-bearing  obligations  not  already  due  shall  be  redeemed  or  paid 
before  maturity,  unless  at  such  time  United  States  notes  shall  be  convertible 
into  coin  at  the  option  of  the  holder,  or  unless  at  such  time  bonds  of  the 
United  States  bearing  a  lower  rate  of  interest  than  the  bonds  to  be  re 
deemed  can  be  sold  at  par  in  coin.  And  the  United  States  also  solemnly 
pledges  its  faith  to  make  provision,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  for  the 
redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin." 

It  was  approved  by  the  President  and  became  a  law  on  the 
19th  of  March.  Thus  the  controversy  as  to  the  payment  of 
bonds  in  coin  was  definitely  decided. 

But  little  else  of  importance  was  done  by  Congress  during 
this  session.  The  usual  general  appropriation  bill  for  the 
Indian  department  having  failed  in  the  previous  Congress,  a 
bill  for  that  purpose  was  introduced  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  and  became  a  law  on  the  10th  of  April.  The  bill  to 
provide  for  deficiencies  was  passed  on  the  same  day.  A  change 
was  made  in  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits  and  tobacco,  and  pro 
vision  was  made  for  submitting  the  constitutions  of  Virginia, 
Mississippi  and  Texas  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  A  number  of 
measures  of  local  importance  were  passed,  and,  on  the  10th  of 
April,  the  Congress  adjourned  without  day. 


U.  S.  GRANT. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  449 

The  Senate  convened  in  pursuance  of  a  proclamation  of  the 
President  immediately  on  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  and  aft 
er  a  few  days,  confined  mainly  to  executive  business,  adjourned. 

The  early  movements  of  Grant  as  President  were  very 
discouraging.  His  attempt  to  form  a  cabinet  without  con 
sultation  with  anyone,  and  with  very  little  knowledge,  ex 
cept  social  intercourse  with  the  persons  appointed,  created  a 
doubt  that  he  would  not  be  as  successful  as  a  President  as  he 
had  been  as  a  general,  a  doubt  that  increased  and  became  a 
conviction  in  the  minds  of  many  of  his  best  friends.  The  ap 
pointments  of  Stewart  and  Borie  were  especially  objectionable. 
George  S.  Boutwell  was  well  fitted  for  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  to  which  he  was  appointed  after  Stewart  was 
excluded  by  the  law.  Washburne  was  a  man  of  ability  and  ex 
perience,  but  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  only  for  a 
brief  time,  and  was  succeeded  by  Hamilton  Fish.  Mr.  Fish  was 
eminently  qualified  for  that  office,  and  during  both  of  the  terms 
of  Grant  discharged  the  duties  of  it  with  great  ability  and 
success.  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  was  an  educated  gentleman,  a 
soldier  of  great  merit,  and  an  industrious  and  competent  Secre 
tary  of  the  Interior. 

The  impression  prevailed  that  the  President  regarded  these 
heads  of  departments,  invested  by  law  with  specific  and  inde 
pendent  duties,  as  mere  subordinates,  whose  functions  he  might 
assume.  This  is  not  the  true  theory  of  our  government.  The 
President  is  intrusted  by  the  constitution  and  laws  with  im 
portant  powers,  and  so  by  law  are  the  heads  of  departments. 
The  President  has  no  more  right  to  control  or  exercise  the 
powers  conferred  by  law  upon  them  than  they  have  to  control 
him  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  It  is  especially  the  custom 
of  Congress  to  intrust  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  specific 
powers  over  the  currency,  the  public  debt  and  the  collection  of 
the  revenue.  If  he  violates  or  neglects  his  duty  he  is  subject  to 
removal  by  the  President,  or  impeachment  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  but  the  President  cannot  exercise  or  control 
the  discretion  reposed  by  law  in  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
or  in  any  head  or  subordinate  of  any  department  of  the  govern 
ment.  This  limitation  of  the  power  of  the  President,  and  the 


450  RECOLLECTIONS 

distribution  of  power  among  the  departments,  is  an  essential 
requisite  of  a  republican  government,  .and  it  is  one  that  an 
army  officer,  accustomed  to  give  or  receive  orders,  finds  it 
difficult  to  understand  and  to  observe  when  elected  President. 

Congress  convened  on  the  6th  of  December,  1869.  The 
chief  recommendations  submitted  to  Congress  by  the  President 
related  to  the  gradual  reconstruction  of  the  states  lately  in 
rebellion,  to  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  and^the  reduc 
tion  of  taxation.  The  relations  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  growing  out  of  the  war  were  treated  as  a  grave  question, 
and  a  hope  was  expressed  that  both  governments  would  give 
immediate  attention  to  a  solution  of  the  just  claims  of  the 
United  States  growing  out  of  the  Civil  War.  The  message  was 
brief,  modest,  conservative  and  clear.  He  closed  by  saying  that 
on  his  part  he  promised  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  laws  and  their 
strict  enforcement. 

The  most  important  measure  consummated  during  this 
Congress  was  the  adoption  of  the  15th  amendment  of  the  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  declared,  in  a  proclamation  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  March  30,  1870,  to  have  been 
ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  twenty-nine  of  the  thirty-seven 
states,  as  follows  : 

"  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied 
or  abridged  by  the  United  States,  or  by  any  state,  on  account  of  race,  color, 
or  previous  condition  of  servitude." 

It  is  a  question  of  grave  doubt  whether  this  amendment, 
though  right  in  principle,  was  wise  or  expedient.  The  de 
clared  object  was  to  secure  impartial  suffrage  to  the  negro 
race.  The  practical  result  has  been  that  the  wise  provisions  of 
the  14th  amendment  have  been  modified  by  the  15th  amend 
ment.  The  latter  amendment  has  been  practically  nullified 
by  the  action  of  most  of  the  states  where  the  great  body  of 
this  race  live  and  will  probably  always  remain.  This  is  done, 
not  by  an  express  denial  to  them  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  but 
by  ingenious  provisions,  which  exclude  them  on  the  alleged 
ground  of  ignorance,  while  permitting  all  of  the  white  race, 
however  ignorant,  to  vote  at  all  elections.  No  way  is  pointed 
out  by  which  Congress  can  enforce  this  amendment.  If  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  451 

principle  of  the  14th  amendment  had  remained  in  full  force, 
Congress  could  have  reduced  the  representation  of  any  state, 
in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  the  male  inhabitants  of 
such  state,  denied  the  right  of  suffrage,  might  bear  to  the  whole 
number  of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age,  in  such  state. 
This  simple  remedy,  easily  enforced  by  Congress,  would  have 
secured  the  right  of  all  persons,  without  distinction  of  race  or 
color,  to  vote  at  all  elections.  The  reduction  of  representation 
would  have  deterred  every  state  from  excluding  the  vote  of 
any  portion  of  the  male  population  above  twenty-one  years  of 
age.  As  the  result  of  the  15th  amendment,  the  political  power 
of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion  has  been  increased,  while  the 
population,  conferring  this  increase,  is  practically  denied  all 
political  power.  I  see  no  remedy  for  this  wrong  except  the 
growing  intelligence  of  the  negro  race,  which,  in  time,  I  trust, 
will  enable  them  to  demand  and  to  receive  the  right  of  suf 
frage. 

The  most  important  financial  measure  of  that  Congress  was 
the  act  to  refund  the  national  debt.  The  bonds  known  as  the 
5-20's,  bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent.,  became  redeemable, 
and  the  public  credit  had  so  advanced  that  a  bond  bearing  a 
less  rate  of  interest  could  be  sold  at  par.  The  committee  on 
finance  of  the  Senate,  on  the  3rd  day  of  February,  1870,  after 
more  care  and  deliberation  than,  so  far  as  I  know,  it  has  ever 
bestowed  on  any  other  bill,  finally  reported  a  bill  to  fund  the 
public  debt,  to  aid  in  the  resumption  of  specie  payments,  and 
to  advance  the  public  credit. 

The  first  section  authorized  the  issue  of  $400,000,000  of 
bonds,  redeemable  in  coin  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United 
States,  at  any  time  after  ten  years,  bearing  interest  at  five  per 
cent. 

The  second  section  authorized  the  issue  of  bonds  to  the 
amount  of  $400,000,000,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  gov 
ernment,  at  any  time  after  fifteen  years,  and  bearing  interest 
at  four  and  a  half  per  cent. 

The  third  section  authorized  the  issue  of  $400,000,000  of 
bonds,  redeemable  at  any  time  after  twenty  years,  and  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent. 


452  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  proceeds  of  all  these  bonds  were  to  be  applied  to  the 
redemption  of  5-20  and  10-40  bonds,  and  other  obligations  of 
the  United  States  then  outstanding. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  this  bill  provided  for  the  issue  of 
securities,  all  of  which  were  redeemable  within  twenty  years, 
and  two-thirds  of  which  were  redeemable  within  fifteen  years; 
so  that  if  the  bill,  as  reported  by  the  committee  on  finance, 
had  become  the  law,  no  such  difficulty  as  we  labored  under 
eighteen  years  later,  when  we  had  a  large  surplus  revenue, 
would  have  existed. 

The  bill  passed  the  Senate,  in  substantially  the  form  reported 
from  the  committee  on  finance,  by  the  large  vote  of  33  to  10, 
and  was,  perhaps,  the  most  carefully  prepared  of  any  of  the 
financial  measures  of  the  government. 

In  opening  the  debate,  I  called  the  attention  of  the  Senate 
to  the  great  advantage  the  government  had  derived  from  mak 
ing  its  bonds  redeemable  at  brief  periods,  like  the  5-20  bonds, 
the  10-40  bonds,  and  the  treasury  notes.  I  also  called  atten 
tion  to  the  fact  that  the  same  principle  of  maintaining  the 
right  to  redeem  had  been  ingrafted  in  the  bill  then  before  the 
Senate,  that  the  duration  of  the  bonds  was  divided  into  three 
periods  of  ten,  fifteen,  and  twenty  years,  during  which  time,  by 
the  gradual  application  of  the  surplus  revenue,  the  whole  debt 
might  be  paid.  This  was  the  bill  sent  by  the  Senate  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  if  it  had  been  adopted  by  the 
House,  there  would  have  been  no  trouble  about  the  application 
of  the  surplus  revenue,  but  by  common  consent  it  would  have 
been  used  in  the  speedy  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

The  bill  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
llth  of  March,  and  there  seems  to  have  slept  for  nearly 
three  months  without  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

On  the  6th  of  June  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
reported  House  bill  2167,  covering  the  same  subject-matters 
as  were  contained  in  the  Senate  bill.  The  consideration  of 
this  bill  was  commenced,  by  sections,  on  the  30th  of  June. 
The  material  part  of  the  first  section  of  this  bill  is  as  follows  : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  authorized  to  issue,  in  a 
sum  or  sums  not  exceeding  in  the  aggregate  $1,000,000,000,  coupon  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  453 

registered  bonds  of  the  United  States,  in  such  form  as  he  may  prescribe,  and 
of  denomination  of  $50,  or  some  multiple  of  that  sum,  redeemable  in  coin  of 
the  present  standard  value  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States  after  thirty 
years  from  the  date  of  their  issue,  and  bearing  interest  payable  semi-annu- 
ally  in  such  coin  at  the  rate  of  four  per  cent,  per  annum." 

Thus  it  will  be  perceived  that  instead  of  the  three  series  of 
bonds  provided  by  the  Senate,  the  House  proposed  to  authorize 
the  issue  of  $1,000,000,000,  redeemable  in  coin  after  thirty  years 
from  the  date  of  their  issue,  with  interest  at  four  per  cent.  This 
difference  in  the  description  of  the  bonds  was  the  chief  difference 
between  the  propositions  of  the  House  and  the  Senate.  To  em 
phasize  this  difference  I  quote  what  was  said  by  the  chairman 
of  the  House  committee,  Mr.  Schenck,  in  reporting  the  bill : 

"  It  is  a  proposition  to  refund  a  portion  of  the  public  debt  of  the  coun 
try  at  a  very  much  lower  rate  of  interest.  It  is  a  proposition  that  $1,000, 
000,000  of  that  debt  shall  take  the  form  of  bonds,  upon  which  the  United 
States  will  agree  to  pay  only  four  per  cent,  per  annum.  But,  in  order  to 
make  those  bonds  acceptable  to  capitalists  at  home  and  abroad,  further  pro 
vision  is  made  that  the  bonds  themselves  shall  have  a  longer  time  to  run, 
not  merely  for  thirty  years,  but  that  they  shall  only  be  redeemable  after 
thirty  years ;  thus  giving  them,  without  the  objections,  the  advantages 
which  in  a  great  degree  attach  to  a  perpetual  loan." 

This  bill,  with  a  very  limited  debate,  passed  the  House  on 
the  1st  of  July,  and  then  immediately  was  offered  as  a  sub 
stitute  for  the  Senate  bill,  and  was  adopted. 

Those  two  rival  propositions,  differing  mainly  upon  the 
question  of  the  character  of  the  bonds  to  be  issued,  were  sent 
to  a  committee  of  conference,  composed  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate  of  Messrs.  Sherman,  Sumner  and  Davis.  The  chief  con 
troversy  in  the  conference  was  as  to  the  description  of  funding 
bonds  to  be  provided  for.  After  many  meetings  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  the  bonds  authorized  should  be  $200,000,000  five 
per  cent,  bonds,  $300,000,000  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds, 
of  the  character  described  in  the  Senate  bill,  and  $1,000,000,000 
of  four  per  cent,  bonds,  as  described  in  the  House  bill.  In  other 
words,  it  was  a  compromise  which,  like  many  other  compro 
mises,  was  in  its  results  an  injury  of  great  magnitude,  but  it 
was  an  honest  difference  of  opinion  between  the  Senate  and 
the  House,  in  which,  tested  by  the  march  of  time,  the  Senate 


454  RECOLLECTIONS 

was  right  and  the  House  was  wrong.  But  it  was  perfectly  mani 
fest  that  without  this  concession  by  the  Senate  to  the  House, 
the  bill  could  not  have  passed,  and  even  with  this  concession 
the  first  report  of  the  committee  of  conference  wras  disagreed 
to  by  the  House,  because  of  certain  provisions  requiring  the 
national  banks  to  substitute  the  new  bonds  as  the  basis  of 
banking  circulation. 

This  disagreement  by  the  House  compelled  a  second  com 
mittee  of  conference,  in  which  the  contested  banking  section 
was  stricken  out,  and  the  bill  agreed  to  as  it  now  stands  on  the 
statute  books. 

And  thus  thirty-year  securities,  subsequently  at  a  premium 
of  more  than  twenty-five  per  cent.,  were  forced  into  the  law  by 
the  determined  action  of  the  House. 

This  proved  to  be  an  error.  No  bonds  should  have  been 
authorized  that  did  not  contain  a  stipulation  that  the  govern 
ment  might  pay  them  at  pleasure,  after  a  brief  period  and  before 
they  became  due.  This  stipulation  during  the  war  was  inserted 
in  the  5-20  and  the  10-40  bonds.  Its  wisdom  and  importance 
were  demonstrated  by  the  early  substitution  of  bonds  bearing 
a  lower  rate  of  interest  for  the  5-20  six  per  cent,  bonds.  When 
this  precedent  was  cited,  and  its  saving  to  the  government 
shown,  it  was  strongly  urged  by  the  House  conferees  that  such 
a  provision  would  prevent  the  sale  of  bonds,  and  that  there  was 
no  probability  that  bonds  bearing  less  than  four  per  cent,  could 
be  sold  at  any  time  at  par.  This  was  proven  to  be  an  error 
within  a  short  period,  for  securities  of  the  United  States  bear 
ing  three  per  cent,  interest  have  been  sold  at  par. 

Some  years  later,  Senator  Beck,  of  Kentucky,  arraigned  me 
for  consenting  to  the  issue  of  bonds  running  thirty  years,  but  I 
was  able  to  show  by  the  public  records  that  I  resisted  this  long 
duration  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  that  the  House  insisted 
upon  it,  and  that  Mr.  Beck,  then  a  Member  of  the  House, 
voted  for  it.  The  same  objection  was  made  by  the  Senate  con 
ferees  to  the  bonds  bearing  four  and  a  half  and  five  per  cent., 
that  no  stipulation  was  made  authorizing  the  government  to 
anticipate  the  payment  of  these  bonds.  Under  the  Senate  bill 
the  bonds  would  have  been  redeemable  in  a  brief  period,  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  455 

would,  no  doubt,  have  been  redeemed  by  bonds  bearing  four, 
three  and  a  half,  or  three  per  cent,  interest. 

The  bill,  as  it  passed,  authorized  the  conversion  of  all  forms 
of  securities,  then  outstanding,  into  the  bonds  provided  for  by  the 
refunding  act  at  par  one  with  the  other.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  could  sell  the  bonds  provided  for  by  the  refunding  act 
at  par,  and  with  the  proceeds  pay  off  the  then  existing  securi 
ties  as  they  became  redeemable.  In  the  discussion  of  this  bill 
in  the  Senate,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1870, 1  made  a  carefully 
prepared  speech,  giving  a  detailed  history  of  the  various  securi 
ties  outstanding,  and  expressed  the  confident  opinion  that  the 
existing  coin  bonds  bearing  six  per  cent,  interest,  and  other 
securities  bearing  interest  in  lawful  money,  could  be  refunded 
into  bonds  running  for  a  short  period,  bearing  a  reduced  rate 
of  interest.  I  said  : 

"After  a  long  and  memorable  debate  of  over  two  months  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  was  adopted.  That  was 
a  revolutionary  act.  It  was  a  departure  from  every  principle  of  the  finan 
cial  policy  of  this  government  from  its  foundation.  It  overthrew,  not  only 
the  mode  and  manner  of  borrowing1  money,  but  the  character  of  our  public 
securities,  and  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  financial  system,  unlike  anything 
that  had  been  ventured  upon  by  any  people  in  the  world  before.  This  new 
policy  wras  adopted  under  the  pressure  of  the  severest  necessities,  and  only 
because  of  those  necessities,  and  was  intended  to  meet  a  state  of  affairs 
never  foreseen  by  the  framers  of  the  constitution. 

"Now,  sir,  it  is  important  to  understand  the  principles  of  this  act;  for 
this  act  was  the  foundation  of  all  the  financial  measures  during  the  war.  It 
was  upon  the  basis  of  this  act,  enlarged  and  modified  from  time  to  time, 
that  we  were  enabled  to  borrow  $3,000,000,000  in  three  years  and  to  put 
down  the  most  formidable  rebellion  in  modern  history.  This  act  was  based 
upon  certain  fundamental  conditions. 

"  Extraordinary  power  was  conferred  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  borrow  money  in  almost  any  form,  at  home  or  abroad,  practically  without 
limitation  as  to  amount,  or  with  limits  repeatedly  enlarged.  Every  form  of 
security  which  the  ingenuity  of  man  could  devise  was  provided  for  by  this 
act  or  the  acts  amending  it.  Under  these  acts  bonds  were  issued,  payable 
in  twenty  years,  treasury  notes  were  issued,  certificates  of  indebtedness, 
compound-interest  notes,  and  other  forms  of  indebtedness,  with  varying 
rates  of  interest.  There  were,  however,  distinct  limitations  upon  the  nature 
and  character  of  these  loans.  It  was  stipulated  first,  that  more  than  six  per 
cent,  interest  in  gold  should  not  be  paid  on  the  bonds  issued,  nor  more  than 
seven  and  three-tenths  interest  in  currency  should  be  paid  on  the  notes 


456  RECOLLECTIONS 

issued  ;  and  second,  all  the  loans  provided  by  this  act  were  short  loans,  re 
deemable  within  a  short  period  of  time  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States. 
Thus  the  gold  bonds  were  redeemable  after  five  years,  the  treasury  notes 
were  redeemable  after  three  years,  and  all  forms  of  security  were  within  the 
power  of  the  United  States  at  the  end  of  five  years  at  furthest.  And  third, 
no  securities  were  to  be  sold  less  than  par.  Their  unavoidable  depreciation 
was  measured,  not  by  the  rate  of  their  discount,  but  by  the  depreciation 
of  the  currency.  We  held  our  bonds  at  par  in  paper  money,  though  at 
times  they  were  worth  only  forty  per  cent,  of  gold. 

"Now,  Mr.  president,  it  may  be  proper  to  state  the  reasons  for  this 
policy.  Short  loans  were  adopted  that  we  might  not  bind  the  future  to 
the  payment  of  usurious  rates  of  interest.  We  recognized  the  existence  of 
a  great  pressing  necessity  that  would  tend  to  depreciate  the  public  credit ; 
and  we  took  care,  therefore,  not  to  make  those  loans  for  a  long  period,  so  as 
to  bind  the  future  to  the  payment  of  the  rates  which  we  were  then  com 
pelled  to  pay. 

"  We  provided  for  gold  interest  and  gold  revenue,  to  avoid  the  extreme 
inflations  of  an  irredeemable  currency.  We  wished  to  rest  our  paper  fabric 
on  a  coin  basis,  and  to  keep  constantly  in  view  ultimate  specie  payments. 
I  believe  but  for  that  provision  in  the  loan  act  of  February  25,  1862,  that  in 
1864  our  financial  system  would  have  been  utterly  overthrown.  There  was 
nothing  to  anchor  it  to  the  earth  except  the  collection  of  duties  in  coin  and 
the  payment  of  the  interest  on  our  bonds  in  coin. 

"But,  sir,  the  most  important  and  the  most  revolutionary  principle  of 
the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  was  the  legal  tender  clause.  This  was  a 
measure  of  imperious  and  pressing  necessity.  I  can  recall  very  well  the 
debates  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives  upon  the  legal 
tender  clause.  We  were  then  standing  in  the  face  of  a  deficit  of  some 
$70,000,000  of  unpaid  requisitions  to  our  soldiers.  Creditors  in  all  parts  of 
the  country,  among  them  the  most  powerful  corporations  of  this  country, 
had  refused  our  demand  notes,  then  very  slightly  depreciated.  We  were 
under  the  necessity  of  raising  two  or  three  million  dollars  per  day.  We 
were  then  organizing  armies  unheard  of  before.  We  stood  also  in  the  pres 
ence  of  defeat,  constant  and  imminent,  which  fell  upon  our  armies  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  It  was  before  daylight  was  shed  upon  any  part  of  our 
military  operations.  We  adopted  the  legal  tender  clause  then  as  an  abso 
lute  expedient.  Remembering  the  debate,  I  know  with  what  slow  steps  the 
majority  of  the  Senate  came  to  the  necessity  of  adopting  legal  tenders." 

The  debt  of  the  United  States  on  the  31st  of  August,  1866, 
when  it  reached  its  maximum,  amounted  to  $2,844.649,627. 
On  the  1st  of  March,  1870,  the  debt  had  been  reduced  to  less 
than  $2,500,000,000,  of  which  about  $400,000,000  was  in  United 
States  notes,  for  the  redemption  of  which  no  provision  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  457 

made.  It  was  the  confident  expectation  of  Congress,  which 
proved  to  be  correct,  that  before  the  refunding  operations  were 
complete,  the  debt  would  be  gradually  reduced,  so  that  the 
sum  of  $1,500,000,000,  provided  for  in  the  law,  would  be  suffi 
cient  to  refund  all  existing  debts,  except  United  States  notes, 
into  the  new  securities. 

The  process  of  refunding  progressed  slowly,  was  confined  to 
the  five  per  cent,  bonds,  and  was  somewhat  interrupted  by  the 
financial  stringency  of  1873. 

By  the  act  approved  January  20,  1871,  the  amount  of  five 
per  cent,  bonds  authorized  by  the  act  approved  July  14,  1870, 
was  increased  to  $500,000,000,  but  the  act  was  not  to  be  con 
strued  to  authorize  any  increase  of  bonds  provided  for  by  the 
refunding  act. 

Prior  to  the  24th  of  August,  1876,  there  had  been  sold,  for 
refunding  purposes,  the  whole  of  the  $500,000,000  five  per  cents, 
authorized  by  that  act,  and  on  that  day  Lot  M.  Morrill,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  entered  into  a  contract  for  the  sale  of 
$40,000,000  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  authorized 
by  the  refunding  act.  By  this  process  of  refunding  an  annual 
saving  had  been  made  of  $5,400,000  a  year,  by  the  reduction  of 
interest  in  the  sale  of  $540,000,000  bonds.  On  the  9th  day  of 
June,  1877,  I,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  terminated  the  con 
tract  made  by  Mr.  Morrill,  my  predecessor,  and  placed  on  the 
market  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  provided  for  by  the  refunding 
act.  The  subsequent  proceedings  under  this  act  will  be  more 
appropriately  referred  to  hereafter. 

The  more  difficult  problem  remained  of  advancing  United 
States  notes  to  par  in  coin.  This  could  be  accomplished  by 
reducing  the  amount  of  these  notes  outstanding,  and,  thus,  by 
their  scarcity,  add  to  their  value.  They  were  a  legal  tender  in 
payment  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  except  for  duties  on 
imported  goods  and  interest  on  the  public  debt.  As  long  as 
these  notes  were  at  a  discount  for  coin  they  could  circulate 
only  in  the  United  States,  and  until  they  were  at  par  with 
coin,  coin  would  not  circulate  as  money  in  the  United  States, 
except  to  pay  coin  liabilities.  The  notes  were  a  dishonored, 
depreciated  promise,  the  purchasing  power  of  which  varied  day 


458  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

by  day,  the  football  of  "bulls  and  bears."  In  many  respects 
these  notes  were  better  than  any  other  form  of  depreciated 
paper  money,  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  had  full  con 
fidence  in  their  ultimate  redemption.  They  were  much  better 
and  in  higher  favor  with  the  people  than  the  state  bank  notes 
which  they,  replaced  and  which  were  not  only  depreciated  like 
United  States  notes  but  had  been  often  proven  worthless  in 
the  hands  of  innocent  holders.  They  were  as  good  as  national 
bank  notes,  however  well  secured,  for  these  notes  were  not  pay 
able  in  coin,  but  could  be  redeemed  by  United  States  notes. 
Still,  with  all  their  defects  the  United  States  notes  were  the 
favorite  money  of  the  people,  and  any  attempt  to  contract 
their  volume  was  met  by  a  strong  popular  opposition. 

As  already  stated,  the  gradual  reduction  of  the  volume  of 
United  States  notes,  urged  so  strongly  by  Secretary  McCulloch 
and  provided  for  by  the  resumption  act,  met  with  popular  op 
position  and  was  repealed  by  Congress.  Under  these  condi 
tions  it  became  necessary  to  approach  the  specie  standard  of 
value  without  a  contraction  of  the  currency.  The  act  to 
strengthen  the  public  credit,  already  referred  to,  was  the  be 
ginning  of  this  struggle.  The  government  was,  by  this  act, 
committed  to  the  payment  of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin 
or  its  equivalent.  But  when  and  how  was  not  stated  or  even 
considered.  The  extent  to  which  Congress  would  then  go,  and 
to  which  popular  opinion  would  then  consent,  was  the  declara 
tion  that  the  "United  States  solemnly  pledges  its  faith  to 
make  provision  at  the  earliest  practicable  period  for  the  re 
demption  of  the  United  States  notes,  in  coin."  Many  events 
must  occur  before  the  fulfillment  of  this  promise  could  be 
attempted. 


CHAPTER  XXH. 

OUR  COINAGE  BEFORE  AND  AFTER  THE  WAR. 

But  Little  Coin  in  Circulation  in  1869  —  General  Use  of  Spanish  Pieces  —  No  Mention 
of  the  Dollar  Piece  in  the  Act  of  1853  —  Free   Circulation  of   Gold  After  the 
1853  Act—  No  Truth  in  the  "  Demonetization  "  Charge  —  Account  of  the  Bill 
Revising  the  Laws  Relative  to  the  Mint,  Assay  Offices  and  Coinage  of  the 
United  States  —  Why  the  Dollar  was  Dropped  from  the  Coins  —  Then 
Known  Only  as  a  Coin  for  the  Foreign  Market  — Establishment 
of  the  "Trade  Dollar"  — A  Legal  Tender  for  Only  Five  Dol 
lars  —  Repeated  Attempts  to  Have  Congress  Pass  a  Free- 
Coinage  Act  — How  it  Would  Affect  Us  — Controversy 
Between   Senator  Sumner  and  Secretary  Fish. 

AT  the  date  of  the  passage  of  the  act  "to  strengthen 
the  public  credit,"  on  March  19,  1869,  there  was  but 
little  coin  in  circulation  in  the  United  States  except 
gold  coin,  and  that  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  Pacific 
coast,  or  to  the  large  ports  of  entry,  to  be  used  in  payment  of 
duties  on  imported  goods.  Silver  coins  were  not  in  circulation. 
The  amount  of  silver  coined  in  1869  was  less  than  one  million 
dollars  and  that  mainly  for  exportation.  Fractional  notes  of 
different  denominations,  from  ten  to  fifty  cents,  were  issued  by 
the  treasury  to  the  amount  of  $160,000,000,  of  which  $120,000,- 
000  had  been  redeemed,  and  $40,000,000  were  outstanding  in 
circulation  or  had  been  destroyed.  These  fractional  notes 
superseded  silver  coin  as  United  States  notes  superseded  gold 
coin.  The  coinage  laws  as  they  then  existed  were  scattered 
through  the  laws  of  the  United  States  from  1793  to  1853,  and 
were  in  many  respects  imperfect  and  conflicting. 

The  ratio  fixed  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  fifteen  ounces  of 
silver  as  the  equivalent  of  one  ounce  of  gold,  was,  at  the  time  it 
was  adopted,  substantially  the  market  ratio,  but  the  constant 
tendency  of  silver  to  decline  in  relative  value  to  gold  had  been 
going  on  for  years  and  it  continued  to  decline,  almost  impercep 
tibly  perhaps,  and  the  legal  ratio  in  France  having  been  fixed 

(459) 


460  RECOLLECTIONS 

at  fifteen  and  a  half  to  one,  there  was  an  advantage  in  shipping 
gold  to  that  country  from  this,  and  consequently  very  little  if 
any  of  our  gold,  even  if  coined,  came  into  circulation.  By  the 
act  of  1793  foreign  coins  were  made  a  legal  tender  for  circula 
tion  in  this  country,  and  the  Spanish  silver  dollar,  on  which  ours 
was  founded,  with  its  8ths  or  "real"  pieces,  found  great  favor. 
Singularly  enough,  in  Mexico  and  the  West  Indies,  the  Spanish 
population  would  exchange  their  dollars  for  ours,  dollar  for  dol 
lar,  although  their  pieces,  if  not  worn,  were  each  three  grains 
heavier.  This  led  to  an  exchange  of  our  dollars  for  the  Span 
ish  ones,  which  were  promptly  recoined  at  the  mint  at  a  fair 
profit  to  the  depositor. 

This  put  upon  the  government  the  expense  of  manufactur 
ing  coins  with  no  advantage.  The  evil  grew  so  great  that  in 
1806  the  further  coinage  of  our  silver  dollars  was  prohibited  by 
President  Jefferson,  in  an  order  issued  through  the  state  de 
partment,  as  follows : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  May  1,  1806. 

SIB: — In  consequence  of  a  representation  from  the  director  of  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  that  considerable  purchases  have  been  made  of  dollars 
coined  at  the  mint  for  the  purpose  of  exporting  them,  and  as  it  is  probable 
further  purchases  and  exportations  will  be  made,  the  President  directs  that 
all  the  silver  to  be  coined  at  the  mint  shall  be  of  small  denominations,  so  that 
the  value  of  the  largest  pieces  shall  not  exceed  half  a  dollar. 

I  am,  etc.,  JAMES  MADISON. 

ROBERT  PATTERSON,  ESQ.,  Director  of  the  Mint. 

The  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  at  our  mint  was  not  resumed 
until  1836.  The  small  and  worn  Spanish  pieces,  being  legal 
tender,  also  drove  from  circulation  our  fractional  coins  coming 
bright  and  plump  from  the  mint.  Bank  notes  and  these  worn 
pieces  furnished  the  circulation  of  the  country. 

The  condition  of  the  currency  became  so  objectionable  that 
in  1830  the  subject  was  taken  up  by  a  special  committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  appointed  for  that  purpose.  Three 
reports  were  submitted,  in  one  of  which  the  committee  stated 
that  of  $37,000,000  coined  at  our  mints  only  $5,000,000  re 
mained  in  circulation.  A  bill  was  submitted  to  the  House  fix 
ing  the  ratio  at  15.625  to  one,  and  was  strongly  urged.  There 
appeared  no  special  opposition  to  the  measure  for  a  time,  but 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  461 

the  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  circulation  of  bank  bills  had 
become  very  strong  among  the  people  and  was  reflected  by  the 
administration. 

In  the  Senate  the  opposition  to  bank  bills  was  headed  by 
Thomas  H.  Benton,  who  openly  advocated  so  changing  the 
coinage  ratio  that  gold  would  circulate  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
notes,  and  perhaps  incidentally  of  silver  also.  The  matter  of 
providing  for  silver,  however,  received  little  attention.  The 
ratio  was  changed  to  sixteen  to  one,  John  Quincy  Adams  and 
Daniel  Webster  joining  with  Calhoun  and  Benton  in  bringing 
it  about.  It  was  well  understood  at  the  time  that  the  opera 
tion  of  this  act  would  banish  silver.  The  object  of  the  change 
was  distinctly  stated,  especially  by  Mr.  Benton,  who  said  : 

"  To  enable  the  friends  of  gold  to  go  to  work  at  the  right  place  to  effect 
the  recovery  of  that  precious  metal,  which  their  fathers  once  possessed  ; 
which  the  subjects  of  European  kings  now  possess  ;  which  the  citizens  of 
the  young  republics  to  the  south  all  possess  ;  which  even  the  free  negroes  of 
San  Domingo  possess ;  but  of  which  the  yeomanry  of  this  America  have 
been  deprived  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  will  be  deprived  forever, 
unless  they  discover  the  cause  of  the  evil  and  apply  the  remedy  to  its  root." 

By  the  act  of  1834,  superadded  to  by  the  act  of  1837,  the  ratio 
of  sixteen  to  one  instead  of  fifteen  to  one  was  adopted.  The 
result  was  that  gold  coins  were  largely  introduced  and  circu 
lated  ;  but  as  sixteen  ounces  of  silver  were  worth  more  than  one 
ounce  of  gold,  the  silver  coins  disappeared,  except  the  depre 
ciated  silver  coin  of  other  countries,  then  a  legal  tender.  To 
correct  this  evil,  Congress,  on  the  21st  of  February,  1853,  pro 
vided  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  by  the  government,  to 
be  coined  by  it  and  not  for  the  owners  of  the  bullion.  That 
was  the  first  time  the  government  had  ever  undertaken  to 
buy  bullion  for  coinage  purposes.  It  provided  for  the  purchase 
of  silver  bullion  and  the  coinage  of  subsidiary  silver  coins  at 
the  ratio  of  less  than  fifteen  to  one.  No  mention  was  made 
of  the  dollar  in  the  act  of  1853.  It  had  fallen  into  disuse  and 
when  coined  was  exported,  being  more  valuable  as  bullion  than 
as  coin. 

As  the  value  of  the  minor  coins  was  less  than  gold  at  the 
coinage  ratio,  they  were  limited  as  a  legal  tender  to  five  dollars 


462  RECOLLECTIONS 

in  any  one  payment.  They  were,  in  fact,  a  subsidiary  coin  made 
on  government  account,  and,  from  their  convenience  and  neces 
sity,  were  maintained  in  circulation.  They  were  similar  to 
the  coins  now  in  use,  revived  and  reenacted  by  the  resumption 
act  of  1875. 

It  was  not  the  intention  of  the  framers  of  this  law  to  demone 
tize  silver,  because  they  were  openly  avowed  bimetallists,  but 
it  limited  coinage  to  silver  bought  by  the  government  at 
market  price.  They  saw,  in  this  expedient,  a  way  in  which 
silver  could  be  more  generally  utilized  than  in  any  other. 
Mr.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  an  avowed  bimetallist,  in  a  report  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  said : 

"  The  mischief  would  be  great  indeed  if  all  the  world  were  to  adopt  but 
one  of  the  precious  metals  as  the  standard  of  value.  To  adopt  gold  alone 
would  diminish  the  specie  currency  more  than  one-half  ;  and  the  reduction 
the  other  way,  should  silver  be  taken  as  the  only  standard,  would  be  large 
enough  to  prove  highly  disastrous  to  the  human  race." 

He  evidently  did  not  consider  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion 
at  its  coinage  value  by  the  government,  instead  of  the  free 
coinage  of  silver,  as  monometallism. 

After  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1853,  gold  in  great  quanti 
ties,  the  product  of  the  mines  in  California,  was  freely  coined 
at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  and  was  in  general  circulation. 
If,  then,  the  purchase  of  silver,  instead  of  the  free  coinage  of 
silver,  is  the  demonetization  of  silver,  it  was  demonetized  prac 
tically  in  1834,  and  certainly  in  1853,  when  the  purchase  of 
silver  and  its  use  as  money  increased  enormously.  In  1852 
the  coinage  of  silver  was  less  than  $1,000,000.  In  the  next 
year  the  coinage  of  silver  rose  to  over  $9,000,000,  and  reached 
the  aggregate  of  nearly  $50,000,000  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Civil  War.  Then,  as  now,  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  led 
to  a  greater  coinage  than  free  coinage. 

This  was  the  condition  of  our  coinage  until  the  war,  like  all 
other  great  wars  in  history,  drove  all  coins  into  hoarding  or  ex 
portation,  and  paper  promises,  great  and  small,  from  five  cents 
to  a  thousand  dollars,  supplanted  both  silver  and  gold. 

When,  therefore,  it  became  necessary  to  prepare  for  the 
coinage  of  gold  and  silver  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  act 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  463 

of  1869,  "  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,"  it  was  deemed  by  the 
treasury  department  advisable  to  revise  and  codify  the  coinage 
laws  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Boutwell,  then  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  with  the  assistance  of  John  Jay  Knox,  deputy  comp 
troller,  afterwards  comptroller,  of  the  currency,  and  the  officers 
of  the  mints  of  the  United  States,  prepared  a  complete  code 
of  the  coinage  laws.  It  was  submitted  to  experts,  not  only  to 
those  in  the  treasury  but  also  to  all  persons  familiar  with  the 
subject.  The  bill  was  entitled,  "  An  act  revising  and  amend 
ing  the  laws  relative  to  the  mint,  assay  offices,  and  coinage  of 
the  United  States." 

The  law,  tested  by  experience,  is  conceded  to  be  an  excellent 
measure.  A  single  provision  of  this  bill  has  been  the  subject 
of  charges  and  imputations  that  the  silver  dollar  was,  in  a 
fraudulent  and  surreptitious  way,  "demonetized"  by  this  act. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  foundation  for  this  imputation.  The 
bill  wTas  sent  to  me  as  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance, 
and  submitted  to  the  Senate  with  this  letter  : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  April  25,  1870. 

SIR: — I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  a  bill  revising  the  laws  rel 
ative  to  the  mint,  assay  offices,  and  coinage  of  the  United  States,  and 
accompanying  report.  The  bill  has  been  prepared  under  the  supervision  of 
John  Jay  Knox,  deputy  comptroller  of  the  currency,  and  its  passage  is  rec 
ommended  in  the  form  presented.  It  includes,  in  a  condensed  form,  all  the 
important  legislation  upon  the  coinage,  not  now  obsolete,  since  the  first  mint 
was  established,  in  1792 ;  and  the  report  gives  a  concise  statement  of  the 
various  amendments  proposed  to  existing  laws  and  the  necessity  for  the 
change  recommended.  There  has  been  no  revision  of  the  laws  pertaining 
to  the  mint  and  coinage  since  1837,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  passage  of  the 
inclosed  bill  will  conduce  greatly  to  the  efficiency  and  economy  of  this 
important  branch  of  the  government  service. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  S.  BOUTWELL,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Chairman  Finance  Committee,  United  States  Senate. 

Section  15  of  the  original  bill  omitted  the  silver  dollar.  It 
was  as  follows : 

"SEC.  15.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  of  the  silver  coin,  the  weight 
of  the  half  dollar,  or  piece  of  50  cents,  shall  be  192  grains  ;  and  that  of  the 
quarter  dollar  and  dime  shall  be,  respectively,  one-half  and  one-fifth  of 


464  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  weight  of  said  half  dollar.  That  the  silver  coin  issued  in  conformity 
with  the  above  section  shall  be  a  legal  tender  in  any  one  payment  of  debts 
for  all  sums  less  than  one  dollar." 

Section  18  prohibited  all  coins  except  those  named,  as 
follows : 

"  SEC.  18*.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  no  coins,  either  gold,  silver, 
or  minor  coinage,  shall  hereafter  be  issued  from  the  mint  other  than  those  of 
the  denominations,  standards,  and  weights  herein  set  forth." 

Special  attention  was  called  to  the  dropping  out  of  the 
silver  dollar,  both  by  Secretary  Boutwell  and  Mr.  Knox,  and 
the  opinion  of  experts  was  invited  and  given  on  this  special 
matter  and  communicated  to  Congress.  These  sections,  in 
the  three  years  that  the  bill  was  pending  in  Congress,  were 
changed  either  in  the  House  or  Senate  in  only  one  or  two 
unimportant  particulars. 

Accompanying  the  report  of  Mr.  Knox  were  the  statements 
of  Robert  Patterson,  of  Philadelphia,  confessedly  one  of  the 
ablest  scientists  and  metallists  in  the  United  States,  in  favor 
of  dropping  from  our  coinage  the  silver  dollar.  Dr.  Linderman, 
the  director  of  the  mint,  made  the  same  recommendation.  In 
the  report  accompanying  the  introduction  of  the  bill,  under 
date  of  April  25,  1870,  Comptroller  Knox  gives  the  history 
of  the  silver  dollar  and  the  reasons  for  its  discontinuance  as 
follows : 

"The  dollar  unit,  as  money  of  account,  was  established  by  the  act  of 
Congress  April  2,  1792,  and  the  same  act  provides  for  the  coinage  of  a  sil 
ver  dollar,  'of  the  value  of  a  Spanish  milled  or  pillar  dollar,  as  the  same 
is  now  current.'  The  silver  dollar  was  first  coined  in  1794,  weighing  416 
grains,  of  which  371^  grains  were  pure  silver,  the  fineness  being  892.4. 
The  act  of  January  18,  1837,  reduces  the  standard  weight  to  412^  grains, 
but  increases  the  fineness  to  900,  the  quantity  of  pure  silver  remaining  371 J 
grains  as  before,  and  at  these  rates  it  is  still  coined  in  limited  amount." 

He  then  says : 

"The  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  piece,  the  history  of  which  is  here 
given,  is  discontinued  in  the  proposed  bill.  It  is,  by  existing  law,  the  dollar 
unit,  and  assuming  the  value  of  gold  to  be  fifteen  and  one-half  times  that  of 
silver,  being  about  the  mean  ratio  for  the  past  six  years,  is  worth  in  gold  a 
premium  of  about  three  per  cent,  (its  value  being  103.12)  and  intrinsically  more 
than  seven  per  cent,  premium  in  our  other  silver  coin,  its  value  thus  being 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  465 

107.42.  The  present  laws  consequently  authorize  both  a  gold  dollar  unit  and 
a  silver  dollar  unit,  differing  from  each  other  in  intrinsic  value.  The  present 
gold  dollar  piece  is  made  the  dollar  unit  in  the  proposed  bill,  and  the  silver 
dollar  piece  is  discontinued.  If,  however,  such  a  coin  is  authorized,  it  should 
be  issued  only  as  a  commercial  dollar,  not  as  a  standard  unit  of  account,  and 
of  the  exact  value  of  the  Mexican  dollar,  which  is  the  favorite  for  circulation 
in  China  and  Japan  and  other  oriental  countries. 

"  NOTE. — Assuming  the  value  of  gold  to  be  fifteen  and  one-half  times 
that  of  silver,  the  French  5-franc  piece  is  worth  about  96J  cents  (96.4784)  ; 
the  standard  Mexican  dollar  104.90,  our  silver  dollar  piece  103.12,  and  two 
of  our  half-dollar  pieces  96  cents." 

The  finance  committee  carefully  examined  the  bill.  We 
were  not  in  any  hurry  about  it.  It  was  sent  to  us  in  April, 
1870,  and  was  printed  and  sent,  by  the  order  of  the  Senate,  to 
everyone  who  desired  to  read  it  or  look  over  it. 

That  committee  was  composed  of  Messrs.  Sherman,  Wil 
liams,  Cattell,  Morrill,  Warner,  Fenton  and  Bayard. 

The  bill  was  reported  unanimously  to  the  Senate  December 
19,  1870,  after  lying  in  the  committee  room  for  eight  months. 

The  dollar  was  dropped  from  the  coins  in  the  bill  framed 
in  the  treasury  department.  It  was  then  an  unknown  coin. 
Although  I  was  quite  active  in  business  which  brought  under 
my  eye  different  forms  of  money,  I  do  not  remember  at  that 
time  ever  to  have  seen  a  silver  dollar.  Probably  if  it  had 
been  mentioned  to  the  committee  and  discussed  it  would 
have  been  thought,  as  a  matter  of  course,  scarcely  worthy  of 
inquiry.  If  it  was  known  at  all,  it  was  known  as  a  coin  for 
the  foreign  market. 

No  one  proposed  to  reissue  it.  The  Pacific  coast  had  six  | 
intelligent,  able,  and  competent  Senators  on  the  floor  of  the 
Senate.  They  would  have  carefully  looked  out  for  the  interest 
of  silver,  if  the  bill  affected  them  injuriously.  The  authority 
given  in  the  bill  as  it  finally  passed  for  coining  the  so-called 
trade  dollar,  met  all  the  demands  of  the  silver  producing 
states.  But  the  silver  dollar  at  that  time  was  worth  more  than 
the  gold  dollar.  California  and  Nevada  were  on  the  gold 
standard. 

The  bill  was  printed  over  and  over  again,  finally  reported, 
and  brought  before  the  Senate.  It  was  debated  there  for  three 

S— 33 


466  RECOLLECTIONS 

days.  Every  Senator  from  the  Pacific  coast  spoke  upon  the 
measure.  Eepresenting  the  committee,  I  presented  the  ques 
tions  as  they  occurred  from  time  to  time,  until  finally  we 
differed  quite  seriously  upon  the  question  of  a  charge  for  the 
coinage  of  gold.  The  only  yea  and  nay  vote  in  the  Senate  on 
the  passage  of  that  bill,  after  two  days  debate,  occurred  on 
the  10th  of  January,  1871.  Those  who  voted  in  favor  of  the 
bill  were  Messrs.  Bayard,  Boreman,  Brownlow,  Casserly,  Cole, 
Conkling,  Corbett,  Davis,  Gilbert,  Hamlin,  Harlan,  Jewett, 
Johnston,  Kellogg,  McCreary,  Morton,  Nye,  Patterson,  Pome- 
roy,  Pool,  Ramsey,  Rice,  Saulsbury,  Spencer,  Stewart,  Stockton, 
Sumner,  Thurman,  Tipton,  Trumbull,  Yickers,  Warner,  Willey, 
Williams,  Wilson  and  Yates — 36. 

Every  one  of  the  six  Members  of  the  Pacific  coast  voted  for 
the  bill  after  full  debate. 

Against  this  bill  were  Messrs.  Abbott,  Ames,  Anthony, 
Buckingham,  Carpenter,  Chandler,  Fenton,  Hamilton,  of  Texas, 
Harris,  Howell,  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  Pratt,  Scott  and  Sher 
man — 14. 

So  that  on  the  only  yea  and  nay  vote  which  was  ever  taken 
upon  the  bill  I  voted  against  it.  It  was  not  on  account  of  de 
monetizing  the  silver  dollar.  I  did  not  do  it  because  of  that, 
but  I  did  it  because  gold  was  then  only  coined  for  the  benefit 
of  private  depositors;  we  were  not  using  gold  except  for  limited 
purposes.  Gold  was  the  standard  in  California,  and  we  thought 
the  people  of  that  state  ought  to  continue  to  pay  the  old  and 
reasonable  rate  for  coinage  of  one-fifth  of  one  cent  to  the  dol 
lar.  No  action  was  taken  on  the  bill  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  it  failed  to  pass  during  that  Congress.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  next  Congress  the  bill  was  introduced  by  Wm. 
D.  Kelley,  and  reported  by  him  favorably  to  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives.  It  gave  rise  to  considerable  debate,  especially 
the  section  defining  the  silver  coins.  No  one  proposed  to 
restore  the  old  silver  dollar,  but  the  House  inserted  a 
coin  precisely  the  equivalent  of  five  francs,  or  two  half 
dollars  of  our  subsidiary  coin,  and  this  franc  dollar,  as  it 
was  called,  was  made,  like  other  subsidiary  coins,  a  legal 
tender  for  only  five  dollars.  On  the  9th  of  April,  1872,  Mr. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  467 

Hooper,  having  charge  of  the  bill,  called  especial  attention 
to  the  dropping  of  the  old  dollar  and  the  substitution  of  the 
French  dollar.  He  said,  on  April  9,  1872: 

"  Section  16  reenacts  the  provisions  of  existing  laws  defining  the  silver 
coins  and  their  weights,  respectively,  except  in  relation  to  the  silver  dollar, 
which  is  reduced  in  weight  from  412^  to  384  grains ;  thus  making  it  a  sub 
sidiary  coin  in  harmony  with  the  silver  coins  of  less  denomination,  to  secure 
its  concurrent  circulation  with  them.  The  silver  dollar  of  412|  grains,  by 
reason  of  its  bullion  and  intrinsic  value  being  greater  than  its  nominal  value, 
long  since  ceased  to  be  a  coin  of  circulation,  and  is  melted  by  manufactur 
ers  of  silverware.  It  does  not  circulate  now  in  commercial  transactions  with 
any  country,  and  the  convenience  of  those  manufacturers,  in  this  respect,  can 
better  be  met  by  supplying  small  stamped  bars  of  the  same  standard,  avoid 
ing  the  useless  expense  of  coining  the  dollar  for  that  purpose.  The  coinage 
of  the  half  dime  is  discontinued  for  the  reason  that  its  place  is  supplied  by 
the  copper  nickel  five-cent  piece,  of  which  a  large  issue  has  been  made,  and 
which,  by  the  provisions  of  the  act  authorizing  its  issue,  is  redeemable  in 
United  States  currency." 

When  the  bill  was  sent  to  the  Senate  it,  in  compliance 
with  the  memorial  of  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  California, 
inserted  in  place  of  the  French  dollar,  of  384  grains  of  stand 
ard  silver,  a  dollar  containing  420  grains  of  standard  silver, 
called  the  "trade  dollar."  This  was  urged  upon  the  ground 
that,  as  the  Mexican  dollar  contained  416  grains,  or  3J  grains 
more  than  the  old  silver  dollar,  it  had  an  advantage  in  trade 
w^ith  China  and  Japan  over  our  dollar,  and  that  a  coin  contain 
ing  a  few  grains  more  than  the  Mexican  dollar  would  give 
our  people  the  benefit  of  this  use  for  silver.  This  dollar  was, 
in  conference,  agreed  to  by  the  House,  but  was  a  legal  tender 
for  only  five  dollars.  On  final  action  on  that  bill,  the  con 
ferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  were  Messrs.  Sherman,  Scott 
and  Bayard.  The  amendment  of  the  Senate  adopting  the 
trade  dollar  was  agreed  to  by  the  House,  and  the  bill  passed  in 
both  Houses  without  a  division. 

There  never  was  a  bill  proposed  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  which  was  so  publicly  and  openly  presented  and  agi 
tated.  I  know  of  no  bill  in  my  experience  which  was  printed, 
as  this  was,  thirteen  times,  in  order  to  invite  attention  to  it.  I 
know  no  bill  which  was  freer  from  any  immoral  or  wrong  influ 
ence  than  this  act  of  1873. 


468  RECOLLECTIONS 

During  the  pendency  of  this  bill,  the  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives  from  the  Pacific  coast  were  in  favor  of  the  single 
standard  of  gold  alone.  This  was  repeatedly  shown  during  the 
debates,  but  now  they  complain  that  the  silver  dollar  was  de 
monetized,  and  that,  though  present,  taking  the  most  active 
interest  in  the  consideration  of  the  bill,  they  did  not  observe 
that  the  silver  dollar  was  dropped  from  the  coinage.  The  pub 
lic  records  are  conclusive  against  this  pretense.  Mr.  Stewart, 
Senator  from  Nevada,  and  all  the  Senators  from  the  Pacific 
coast,  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  debate  on  the  bill,  must 
have  known  of  the  dropping  of  the  silver  dollar  from  the  coin 
age.  It  appears  from  the  "  Congressional  Record"  that,  on 
the  llth  of  February,  1874,  Mr.  Stewart  said  : 

"I  want  the  standard  gold,  and  no  paper  money  not  redeemable  in 
gold ;  no  paper  money  the  value  of  which  is  not  ascertained  ;  no  paper 
money  that  will  organize  a  gold  board  to  speculate  in  it." 

Again,  only  a  few  days  after  this,  on  the  20th  of  Febru 
ary,  when  he  was  speaking  in  favor  of  the  resolution,  instruct 
ing  the  committee  on  finance  to  report  a  bill  providing  for  the 
convertibility  of  treasury  notes  into  gold  coin  or  five  per  cent, 
bonds,  he  said : 

"  By  this  process  we  shall  come  to  a  specie  basis,  and  when  the  laboring 
man  receives  a  dollar  it  will  have  the  purchasing  power  of  a  dollar,  and  he 
will  not  be  called  upon  to  do  what  is  impossible  for  him  or  the  producing 
classes  to  do,  figure  upon  the  exchanges,  figure  upon  the  fluctuations,  figure 
upon  the  gambling  in  New  York  ;  but  he  will  know  what  his  money  is 
worth.  Gold  is  the  universal  standard  of  the  world.  Everybody  knows 
what  a  dollar  in  gold  is  worth." 

To  review  the  history  of  the  act  of  1873 :  It  was  framed  in 
the  treasury  department  after  a  thorough  examination  by  ex 
perts,  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  thoroughly  ex 
amined  and  debated  during  four  consecutive  sessions,  with  in 
formation  called  for  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  printed 
thirteen  times  by  order  and  broadly  circulated,  and  many 
amendments  were  proposed,  but  no  material  changes  were  made 
in  the  coinage  clause  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  con 
troversy.  It .  added  the  French  dollar  for  a  time,  but  that  was 
superseded  by  the  trade  dollar,  and  neither  was  made  a  legal 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  469 

tender  but  for  five  dollars.  It  passed  the  Senate  on  the  10th  of 
January,  1871—36  yeas  and  14  nays — every  Senator  from  the 
Pacific  coast  voting  for  it. 

It  was  introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  Mr. 
Kelley,  at  the  next  session.  It  was  debated,  scrutinized,  and 
passed  unanimously,  dropping  the  silver  dollar,  as  directly 
stated  by  Mr.  Hooper.  It  was  reported,  debated,  amended,  and 
passed  by  the  Senate  unanimously.  In  every  stage  of  the  bill, 
and  every  print,  the  dollar  of  41 2|  grains  was  prohibited,  and 
the  single  gold  standard  recognized,  proclaimed,  and  under 
stood.  It  was  not  until  silver  was  a  cheaper  dollar  that  any 
one  demanded  it,  and  then  it  was  to  take  advantage  of  a 
creditor. 

It  has  always  been  within  the  power  of  Congress  to  correct 
this  error,  if  error  was.  made;  but  Congress  has  refused  over 
and  over  again  to  do  it.  When  the  controversy  arose,  in  1878, 
on  the  Bland  bill,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  pro 
posed  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  the  Senate  rejected  it  after  a 
deliberate  contest,  and  substituted  in  place  of  it  what  is  called 
the  Bland-Allison  act,  which  required  the  purchase,  by  the 
government,  of  silver  bullion  at  its  market  value,  and  its 
coinage  to  a  limited  amount.  Every  effort  has  been  made, 
from  that  time  to  this,  to  have  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  pass  a  free  coinage  act. 

If  this  is  done,  it  will  be  to  secure  a  cheaper  dollar  of  less 
purchasing  power,  with  the  view  to  enable  debtors  to  pay 
debts,  contracted  on  the  basis  of  gold  coin,  with  silver  coins, 
worth,  with  free  coinage,  less  than  one-half  of  gold  coin. 

In  reviewing,  at  this  distance  of  time,  the  legislation  of 
1873,  in  respect  to  the  coinage  of  silver,  I  am  of  the  opinion 
that  it  was  fortunate  that  the  United  States  then  dropped  the 
coinage  of  the  old  silver  dollar.  No  one  then  contemplated  the 
enormous  yield  of  silver  from  the  mmes,  and  the  resulting  fall 
in  the  market  value  of  silver,  but,  acting  upon  the  experience 
of  the  past,  that  a  parity  between  silver  and  gold  could  not  be 
maintained  at  any  fixed  ratio,  Congress  adopted  gold  as  the 
standard  of  value,  and  coined  silver  as  a  subsidiary  coin,  to  be 
received  and  maintained  at  a  parity  with  gold,  but  only  a  legal 


470  RECOLLECTIONS 

tender  for  small  sums.  This  was  the  principle  adopted  in  the 
act  of  1853,  when  silver  was  more  valuable  than  gold  at  the 
legal  ratio.  Silver  was  not  then  coined  into  dollars,  because 
it  was  then  worth  more  as  bullion  than  as  coin.  It  was  needed 
for  change,  and,  under  the  law  of  1853,  it  was  furnished  in 
abundance.  Similar  laws  are  now  in  force  in  all  countries 
where  gold  is  the  sole  standard.  Under  these  laws,  a  larger 
amount  of  silver  is  employed  as  subsidiary  coins  than  when  the 
coinage  of  silver  was  free. 

The  same  condition  of  coinage  now  exists  in  the  United 
States.  While  silver  is  reduced  in  market  value  nearly  one- 
half,  silver  coins  are  maintained  at  par,  with  gold  at  the 
old  ratio,  by  the  fiat  of  the  government.  It  is  true  that  the 
purchase  of  silver,  under  recent  laws,  involved  a  heavy  loss  to 
the  government,  but  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  under  the  ratio 
of  sixteen  to  one,  would  exclude  gold  from  our  currency,  detach 
the  United  States  from  the  monetary  standard  of  all  the  chief 
commercial  nations  of  the  world,  and  change  all  existing  con 
tracts  between  individuals  and  with  the  government.  In  view 
of  these  results,  certain  to  come  from  the  free  coinage  of  silver, 
I  am  convinced  that  until  some  international  arrangement 
can  be  made,  the  present  system  of  coinage  should  continue 
in  force.  This  has  now  become  a  political,  or,  rather,  a  mone 
tary  question,  to  be  decided  sooner  or  later,  by  popular  opinion, 
at  the  polls.  This  subject  will  be  further  discussed  at  a  later 
period,  when  efforts  were  made  to  adopt  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  at  the  old  ratio. 

Prior  to  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1870,  a  con 
troversy  had  arisen  between  Senator  Sumner  and  Secretary 
Fish,  which  created  serious  embarrassment,  and  I  think  had  a 
very  injurious  influence  during  that  and  succeeding  sessions  of 
Congress.  Mr.  Sumner  had  long  been  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  foreign  relations,  and  no  doubt  exercised  a  domineer 
ing  po\^er  in  this  branch  of  the  public  service.  Mr.  Fish  and 
Mr.  Sumner  had  differed  widely  in  respect  to  the  annexation  of 
San  Domingo  and  certain  diplomatic  appointments  and  former 
treaties,  among  them  the  highly  important  English  negotiation 
for  the  settlement  of  claims  growing  out  of  the  war.  On  these 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  471 

topics  the  President  and  Mr.  Sumner  could  not  agree.  Mr. 
Sumner  insisted  that  the  hasty  proclamation  by  Great  Britain 
of  neutrality  between  the  United  States  and  the  Southern  Con 
federacy  was  the  gravamen  of  the  Alabama  claims.  The  Presi 
dent  and  Mr.  Fish  contended  that  this  proclamation  was  an 
act  of  which  we  could  not  complain,  except  as  an  indication  of 
an  unfriendly  spirit  by  Great  Britain,  and  that  the  true  basis  of 
the  Alabama  claims  was  that  Great  Britain,  after  proclaiming 
neutrality,  did  not  enforce  it,  but  allowed  her  subjects  to  build 
cruisers,  and  man,  arm  and  use  them,  under  cover  of  the  rebel 
flag,  to  the  destruction  of  our  commercial  navy. 

This  difference  of  opinion  between  the  President  and  Mr. 
Sumner  led  to  the  removal  of  John  L.  Motley,  our  minister  to 
England,  who  sided  with  Sumner,  and  unquestionably  intensi 
fied  the  feeling  that  had  arisen  from  the  San  Domingo  treaty. 

As  to  that  treaty  it  was  a  conceded  fact  that  before  the 
President  had  become  publicly  committed  to  it  he  had,  waiving 
his  official  rank,  sought  the  advice  and  counsel  of  Mr.  Sumner, 
and  was  evidently  misled  as  to  Mr.  Sumner's  views  on  this  sub 
ject.  The  subsequent  debating,  in  both  open  and  executive 
session,  led  to  Mr.  Sumner's  taking  the  most  extreme  and  active 
opposition  to  the  treaty,  in  which  he  arrayed  with  great  severity 
the  conduct  of  the  naval  officers,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Mr.  Fish  and  the  President.  This  was  aggravated  by  alleged 
public  conversations  with  Mr.  Sumner  by  "  interviewers,"  in 
which  the  motives  of  the  President  and  others  were  impugned. 

In  the  meantime,  social  relations  between  the  •  Secretary  of 
State  and  Mr.  Sumner  had  become  impossible  ;  and — consider 
ing  human  passion,  prejudice  and  feeling — anything  like  frank 
and  confidential  communication  between  the  President  and  Mr. 
Sumner  was  out  of  the  question. 

A  majority  of  the  Republican  Senators  sided  with  the  Presi 
dent.  We  generally  agreed  that  it  was  a  false-pretended 
neutrality,  and  not  a  too  hasty  proclamation  of  neutrality, 
that  gave  'us  an  unquestionable  right  to  demand  indemnity 
from  Great  Britain  for  the  depredations  of  the  Alabama  and 
other  English  cruisers.  And  as  for  the  San  Domingo  treaty,  a 
large  majority  of  Republican  Senators  had  voted  for  it — though 


472  RECOLLECTIONS 

I  did  not ;  and  nearly  all  of  us  had  voted  for  the  commission  of 
inquiry  of  which  Mr.  Wade  was  the  chief  member. 

When  we  met  in  March,  it  was  known  that  both  these  im 
portant  subjects  would  necessarily  be  referred  to  the  committee 
on  foreign  relations,  and  that,  aside  from  the  hostile  personal 
relations  of  Mr.  Sumner  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  he  did  not, 
and  could  not,  and  would  not,  represent  the  views  of  a  majority 
of  his  Republican  colleagues  in  the  Senate,  and  that  a  majority 
of  his  committee  agreed  with  him.  Committees  are  and 
ought  to  be  organized  to  represent  the  body,  giving  a  majority 
of  the  members  to  the  prevailing  opinion,  but  fairly  represent 
ing  the  views  of  the  minority.  It  has  been  the  custom  in  the 
Senate  to  allow  each  party  to  choose  its  own  representatives 
in  each  committee,  and  in  proportion  to  its  numbers. 

In  the  Republican  conference  the  first  question  that  arose 
was  as  to  Mr.  Sumner.  He  was  the  oldest  Senator  in  consecu 
tive  service.  He  was  eminent  not  only  as  a  faithful  representa 
tive  of  Republican  principles,  but  as  especially  qualified  to  be 
chairman  of  our  foreign  relations.  He  had  long  held  that 
position,  and  it  was  not  usual  in  the  Senate  to  change  the  com 
mittees,  but  to  follow  the  rule  of  seniority,  placing  Senators 
of  the  majority  party  in  the  order  of  their  coming  into  the 
Senate  and  those  of  the  minority  at  the  foot  of  the  list. 

In  deciding  Mr.  Sumner's  case,  in  view  of  the  facts  I  have 
stated,  two  plans  were  urged : 

First — To  place  him  at  the  head  of  the  new  and  important 
committee  of  privileges  and  elections,  leaving  the  rest  of  the 
committee  on  foreign  relations  to  stand  in  the  precise  order 
it  had  been,  with  one  vacancy  to  be  filled  in  harmony  with  the 
majority. 

Second — To  leave  Mr.  Sumner  to  stand  in  his  old  place  as 
chairman,  and  to  make  a  change  in  the  body  of  the  commit 
tee  by  transferring  one  of  its  members  to  another  committee, 
and  fill  the  vacancy  by  a  Senator  in  harmony  with  the  ma 
jority. 

My  own  opinion  was  that  the  latter  course  was  the  most 
polite  and  just ;  but  the  majority  decided,  after  full  considera 
tion  and  debate,  upon  the  first  alternative. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  473 

Simon  Cameron  was  next  to  Mr.  Sumner  on  the  list  of 
Republican  members  of  the  committee,  and,  by  uniform  usage, 
became  its  chairman. 

This  affair  created  feeling  in  the  Senate  which  it  is  diffi 
cult  now  to  realize,  but  it  was  decided  in  a  Republican  caucus, 
in  which  there  was  an  honest  difference  of  opinion.  We  fore 
saw,  whichever  way  it  should  be  decided,  that  it  would  create 
-and  it  did  create — bad  feeling  among  Senators,  which  ex 
isted  as  long  as  Mr.  Sumner  lived.  I  think  it  proper  to  make 
this  statement  of  my  own  views  at  the  time,  though  by  the 
happening  of  great  events  this  incident  has  almost  passed  out 
of  memory. 

Mr.  Sumner  died  in  Washington,  March  11.  1874.  He  was 
distinguished  for  his  literary  attainments,  and  his  strong  oppo 
sition  to  the  institution  of  slavery  and  his  severe  arraignment 
of  it.  The  brutal  attack  made  upon  him  by  Preston  S.  Brooks 
created  profound  sympathy  for  him. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

SOME  EVENTS  IN  MY  PRIVATE  LIFE. 

Feuds  and  Jealousies  During  Grant's  Administration  —  Attack  on  Me  by  the  Cin 
cinnati  "Enquirer"  —  Reply  and  Statement  Regarding  My  Worldly  Posses 
sions  —  I  Am  Elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  Third  Term  —  Trip  to  the 
Pacific  with  Colonel  Scott  and  Party  —  Visit  to  the  Yosernite  Val 
ley  —  San  Diego  in  1872  —  Return  Via  Carson  City  and  Salt 
Lake  —  We    Call    on    Brigham    Young  —  Arrival     Home 
to    Enter   Into     the    Greeley-Grant    Canvass  —  Elec 
tion  of   General   Grant   for    the   Second    Term. 

1HAVE  purposely  followed  the  legislation  of  Congress  on 
financial  questions  until  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1873, 
passing  over  other  events  in  my  personal  history  and  that 
of  President  Grant. 

It  can  hardly  be  said  that  we  had  a  strictly  Republican 
administration,  during  his  two  terms.  While  Republicans 
were  selected  to  fill  the  leading  offices,  the  policy  adopted  and 
the  controlling  influence  around  him  were  purely  personal. 
He  consulted  but  few  of  the  Senators  or  Members,  and  they 
were  known  as  his  personal  friends.  Mr.  Conkling,  by  his  im 
perious  will,  soon  gained  a  strong  influence  over  the  President, 
and  from  this  came  feuds,  jealousies  and  enmities,  that  greatly 
weakened  the  Republican  party  and  threatened  its  ascendency. 
This  was  a  period  of  bitter  accusations,  extending  from  the 
President  to  almost  everyone  in  public  life.  During  the  entire 
period  of  Grant's  administration,  I  was  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  finance  of  the  Senate,  and  had  to  act  upon  all  ques 
tions  of  taxation,  debt,  banking  or  finance,  and  had  occasion  to 
talk  with  the  President  upon  such  measures,  but  he  rarely 
expressed  any  opinion  or  took  any  interest  in  them.  His  veto 
of  the  bill  to  increase  the  amount  of  United  States  notes,  on 
the  22nd  of  April,  1874,  was  an  exception,  but  on  this  he  changed 
his  mind,  as  he  had  expressed  his  approval  of  the  bill  when  pend 
ing.  He  was  charged  with  being  in  a  whisky  ring  and  with 
other  offensive  imputations,  all  of  which  were  without  the 

(474) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  475 

slightest  foundation.  General  Grant  was,  in  every  sense  of 
the  word,  an  honest  man.  He  was  so  honest  that  he  did  not 
suspect  others,  and  no  doubt  confided  in,  and  was  friendly 
with,  those  who  abused  his  confidence.  It  was  a  period  of 
slander  and  scandal. 

I  did  not  escape  the  general  crimination.  I  usually  met 
accusations  with  silence,  as  my  accusers  were  answered  by 
others.  In  March,  1871,  the  Cincinnati  "Enquirer"  contained 
the  following  imputation: 

"  We  are  informed  that  a  gentleman  who  lately  filled  a  responsible 
office  in  this  city,  who  has  recently  returned  from  Washington,  says  that  the 
Southern  Railroad  bill  would  have  passed  the  United  States  Senate  if  it 
had  not,  unfortunately,  happened  that  Senator  Sherman  had  no  direct  pe 
cuniary  interest  in  it.  In  these  days,  and  with  such  Congresses,  it  takes 
grease  to  oil  the  wheels  of  legislation." 

On  the  12th  of  March  I  wrote  to  the  editors  of  the  "  En 
quirer"  the  following  note,  after  quoting  the  editorial: 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  March  12,  1871.  ) 
To  THE  EDITORS  OF  THE  'ENQUIRER  : ' 

GENTLEMEN  :  —  Some  one,  perhaps  in  your  office,  sends  me  the  follow 
ing  editorial,  cut  from  your  paper  : 

•X--K-K*-**-*-** 

All  I  can  say  in  reply  is  that  it  contains  a  falsehood  and  a  calumny. 
I  introduced  the  bill  for  the  Southern  Railroad ;  am  strongly  in  favor 
of  it,  and  pressed  it  at  every  stage  as  rapidly  as  the  rules  of  the  Sen 
ate  and  the  strong  opposition  to  it  would  allow.  This  is  known  by  every 
Senator,  and  I  am  quite  sure  Judge  Thurman  and  Mr.  Davis  would  say  so. 
I  alone  took  an  active  interest  in  the  bill,  and  at  the  very  moment  your  edi 
torial  was  received  I  was  pressing  a  Republican  caucus  to  make  it  an  excep 
tion  to  a  resolution  not  to  take  up  general  legislation  at  this  session.  Every 
one  familiar  with  our  rules  knew  that  it  was  the  sheerest  folly  to  try  to  pass 
the  bill  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  especially  as  against  our  appropria 
tion  bills.  When  it  does  pass  it  will  take  days  of  debate,  and  will  not  re 
ceive  support  from  any  of  your  political  associates,  who  think  Kentucky 
can  block  up  all  intercourse  between  the  north  and  south.  Still  I  yielded 
to  the  earnest  desire  of  the  trustees  to  try  to  get  a  vote,  but  failed  to  get 
the  floor  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  only  moment  it  was  possible  to 
submit  even  the  motion  to  take  it  up.  The  bill  to  abolish  the  duty  on  coal 
was  taken  up  and  was  not  acted  on,  nor  would  the  railroad  bill,  or  any  other 
contested  bill,  have  passed  at  that  stage  of  the  session, 


476  .      RECOLLECTIONS 

As  to  the  base  imputation  you  attribute  to  'a  gentleman  who  lately 
filled  a  responsible  office  in  this  city,'  I  can  only  say  that,  whether  it  orig 
inates  with  you  or  anyone  else,  it  is  utterly  false.  Neither  in  this  nor  in 
any  measure  that  has  passed  Congress,  or  is  pending,  have  I  had  any  direct 
pecuniary  interest.  I  respectfully  ask  that  you  print  this,  and  also  the 
name  of  the  '  gentleman '  you  refer  to. 

I  intend-^  in  the  interests  of  the  city  of  Cincinnati  and  of  the  whole 
country,  to  press  the  Southern  Railroad  bill,  and  to  secure  its  passage  as 
soon  as  possible,  but  it  is  rather  poor  encouragement  to  read  such  libels  in 
a  prominent  paper  in  your  city.  Yours  etc.,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

This  was  followed  by  an  article  in  the  "  Enquirer  "  embod 
ied  in  my  reply,  as  follows  : 

WASHINGTON,  March  20,  1871. 

GENTLEMEN  : — In  your  editorial  in  the  'Enquirer'  of  March  17,  in  com 
menting  on  my  card  to  you  as  to  my  action  on  the  Cincinnati  Southern 
Railroad  bill,  you  repeat  my  statement  that  '  neither  in  this  nor  in  any  meas 
ure  that  has  passed  Congress,  or  is  pending,  have  I  had  any  pecuniary  interest,' 
and  you  say : 

*If  this  is  true,  he  has  certainly  been  a  very  badly  slandered  gentleman. 
Somehow  or  other  there  is  a  popular  impression  that  Mr.  Sherman  has  con 
trived  to  make  his  connection  with  politics  a  highly  lucrative  business,  and 
that  he  has  exhibited,  since  he  has  been  in  Congress,  a  worldly  thrift  that  is 
remarkable.  There  is  a  further  impression  that  he  is  now  a  very  rich  man, 
whereas,  a  few  years  ago,  before  he  was  in  public  affairs,  his  circumstances  were 
decidedly  moderate.  Perhaps  our  senatorial  friend  may  not  be  aware  of 
the  existence  of  these  derogatory  reports,  and  will  thank  us  for  giving  him 
an  opportunity,  now  that  he  knows  of  their  existence,  to  disprove  them.' 

I  have  not  been  ignorant  that  there  has  been  a  studied  effort — ascribed 
by  me  to  the  common  tactics  of  political  warfare — to  create  the  impression, 
by  vague  innuendo,  that  I  have  used  my  official  position  to  make  money  for 
myself.  I  know  that  this  charge  or  imputation  is  without  the  slightest 
foundation,  and  I  now  repeat  that  I  never  was  pecuniarily  interested  in  any 
question,  bill  or  matter  before  Congress ;  that  I  never  received  anything  in 
money,  or  property,  or  promise,  directly  or  indirectly,  for  my  vote  or  influ 
ence  in  Congress  or  in  the  departments  ;  that  I  have  studiously  avoided 
engaging  in  any  business  depending  upon  legislation  in  Congress.  The 
only  enterprise  in  which  I  ever  engaged,  which  rests  upon  an  act  of  Con 
gress,  is  that  in  1862,  after  the  bill  passed  authorizing  the  construction  of  a 
street  railroad  in  this  city,  I,  with  others,  openly  subscribed  stock,  and 
undertook  to  build  it  in  pursuance  of  the  act  of  Congress. 

From  the  position  assigned  me  here,  I  have  had  to  deal  with  great  ques 
tions  involving  our  financial  system  of  currency,  taxes  and  debt,  and  I  can 
appeal  to  all  my  associates  in  Congress,  to  each  of  the  eminent  men  with 
whom,  as  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  I  have  been  intimate,  and  to  every  man 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  477 

of   the   multitude    with   whom  I  have   been  brought  into   contact,    to    say 
whether  I  have  ever  been  influenced  in  my  course  by  pecuniary  interest. 

But  you  say  that  the  impression  is  that  I  am  a  very  rich  man,  whereas, 
before  I  was  in  public  affairs,  my  circumstances  were  decidedly  moderate. 
This  allegation  contains  two  gross  exaggerations.  When  I  entered  public 
life,  I  was  largely  engaged  in  my  profession  and  other  lucrative  business. 
If  I  had  not  engaged  in  politics,  I  might  have  been  the  rich  man  you 
suppose.  I  am  not  this  day  relatively  richer,  considering  the  changed  value 
of  property,  than  I 'was  when  I  entered  the  Senate.  Some  time  ago  it  was 
stated  in  your  paper  that  I  was  worth  millions.  A  very  small  fraction,  in 
deed,  of  one  million  dollars  will  cover  all  I  am  worth.  My  property  con 
sists  mainly  of  real  estate,  palpable  to  the  eye,  and  the  rest  of  it  is  chiefly  in 
a  railroad  with  which  I  was  connected  before  I  entered  public  life. 

I  have  managed  my  business  affairs  with  reasonable  care,  prudence, 
economy  and  success.  What  I  have  is  the  result  of  this. 

You  kindly  offer  me  an  opportunity  to  disprove  to  you  these  reports. 
Well,  how  can  I?  What  charge  is  made  against  me?  How  can  I  fight 
shadows?  How  can  a  man  .prove  himself  innocent  against  an  innuendo  ? 

But  as  you  offer  me  the  opportunity,  I  now  invite  Mr.  Faran  to  come 
to  my  home  at  Mansfield,  and  I  will  show  him  all  I  possess  there,  and  ren 
der  him  a  full  account  of  all  I  have  elsewhere,  and  if  I  can't  fairly  account 
for  it  without  being  suspected  of  receiving  bribes,  or  gifts,  or  stealing,  then 
he  can  repeat  these  baseless  accusations  with  an  easy  conscience. 

You  may  ask  why  I  have  not  met  these  derogatory  reports  before. 
Perhaps  I  ought,  but  I  feel  the  humiliation  of  such  a  controversy,  and 
thought  it  time  enough  when  a  specific  charge  was  made.  And  I  am  told 
by  Mr.  Hedges,  my  former  law  partner,  that  in  my  absence,  last  summer, 
he  corrected  some  gross  misstatements  in  your  paper  about  me,  and  that 
you  refused  or  neglected  to  publish  it — even  to  notice  it.  As,  however, 
you  now,  in  a  courteous  way,  invite  this  letter,  I  take  great  pleasure  in 
accepting  your  offer.  Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MESSRS.  FARAN  &  McLEAN,  editors  of  the  *  Enquirer.' 

I  doubted  the  policy  of  my  publishing  such  a  letter,  or  of 
taking  any  notice  of  so  indefinite  a  charge,  but  the  response 
from  the  press  was  fair,  especially  from  the  "  Shield  and 
Banner,"  a  Democratic  paper  printed  in  Mansfield,  as  follows : 

"  We  publish  a  letter  of  Hon.  John  Sherman  to  the  editors  of  the  Cin 
cinnati  '  Enquirer.'  It  is  hardly  necessary  that  we  should  say  that  we  have 
no  sympathy  with  the  political  creed  of  John  Sherman.  Between  him  and 
us  there  is  a  vast  and  wide  difference  ;  but  we  are  not,  we  trust,  so  much  of 
the  partisan  that  we  cannot  do  justice  to  a  neighbor,  if  that  neighbor  differs 
with  us.  We  have  known  John  Sherman,  not  only  during  all  his  public  life, 
but  from  the  time  we  became  a  resident  of  Mansfield,  now  covering  a  period 


478  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  thirty  years,  and  we  have  always  known  him  as  industrious,  prudent  and 
careful  in  his  profession,  and  economical  and  thrifty  in  his  business.  We 
placed  very  little  credence  in  the  rumors  that  he  was  a  man  of  immense 
wealth.  His  property  is  mostly  in  real  estate.  He  was  fortunate  in  get 
ting  hold  of  very  desirable  property  in  and  around  our  city,  and  the  advance 
in  that  has  doubtless  given  him  a  competence  ;  but  it  is  folly  to  charge  him 
with  beinga^millionaire.  We  have,  in  common  with  our  neighbors,  enjoyed 
his  hospitality,  and  his  style  of  living  is  neither  extravagant  nor  ostentatious. 
"  Mr.  Sherman  is  one  of  our  townsmen,  and  although  all  wrong  as  a  poli 
tician  and  statesman,  and  holding  to  a  creed  we  utterly  disapprove,  he  is  a 
highminded  and  honorable  man,  and  we  are  bound  to  accept  his  statement 
about  his  pecuniary  affairs  as  true. " 

I  have  often  since  been  accused  of  the  crime  of  "  being  rich," 
but  as  nearly  all  my  possessions  are  visible  to  the  naked  eye, 
and  their  history  and  acquisition  are  known  to  so  many,  I 
think  I  am  not  required  to  prove  that  I  have  not  made  them 
as  the  result  of  legislation  or  my  holding  public  trusts. 

My  second  term  in  the  Senate  expired  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1873.  The  election  of  my  successor  devolved  upon  the  legisla 
ture  that  convened  on  the  first  Monday  of  January,  1872. 

The  canvass  in  Ohio,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1871,  was  an 
active  and  exciting  one  and  attracted  great  interest  in  other 
states.  The  result  would  indicate  the  strength  or  weakness  of 
Grant's  administration.  I  felt  it  was  necessary,  not  only  for 
my  re-election,  but  for  the  success  of  the  Republican  party,  that 
every  effort  should  be  made  to  elect  a  Republican  majority  in 
the  legislature,  and  I,  therefore,  at  the  state  convention  and 
in  most  of  the  congressional  districts  of  Ohio,  made  earnest 
speeches  in  behalf  of  the  state  ticket  and  members  of  the  leg 
islature.  I  received  many  letters  of  encouragement,  one  of 
which,  from  Senator  Carpenter  in  reference  to  my  speech  in  the 

convention,  I  insert : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  20,  1871. 
HON.  JOHN  SHEKMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  just  read  your  speech  to  the  state  convention  of 
Ohio.  It  is  splendid.  The  only  fault  I  have  to  find  with  it  is,  that  you 
have  covered  the  whole  ground  and  reduced  us  *  lesser  lights '  to  the  neces 
sity  of  repeating  and  elaborating.  This  is  very  mean  of  you;  you  might 
have  left  some  topic  of  the  next  campaign  untouched,  for  us  to  dwell  upon. 
But  you  have  pre-empted  everything  and  we  must  follow  after. 

Very  truly  yours,  MATT  H.  CARPENTER. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  479 

The  legislature  was  elected  in  October,  1871,  but  the  major 
ity  for  the  Republicans  was  so  small  that  the  election  of  a  Re 
publican  Senator  was  in  doubt. 

I  received  many  hearty  letters  of  congratulation  on  out- 
success  in  Ohio  from  my  colleagues  in  the  Senate,  among  them 
one  from  Senator  Conkling  as  follows  : 

UTICA,  N.  Y.,  October  13,  1871. 
Hox.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  MANSFIELD,  OHIO. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Having  waited  for  certainties  touching  your  election 
and  the  legislature,  and  having  watched  the  canvass  with  sincere  solicitude, 
I  congratulate  you  most  heartily  upon  the  result. 

Your  own  speeches  have  been  among  the  best  you  ever  made,  and  your 
canvass  has  been  full  of  the  pluck  without  which  no  canvass  and  no  political 
contest  is  thorough  or  truthful. 

This  state  is  ours  unless  the  people  are  discouraged  from  voting  in  the 
country  by  the  belief  that  with  Tammany  to  count,  it  matters  not  what 
majority  roll  up  above  the  Highlands. 

Notwithstanding  the  grievous  statement  of  the  *  Tribune '  and  inspired  by 
the  'Tribune,'  we  have  done  nothing  harsh  to  the  anti-administration  minor 
ity,  but  the  least  and  mildest  thing  which  would  prevent  a  split  in  our  or 
ganization  with  trouble  for  the  future,  and  probably  a  double  delegation  in 
the  next  national  convention.  Yours  sincerely,  ROSCOE  COXKLIXG. 

It  was  conceded  that  a  decided  majority  of  the  Republican 
members  of  the  legislature  were  in  favor  of  my  re-election, 
but  it  was  believed  that  an  effort  would  be  made  by  five 
Republican  members  to  combine  with  the  Democratic  members 
and  thus  secure  the  election  of  ex-Governor  Jacob  D.  Cox. 

A  Republican  legislative  caucus  was  convened  on  the  even 
ing  of  January  4th,  to  nominate  a  candidate.  The  first  and  in 
formal  ballot  gave  me  61  votes  to  14  scattering  and  the  second 
ballot  71  votes  to  4  scattering.  This  settled  the  matter  unless 
the  few  dissenting  votes  could  combine  with  the  solid  Demo 
cratic  vote  upon  some  other  candidate.  It  was  soon  found 
that  this  attempt  would  be  abortive,  as  several  Democrats, 
and  especially  those  from  Richland  and  Fairfield  counties, 
would  vote  for  me  if  the  choice  came  between  Cox  and  my 
self.  Every  effort  was  made  by  General  Ashley  and  the  few 
others  who  were  opposed  to  my  nomination  to  combine  upon 
anyone  who  could  defeat  me.  They  offered  their  support  to 
Governor  Hayes,  but  this  was  promptly  refused  by  him.  The 


480  RECOLLECTIONS 

same  effort  was  made  with  Governor  Dennison,  General  Gar- 
field  and  General  Schenck,  and  failed. 

The  joint  convention  for  the  election  of  a  Senator  was  held 
on  the  second  Tuesday  of  January.  It  was  an  open  meeting. 
The  voting  was  soon  over  on  roll  call,  and  the  result  was  as 
follows :  Sherman  73 ;  Morgan  64 ;  Cox  1 ;  Schenck  1 ;  Perry  1. 
Thus  I  was  elected  by  six  majority  over  all.  When  this  result 
was  known  five  Democrats  changed  from  Morgan  to  Cox,  and 
others  were  preparing  to  do  so  when  Lieutenant  Governor  Muel 
ler  announced  the  result  of  the  vote.  He  was  an  educated  Ger 
man  of  high  standing,  but  his  English  was  very  imperfect.  His 
decision  that  I,  having  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  was 
duly  elected,  was  clearly  right,  and  this  was  conceded,  but  his 
imperfect  English  created  great  noise  and  merriment.  It  was 
printed  in  the  "  Ohio  Statesman,"  on  the  same  day,  as  follows  : 

"  John  Sherman,  having  received  seventy-three  votes  for  President  in 
Congress  [laughter],  I  mean  for  Senator  in  Congress,  which  being  a 
majority  over  all  them  others,  I  declares  John  Sherman  duly  elected  Sen 
ator  in  Congress  from  Ohio." 

If  the  changing  of  the  minority  vote  had  proceeded,  some  of 
the  Democratic  votes  would  have  been  cast  for  me,  and  my  ma 
jority  would  have  been  increased,  but  I  preferred  the  election  as 
it  occurred.  My  election  for  the  third  term  was  after  a  hot 
political  contest,  but  it  left  no  wounds  unhealed.  Most  of  the 
gentlemen  opposed  to  me  became  afterwards  my  warm  friends. 

In  July,  1872,  two  months  after  the  close  of  the  session  of 
Congress,  I  received  the  following  letter  from  Thomas  A. 
Scott,  President  of  the  Texas  and  Pacific  Railroad  Company  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  19,  1872. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — A  few  gentlemen  connected  with  the  Texas  and  Pa 
cific  road,  and  myself,  propose  to  go  to  the  Pacific  coast,  leaving  Philadelphia 
about  the  12th  to  the  15th  of  August. 

If  your  engagements  will  permit,  I  shall  be  very  glad  indeed  to  have 
you  go  with  us. 

I  am  going  from  San  Francisco  to  San  Diego,  and  shall  return  by  way 
of  San  Francisco  ;  the  trip  will  occupy  about  thirty  days. 

Please  let  me  hear  from  you,  and,  if  possible,  let  me  have  the  pleasure 
of  jour  company.  Very  truly  yours, 

THOMAS  A.  SCOTT,  President. 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  481 

I  accepted  the  invitation,  and  with  a  very  agreeable  party 
of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  among  whom  were  Mr.  W.  T.  Walters, 
of  Baltimore,  and  his  daughter,  made  my  first  voyage  to  the 
Pacific  coast.  Mr.  Scott,  as  president  of  the  Pennsylvania  Rail 
road  Company,  had  command,  by  courtesy,  of  every  conven 
ience  of  travel.  We  had  a  dining  car  which  we  could  attach 
to  any  train,  with  ample  room  for  beds,  and  a  full  supply  of 
provisions.  The  journey  to  San  Francisco  was  broken  by  sev 
eral  stops  on  the  way  at  places  that  we  thought  interesting. 

Great  changes  had  occurred  in  the  brief  period  since  my  trip 
in  an  ambulance  with  General  Sherman.  The  Indians  and  buf 
faloes  had  disappeared  from  the  plains,  the  former  placed  on  res 
ervations  distant  from  the  railroad,  and  the  latter  by  gradual 
extinction.  When  we  crossed  the  Laramie  plains  I  was  in,  to 
me,  a  "terra  incognita."  The  great  basin  of  Salt  Lake,  with 
the  varied  and  picturesque  scenery  to  the  east  and  west  of  it, 
attracted  our  attention,  but  the  want  of  water,  the  dry  air,  the 
dust  and  the  absence  of  trees  and  vegetation  of  any  kind,  con 
demn  all  that  country  to  waste  and  desolation,  except  in  a 
few  cases  where  irrigation  can  be  had.  The  Nevada  range  of 
mountains  was  crossed  at  night,  but  we  were  to  explore  them 
on  our  return.  When  the  broad  valley  of  the  Sacramento 
opened  to  our  view,  we  could  hardly  express  our  delight.  Here, 
indeed,  was  the  land  of  gold,  with  its  clear  air,  its  grand  moun 
tains,  its  rich  plains. 

Aside  from  the  wonderful  variety  of  its  scenery,  the  history 
of  California  has  always  excited  poetic  interest — its  long  set 
tlement  by  mixed  races  living  in  quiet  peaceful  harmony, 
mainly  as  herdsmen  and  shepherds,  suddenly  disturbed  and 
conquered  without  firing  a  gun,  by  an  aggressive  race  who  soon 
revolutionized  the  habits  of  the  natives,  and  planted  a  new  civ 
ilization,  with  all  the  bad  as  well  as  the  good  elements  of  our 
race.  Then  the  discovery  of  gold,  immediate]  y  following  the  con 
quest  of  California,  drew  to  it,  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
States,  the  most  restless  and  adventurous  of  our  population,  some 
of  the  worst  and  many  of  the  best.  The  rapid  admixture  of 
these  diverse  elements  threatened  for  a  time  hostile  conflicts, 
in  which  criminals,  under  cover  of  law,  committed  murder  and 


482  RECOLLECTIONS 

other  crimes,  and  peaceful,  law-abiding  citizens  were  compelled 
to  appeal  to  force  and  mob  law  to  preserve  civilization. 

The  railway  soon  brought  us  through  Sacramento  to  San 
Francisco,  where  we  remained  several  days.  We  were  kindly 
received  and  entertained.  The  enterprise  of  Scott  was  not 
then  favored  in  San  Francisco,  but  this  did  not  prevent  our 
hearty  welcome.  Here  I  met  Mr.  Hollister,  whom  I  had  known 
in  Ohio.  He  was  the  great  shepherd  of  California.  I  was  in 
formed  that  he  owned  100,000  sheep,  divided  into  flocks  of 
about  3,000  each.  These  flocks  were  wintered  at  a  large  ranch 
near  the  Pacific  coast  belonging  to  him.  The  climate  was 
mild,  and  the  sheep  could  live  without  shelter  during  the  win 
ter.  The  flocks  would  start  eastwardly  over  the  great  valley, 
each  flock  cared  for  by  a  shepherd,  a  boy  and  a  dog,  feeding  in 
the  open  country,  some  of  the  flocks  reaching  the  Mariposa 
valley,  one  hundred  miles  away.  When  the  grass  failed  they 
were  turned  to  the  west  to  their  home.  Whether  this  tale  is 
an  exaggeration  I  cannot  say,  but  certain  it  is  that  at  that  time 
sheep  raising  and  the  production  of  wool  was  one  of  the  chief 
industries  of  California.  Hollister  was  also  interested  in  woolen 
manufacture,  especially  of  blankets,  equal  to  any  in  the  world. 
When  I  knew  him  in  Ohio,  he  and  his  brother  were  the  own 
ers,  by  inheritance,  of  a  large  and  valuable  farm  in  Licking 
county.  When  gold  was  discovered  in  California,  Hollister 
sold  to  his  brother  one-half  of  the  farm,  and  with  the  proceeds 
purchased  a  large  flock  of  the  best  Ohio  sheep,  and  drove  them 
to  California,  taking  two  years  for  the  journey.  He  was  fond  of 
telling  his  adventures,  and  proud  of  his  success.  He  died  a  few 
years  since  in  California,  but  whether  his  good  fortune  fol 
lowed  him  to  the  close  of  his  life  I  do  not  know.  He  was  very 
kind  to  our  party  and  accompanied  us  to  San  Diego. 

From  San  Francisco  we  made  a  trip  to  the  Mariposa  Grove, 
and  the  Yosemite  valley.  We  traveled  by  rail  to  a  small  station 
nearest  the  grove.  Then  by  stage  we  rode  to  the  terminus  of 
the  line.  From  there  we  went  but  a  short  distance  to  the 
grove.  This  majestic  survivor  of  the  forest  has  been  so  often 
described  that  details  are  not  necessary.  We  measured  the 
trees,  and  rode  on  horseback  nearly  one  hundred  feet  through 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  483 

one  of  the  fallen  monsters.  We  also  attempted  to  form  a  ring 
with  hands  and  arms  extended  around  one  of  these  trees,  but  our 
party  was  not  numerous  enough  to  encircle  it.'  I  felt  a  sense 
of  insignificance  when  I  realized  the  long  life  of  some  of  these 
trees,  estimated  to  span  forty  generations  of  men,  and  still  in 
health  and  strength.  We  returned  to  the  stage  station  and 
again  mounted  our  horses  and  mules  for  the  perilous  adventure 
of  a  descent  into  the  Yosemite  valley.  It  so  happened  that 
Mr.  Bell,  the  keeper  of  the  station,  was  a  former  resident  of  Bell- 
ville,  in  Kichland  county,  Ohio,  in  which  I  live.  He  knew  me 
well,  and  his  wife  I  knew  as  the  daughter  of  a  leading  farmer 
of  that  county.  I  thought  I  might  utilize  this  acquaintance 
by  asking  him  to  see  that  I  was  well  mounted  to  descend  to 
the  valley.  Much  to  my  surprise  a  spirited  horse,  well  ac 
coutred,  was  brought  o.ut  for  Colonel  Scott,  and  a  shaggy  short- 
legged  mule,  with  a  California  saddle  and  a  common  but  stout 
bridle,  was  brought  out  for  me.  I  felt  that  Bell  had  disregarded 
the  obligation  of  "  auld  acquaintance,"  but  said  nothing. 

My  mount  started  at  the  heels  of  the  cavalcade  in  a  steady 
walk,  but  I  noticed  he  was  sure-footed,  and  that,  at  the  end  of 
two  or  three  weary  hours,  he  had  passed  most  of  the  party  and 
soon  after  was  close  in  the  wake  of  Colonel  Scott.  In  the 
meantime,  I  had  noticed  that  I  was  the  subject  of  merriment. 
My  feet  were  in  close  proximity  to  the  ground.  The  length  of 
my  legs  was  out  of  proportion  to  that  of  the  legs  of  the  mule. 
When  we  came  to  descend  the  mountain,  however,  at  an  angle 
of  nearly  forty-five  degrees,  on  a  very  narrow  path,  I  found  that 
my  mule  could  turn  the  bends  of  the  track,  and,  by  a  peculiar 
gathering  of  his  feet,  could  slide  down  difficult  places,  while 
Colonel  Scott,  on  his  already  jaded  horse,  was  troubled  and 
worried.  He  dismounted  when  the  path  widened  and  asked 
me  to  go  ahead.  He  then  followed  me,  leading  his  horse. 
After  that,  I  made  up  my  mind  that  my  Richland  county  friend 
had  not  failed  me  in  my  hour  of  need. 

As  for  the  scenery  through  which  we  were  passing,  no  lan 
guage  can  describe  it.  We  saw,  four  thousand  feet  below,  a 
beautiful  little  valley  about  half  a  mile  wide  at  the  widest 
part,  with  what  appeared  to  be  a  very  small  stream  dancing 


484  RECOLLECTIONS 

along  from  side  to  side  of  the  valley,  and  surrounded  by  pre 
cipitous  mountains  in  every  direction.  The  eye  and  mind  can 
now  vividly  recall  the  picture  of  the  scenes  then  around  me. 
My  mule  had  my  confidence,  but  I  feared  lest  some  fatal  mis 
hap  might  befall  some  of  my  companions,  and  especially  I 
feared  for  a  lady  who  ventured  the  journey,  but  she  fortunately 
displayed  pluck  and  coolness,  and  at  the  end  of  the  day  we  all 
arrived  at  the  hut  in  the  valley  safe  and  sound,  but  very  weary. 
Since  that  time,  I  understand  that  a  good  road  has  been  made 
up  the  valley,  by  which  tourists  can  enjoy  the  grandest  scen 
ery  in  nature,  without  the  risk  we  took. 

We  enjoyed  a  hearty  supper  of  plain  food,  and  a  sound  sleep 
on  corn-husk  mattresses.  The  next  day  we  explored  the  val 
ley,  and  enjoyed  the  changing  views  of  near  and  distant  moun 
tains.  These  have  often  been  described,  but  they  can  only  be 
appreciated  by  a  personal  visit.  We  left  the  valley  by  another 
route  to  the  north,  and  reached  the  railroad  by  a  different  line 
of  stages. 

Returning  to  San  Francisco,  we  took  the  boat  for  San 
Diego,  stopping,  on  the  way,  at  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Pedro. 
From  this  place  we  drove  to  Los  Angeles,  then  a  typical  Mex 
ican  town  of  great  interest.  The  good  people  hoped  for  the 
railroad,  but  Colonel  Scott  expected  the  road  of  which  he  was 
president  would  be  able  to  reach  San  Diego. 

Our  arrival  at  San  Diego  was  an  event  of  interest  to  the 
few  people  of  that  town.  We  inspected  the  remarkable  harbor 
and  the  surrounding  country.  It  was  apparently  a  good  site  for 
a  great  city.  Fresh  water  was  the  great  want  and  rain-falls  were 
rare,  but  it  was  claimed  that  an  ample  supply  of  water  could 
be  had  from  the  hills.  The  real  obstacle  to  that  site,  as  a  ter 
minus  for  the  railroad,  was  the  mountains  east  of  San  Diego, 
which,  upon  a  survey,  were  found  to  be  extremely  difficult,  and 
this  turned  the  route  to  Los  Angeles,  over  natural  passes  and 
through  the  beautiful  region  of  San  Bernardino. 

We  returned,  by  boat,  to  San  Francisco,  and  soon  after 
turned  our  way  eastward.  We  stopped  at  Eeno,  and  went  by 
rail  to  Carson  City,  the  capital  of  Nevada.  It  was  then  an  em 
bryo  town.  From  there  we  went  to  Lake  Tahoe,  one  of  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  485 

finest  bodies  of  water  on  the  earth.  Its  clear,  cold  waters  filled 
a  natural  basin  in  the  midst  of  the  Nevada  range  of  mountains, 
which  was  supplied  by  the  melting  snows.  We  then  returned 
to  Carson  City,  ascended,  by  rail,  an  inclined  plain  of  high 
grade,  to  Virginia  City.  Most  of  the  party  descended  into  the 
mines,  but  I  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  an  attack  of  neu 
ralgia,  a  complaint  from  which  I  never  suffered  before  or  since, 
caused,  as  it  was  said,  by  the  high  altitude  and  thin  air.  Here 
I  met  several  natives  of  Ohio,  who  had  sought  their  fortunes 
in  the  far  west.  They  were  very  kind  to  the  party  and  to 
myself.  It  got  to  be  a  common  remark,  that  Ohio  had  every 
thing  good  in  the  west.  I  could  answer  that  they  all  seemed 
to  deserve  what  they  had.  I  was  disposed  to  be  proud  of  them 
and  of  my  native  state,  but  soon  after,  on  the  way  east,  we 
heard  of  an  atrocious  .murder  committed  by  two  Ohio  men. 
This  turned  the  tables  on  my  native  state,  and  I  was  com 
pelled  to  confess  that  bad  men  came  from  Ohio  as  well  as  from 
other  states;  but,  if  so,  Ohio  people  excelled  in  the  atrocity  of 
their  crimes  as  well  as  in  the  excellence  of  their  merits ! 

Our  next  stopping  place  was  at  Salt  Lake  City.  Whatever 
opinion  we  may  have  of  the  religious  creed  and  dogmas  of  the 
Mormons,  we  cannot  deny  the  industry  and  courage  of  that 
sect  in  building  up  a  city  in  a  wilderness  where  natural  condi 
tions  seemed  to  forbid  all  hope  of  success  in  such  an  enterprise. 
And  yet  there  it  was,  a  well-ordered  city  laid  out  with  squares, 
avenues,  streets,  and  reservations  for  schools,  churches  and 
other  public  uses,  with  water  introduced  in  great  abundance. 
All  the  needs  of  city  life  were  provided,  such  as  stores,  markets 
and  shops.  We  were  invited  by  the  delegate  in  Congress,  from 
Utah,  to  call  on  Brigham  Young,  and  we  did  so.  He  was  a 
large,  well-built  man,  then  about  sixty  years  old.  He  took 
great  interest  in  the  enterprise  of  Colonel  Scott  and  seemed 
familiar  with  all  the  railways  built  or  projected  in  the  western 
country.  There  was  nothing  in  his  conversation  or  manner 
that  indicated  the  "crank,"  nor  did  he  exhibit  any  of  the  signs 
of  a  zealot  or  fanatic.  He  made  no  allusions  to  his  creed  or 
the  habits  of  his  followers  and  betrayed  no  egotism  or  pride. 
He  has  died  since  but  the  organization  he  left  behind  him  is 


486  RECOLLECTIONS 

still  in  existence,  and  the  Mormon  faith  is  still  the  creed  and 
guide  of  the  great  body  of  those  who  followed  Brigham  Young 
into  the  wilderness,  and  of  their  numerous  descendants.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  the  government  and  people  of  the  United 
States  will  let  the  Mormons  severely  alone,  allowing  them  to 
believe  what  they  will,  and  to  do  in  the  way  of  worship  what 
they  choose.  In  this  way  only  can  their  confidence  in  alleged 
revelations  be  shaken,  and  Mormonism  will  disappear  among 
the  many  vain  attempts  of  humanity  to  explore  the  mysteries 
of  life  and  death.  Persecution  never  weakens  delusions,  nor 
disturbs  faith,  however  ignorant  and  groundless. 

From  Salt  Lake  our  party  went  to  Cheyenne  and  thence  to 
Denver.  This  city  was  growing  rapidly  and  was  plainly  des 
tined  to  be  the  principal  center  of  the  mineral  development  of 
several  states.  I  had,  on  a  previous  trip,  visited  the  interest 
ing  region  of  the  "  Garden  of  the  Gods,"  Colorado  Springs  and 
Pike's  Peak.  Our  party  left  Denver  for  home.  On  the  long 
stretch  via  Kansas  City,  St.  Louis  and  Indianapolis  we  saw 
nothing  new,  as  we  were  traveling  over  familiar  ground.  It 
was  early  in  September,  when  corn,  the  great  western  staple, 
was  approaching  maturity,  and  the  earth  was  giving  forth  its 
increase.  We  were  crossing  the  largest  and  perhaps  most  fer 
tile  valley  of  the  world.  All  of  it  had  been  redeemed  from  na 
ture  and  the  Indians,  within  one  hundred  years.  During  our 
trip  we  had  passed  through  great  cities,  prosperous  towns  and 
amidst  wonderful  scenery.  All  of  the  route  except  through 
the  Yosemite  valley  was  passed  over  in  a  palace  car.  The 
ocean  voyage  was  in  a  steamboat  even  more  luxurious  than  the 
palace  car.  All  this  rapid  development  did  not  satisfy  the 
desire  of  Colonel  Scott  and  Mr.  Walters.  Their  minds  were 
occupied  with  vast  railroad  projects,  some  of  which  were  ac 
complished  before  their  death.  I  also  had  my  dreams  but 
they  related  to  public  policies  rather  than  internal  improve 
ments  and  some  of  these  have  been  realized. 

I  was  awakened  one  bright  morning  in  September  and  told 
that  the  car  was  in  Ohio.  This  was  enough  to  drive  sleep  from 
my  eyelids.  I  looked  out  upon  the  rich  lands  of  the  Miami 
valley,  the  comfortable  homesteads  on  every  farm,  the  fat 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  487 

cattle  and  herds  of  sheep,  the  broad  fields  of  yellow  corn,  and 
every  sign  of  fertility.  All  these,  and  perhaps  a  little  admix 
ture  of  state  pride,  led  me  to  say  that,  after  all,  the  people  of 
Ohio  need  not  go  beyond  the  bounds  of  that  state  with  any 
hope  to  improve  their  condition  or  to  secure  a  better  oppor 
tunity  for  a  happy  life.  I  soon  parted  with  my  friends  with 
sincere  regrets,  for  in  our  journeyings  we  were  in  truth  a 
happy  family. 

The  canvass  in  Ohio  was  then  progressing  for  the  election  of 
a  President  and  Members  of  Congress,  in  which  I  was  expected, 
as  usual,  to  take  a  part.  The  strange  anomaly  of  Horace 
Greeley  running  on  a  Democratic  ticket  was  enough  in  itself 
to  excite  opposition,  especially  in  the  southern  states.  The  re 
sult  was  that  General  Grant,  in  November,  1872,  was  elected 
President  by  31  states  with  286  electoral  votes.  Greeley  died 
after  the  election,  and  before  the  electors  voted,  so  that  no 
electoral  vote  was  counted  for  him.  If  he  had  lived  he  would 
probably  have  received  60  electoral  votes. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
THE  PANIC  OF  1873  AND  ITS  RESULTS. 

Failure  of  Jay  Cooke  and  Co.  —  Wild  Schemes  "for  the  Relief  of  the  People"  — 
Congress  Called  Upon  for  Help  —  Finance  Committee's  Report  for  the  Redemp 
tion  of  United  States  Notes  in  Coin  —  Extracts  from  my  Speech  in  Favor 
of   the  Report  — Bill  to  fix  the  Amount  of  United  States  Notes  — 
Finally  Passed  by  the  Senate  and  House  —  Vetoed  by  Presi 
dent  Grant   and  Failure  to  Pass  Over  His  Objections  — 
General     Effect    Throughout    the    Country   of    the 
Struggle    for     Resumption  —  Imperative    Neces 
sity  of  Providing  Some  Measure  of  Relief. 

DURING  the  first  four  years  of  General  Grant's  admin 
istration  the  financial  condition  of  the  United  States 
was  eminently  prosperous.  The  total  reduction  of 
the  national  debt,  from  the  1st  of  March,  1869,  to  the 
1st  of  November,  1873,  was  $383,629,783,  the  annual  saving  of 
interest  resulting  therefrom  being  $27,432,932.  During  this 
period  the  value  of  United  States  notes  compared  with  coin 
steadily  increased.  The  funding  of  the  six  per  cent,  bonds  into 
five  per  cent,  bonds,  under  the  refunding  act,  continued  at  the 
rate  of  about  $85,000,000  a  year.  The  credit  of  the  United 
States  steadily  advanced  during  this  period,  so  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  report  of  1873,  stated  that  it  had  not 
stood  higher  since  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  than  it  did  at  that 
time.  This  improvement  of  the  public  credit  was  accompanied 
with  a  large  reduction  of  internal  taxes  and  duties  on  imported 
goods.  The  business  of  the  country  was  prosperous,  the  in 
crease  and  extension  of  railroads  and  the  development  of  new 
industries  was  marked,  indicating  great  prosperity. 

All  this  was  subsequently  changed  by  the  happening  of  a 
panic  in  September,  1873.  The  cause  of  this  was  attributed  to 
over-trading,  to  the  expansion  of  credits,  and  to  rash  invest 
ments  made  in  advance  of  public  needs.  This  panic  com 
menced  by  the  failure  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.,  of  Philadelphia,  an 

(488) 


ILL  S.  SENATORS 


Taken  Thursday,  February  istli,  187 

J.  I.  Christy,  Ass't  Doorkeeper.          Sprague.          J.  R.  French,  Sergeant-at-Ann-.. 
W.  J.  McDonald,  Chief  Clerk.  Mitchell.  Harvey.  Ing-alls.         Kelly.         Davis. 

Coldthwaite.  Flanagan.  Dennis.  Wadleigh.  Stewart.  Alcorn. 

Gordon.  Windom.  Bogy.  Cameron.  I'enton.  Can 

RKniNir.ToM  \-  SHAFFKK.  Landscape 


43d   CONGRKSS. 


Portico  of  the  Ca 


tal. 

Hagor. 


Bassett,  Ass't  Doorkeeper.  Hagor.  Anthony 

•nson.         Ransom.  Sherman.         Hamilton,  of  Md. 

lit.  Robertson.  Clayton.  Tipton. 

r.  Pratt.  Chandler.  Scott. 


Bayard. 
Boreman. 

Patterson. 
Hitchcock. 


Pease. 

I^ogan.         Conover. 
Cragin.  Thurmar 

Ramsey. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  489 

enterprising  firm  of  high  standing,  then  engaged  in  selling 
the  bonds  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  Company.  I  was 
engaged  at  that  time,  with  a  committee  of  the  Senate,  of  which 
William  Windom  was  chairman,  in  examining  many  plans 
of  public  improvements,  especially  in  the  increase  of  facili 
ties  for  water  transportation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
river,  and  at  the  great  lakes  on  our  northern  boundary, 
improvements  since  then  made  with  great  benefit  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States.  Eoscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York, 
was  a  member  of  that  committee.  We  were  at  Buffalo  when 
the  failure  of  Cooke  &  Co.  was  announced.  We  all  felt  that 
for  the  present,  at  least,  our  duties  as  a  committee  were  at 
an  end.  The  panic  spread  so  that  in  a  month  all  industries 
were  in  a  measure  suspended.  The  wildest  schemes  for  relief 
were  proposed,  in  and  out  of  Congress.  The  panic  spread  to 
the  banks,  which  were  compelled  in  self-defense  to  call  in  their 
loans,  to  withhold  their  circulating  notes,  and  contract  their 
business.  As  usual  on  the  happening  of  such  a  panic,  an 
appeal  was  made  to  the  treasury  for  relief,  a  demand  was  made 
for  an  increase  of  the  volume  of  the  United  States  notes,  and 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  should  use  the  money  of  the 
government  to  buy  exchange. 

The  New  York  Produce  Exchange  applied  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  on  the  29th  of  September,  1873,  in  resolutions, 
as  follows : 

"  WHEREAS,  The  critical  condition  of  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
country  requires  immediate  relief  by  the  removal  of  the  block  in  negotiat 
ing  foreign  exchange  ;  therefore  be  it 

"  Resolved,  That  we  respectfully  suggest  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  the  following  plans  for  relief  in  this  extraordinary  emergency : 

"  First,  That  currency  be  immediately  issued  to  banks  or  bankers,  upon 
satisfactory  evidence  that  gold  has  been  placed  upon  special  deposit  in  the 
Bank  of  England,  by  their  correspondents  in  London,  to  the  credit  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  used  solely  in  purchasing  commercial  bills  of  exchange. 

"  Second,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  are  respectfully  requested  to  order  the  immediate  prepayment 
of  the  outstanding  loan  of  the  United  States  due  January  1,  1874." 

This  request  had,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  be  denied.  But 
the  secretary  did  purchase  $13,000,000  of  bonds  for  the  sinking 
fund,  to  the  full  extent  the  condition  of  the  treasury  allowed, 


490  RECOLLECTIONS 

It  is  difficult  to  realize  or  to  convey  by  description  the  wild 
ideas  developed  by  such  a  panic.  The  government  for  the  time 
being  is  expected  to  provide  a  remedy  for  a  condition  it  did  not 
create,  but,  instead  of  aiding,  the  government  is  most  likely  to 
need  aid.  The  revenues  from  importations  fell  off  and  the 
value  of  United  States  notes  declined. 

When  Congress  convened  in  December,  1873,  the  wildest 
schemes  for  relief  to  the  people  were  proposed.  A  large  in 
crease  of  United  States  notes  was  demanded.  More  than  sixty 
bills,  resolutions  and  propositions  were  introduced  in  the  Sen 
ate  in  respect  to  the  currency,  the  public  debt  and  national 
banks,  all  bearing  upon  the  financial  condition  of  the  country, 
expressing  every  variety  of  opinion,  from  immediate  coin  pay 
ments  to  the  wildest  inflation  of  irredeemable  paper  money. 
All  these  were  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  then  com 
posed  as  follows :  Messrs.  Sherman  (chairman),  Morrill,  of  Ver 
mont,  Scott,  Wright,  Ferry,  of  Michigan.  Fenton  and  Bayard. 

The  several  measures  referred  to  the  committee  were  taken 
up  and  considered,  but  the  same  wide  divergence  of  opinion 
was  developed  in  the  committee  as  existed  outside  of  Congress 
among  the  people. 

The  majority  of  the  committee  reported  to  the  Senate  the 
following  resolution : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  during  its  present  session  to 
adopt  definite  measures  to  redeem  the  pledge  made  in  the  act  approved 
March  18,  1869,  entitled  *  An  act  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,'  as  follows  : 
4  And  the  United  States  also  pledges  its  faith  to  make  provision,  at  the  ear 
liest  practicable  period,  for  the  redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in 
coin  ; '  and  the  committee  on  finance  is  directed  to  report  to  the  Senate,  at 
as  early  a  day  as  practicable,  such  measures  as  will  not  only  redeem  this 
pledge  of  the  public  faith,  but  will  also  furnish  a  currency  of  uniform  value, 
always  redeemable  in  gold  or  its  equivalent,  and  so  adjusted  as  to  meet  the 
changing  wants  of  trade  and  commerce." 

Mr.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  a  member  of  the  committee,  offered 
the  following  substitute  for  the  pending  resolution : 

"  That  the  committee  on  finance  is  directed  to  report  to  the  Senate,  at 
as  early  a  day  as  practicable,  such  measures  as  will  restore  commercial  con 
fidence  and  give  stability  and  elasticity  to  the  circulating  medium  through 
a  moderate  increase  of  currency." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  491 

Upon  these  adverse  propositions  a  long  debate  followed 
without  practical  results.  I  made  a  long  speech  on  the  16th 
day  of  January,  1874,  in  favor  of  the  resolution  of  the  commit 
tee.  I  then  said  : 

"  At  the  outset  of  my  remarks  I  wish  to  state  some  general  propositions 
established  by  experience,  and  the  concurring  opinions  of  all  writers  on  po 
litical  economy.  They  may  not  be  disputed,  but  are  constantly  overlooked. 
They  ought  to  be  ever  present  in  this  discussion  as  axioms,  the  truth  of 
which  has  been  so  often  proven  that  proof  is  no  longer  requisite. 

"  The  most  obvious  of  these  axioms,  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the 
argument  I  wish  to  make  to-day,  is  that  a  specie  standard  is  the  best  and  the 
only  true  standard  of  all  values,  recognized  as  such  by  all  civilized  nations 
of  our  generation,  and  established  as  such  by  the  experience  of  all  commer 
cial  nations  that  have. existed  from  the  earliest  period  of  recorded  time. 
While  the  United  States,  as  well  as  all  other  nations,  have  for  a  time,  under 
the  pressure  of  war  or  other  calamity,  been  driven  to  establish  other  stand 
ards  of  value,  yet  they  have  all  been  impelled  to  return  to  the  true  stand 
ard  ;  and  even  while  other  standards  of  value  have  been  legalized  for  the 
time,  specie  has  measured  their  value  as  it  now  measures  the  value  of  our 
legal  tender  notes. 

"  This  axiom  is  as  immutable  as  the  law  of  gravitation  or  the  laws  of 
the  planetary  system,  and  every  device  to  evade  it  or  avoid  it  has,  by  its 
failure,  only  demonstrated  the  universal  law  that  specie  measures  all  values 
as  certainly  as  the  surface  of  the  ocean  measures  the  level  of  the  earth. 

"  It  is  idle  for  us  to  try  to  discuss  with  intelligence  the  currency  ques 
tion  until  we  are  impressed  with  the  truth,  the  universality,  and  the  immuta 
bility,  of  this  axiom.  Many  of  the  crude  ideas  now  advanced  spring  from 
ignoring  it.  The  most  ingenious  sophistries  are  answered  by  it.  It  is  the 
governing  principle  of  finance.  It  is  proved  by  experience,  is  stated  clearly 
by  every  leading  writer  on  political  economy,  and  is  now  here,  in  our  own 
country,  proving  its  truth  by  measuring  daily  the  value  of  our  currency 
and  of  all  we  have  or  produce.  I  might,  to  establish  this  axiom,  repeat 
the  history  of  finance,  from  the  shekels  of  silver,  « current  money  with  the 
merchant,'  paid  by  Abraham,  to  the  last  sale  of  stock  in  New  York.  I 
might  quote  Aristotle  and  Pliny,  as  well  as  all  the  writers  on  political 
economy  of  our  own  time,  and  trace  the  failure  of  the  innumerable  efforts 
to  establish  some  other  standard  of  value,  from  the  oxen  that  measured  the 
value  of  the  armor  of  Homeric  heroes  to  the  beautifully  engraved  promise  of 
our  day ;  but  this  would  only  be  the  hundred-times-told  tale  which  every 
student  may  find  recorded,  not  only  in  schoolbooks,  but  in  the  writings  of 
Humboldt,  Chevalier,  Adam  Smith,  and  others  of  the  most  advanced  scien 
tific  authorities.  They  all  recognize  the  precious  metals  as  the  universal 
standard  of  value.  Neither  governments,  nor  parliaments,  nor  congresses 


492  RECOLLECTIONS 

can  change  this  law.    It  defies  every  form  of  authority,  but  silently  and  surely 
asserts  itself  as  a  law  of  necessity,  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  municipal  law. 

***#•****« 

"  Of  late  years  much  difficulty  has  grown  out  of  the  slightly  varying 
value  of  silver  and  gold,  as  compared  with  each  other,  and  the  tendency  of 
opinion  has  been  to  adopt  gold  alone  as  the  standard  of  value.  The  United 
States  has  twice  changed  the  relative  value  of  these  metals,  and  other  modern 
nations  have  been  driven  to  similar  expedients.  At  the  Paris  monetary  con 
ference,  held  in  1867,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  attend,  the  delegates  of 
twenty  nations  represented  agreed  to  recommend  gold  alone  as  the  standard 
of  value.  The  United  States,  and  nearly  all  the  commercial  nations,  have 
adopted  this  standard,  and  reduced  the  use  of  silver  to  a  mere  token  coinage 
of  less  intrinsic  value  than  gold,  but  maintained  at  par  with  gold  by  the 
right  to  be  converted  into  gold  at  the  will  of  the  holder.  So  that  for  all 
practical  purposes  we  may  regard  gold  as  the  only  true  standard,  the  true 
money  of  the  world,  by  which  the  value  of  all  property,  of  all  productions, 
of  all  credits,  and  of  every  medium  of  exchange,  and  especially  of  all  paper 
money,  is  tested. 

"  Specie,  in  former  times,  was  not  only  the  universal  standard  of  value, 
but  it  was  the  general  medium  of  all  exchanges.  In  modern  times  this  is 
greatly  changed.  Specie  is  still  the  universal  standard  of  value,  but  it  has 
ceased  to  be  even  the  usual  medium  of  exchange.  The  failure  to  distinguish 
between  the  standard  of  value  and  the  medium  of  exchanges  occasions  many 
of  the  errors  into  which  so  many  fall,  and  nearly  every  Senator  who  has 
spoken  on  one  side  of  the  question  has  fallen  into  this  error.  Specie  has 
lost  a  portion  of  its  sovereign  power,  for  with  the  enormous  increase  of  ex 
changes  it  was  found  that,  valuable  as  it  is,  it  is  too  heavy  to  transport  from 
place  to  place  as  a  medium  of  exchange.  The  perils  of  the  sea,  the  dangers 
of  theft  and  robbery,  led  to  devices  to  substitute  promises  to  pay  gold  in 
place  of  the  actual  gold. 

*****•*#** 

"  Mr.  president,  thus  far  my  remarks  are  founded  upon  the  experience 
of  ages,  applicable  to  all  countries  and  to  all  commercial  nations  of  our 
time.  I  present  them  now  as  axioms  of  universal  recognition.  And  yet 
I  have  heard  these  axioms  denounced  in  this  debate  as  'platitudes,'  useless 
for  this  discussion  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  The  wisdom  of  ages, 
the  experience  of  three  thousand  years,  the  writings  of  political  econo 
mists,  are  whistled  down  the  wind  as  if  we  in  the  Senate  were  wiser  than  all 
who  have  reasoned  and  thought  and  legislated  upon  financial  problems — 
that  all  this  accumulated  wisdom  consists  of  '  platitudes '  unworthy  to  influ 
ence  an  American  Senate  in  the  consideration  of  the  affairs  of  our  day  and 
generation. 

"  Sir,  I  do  not  think  so.  If  we  disregard  these  '  platitudes,'  we  only 
demonstrate  our  own  ignorance  and  punish  our  constituents  with  evils  that 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  493 

we  ought  to  avoid.  I  purpose  now  to  pursue  the  argument  further,  and  to 
prove  that  we  are  bound,  both  by  public  faith  and  good  policy,  to  bring  our 
currency  to  the  gold  standard  ;  that  such  a  result  was  provided  for  by  the 
financial  policy  adopted  when  the  currency  was  authorized  ;  that  a  departure 
from  this  policy  was  adopted  after  the  war  was  over,  and  after  the  necessity 
for  a  depreciated  currency  ceased  ;  and  that  we  have  only  to  restore  the  old 
policy  to  bring  us  safely,  surely,  and  easily  to  a  specie  standard. 

"  First,  I  present  to  you  the  pledge  of  the  United  States  to  pay  these 
notes  in  coin  'at  the  earliest  practicable  period.'  In  the  'act  to  strength 
en  the  public  credit,'  passed  on  the  18th  day  of  March,  1869,  I  find  this 
obligation  : 

"  'And  the  United  States  also  solemnly  pledges  its  public  faith  to  make 
provision,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  for  the  redemption  of  the  United 
States  notes  in  coin.' 

*  -*  #  •*  -x-  •&  •*  *  *       . 

"  The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  put  into  form  its  sense 
of  this  obligation,  passed  the  act  '  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,'  and  the 
last  and  most  important  clause  of  this  act  is  the  promise  which  I  have  just 
read,  that  these  notes  should  be  paid,  '  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,'  in 

coin. 

********* 

"  On  the  day  we  made  that  promise,  the  18th  of  March,  1869,  the  green 
backs,  the  notes  of  the  United  States,  were  worth  75J  cents  in  gold  ;  or  in 
other  words,  gold  was  at  a  premium  of  thirty-two  per  cent.  .  .  .  What 
was  the  result  ?  After  you  enacted  that  law — the  faith  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  that  you  would  redeem  this  pledge — the  value  of  your  green 
backs  advanced,  not  rapidly,  but  gradually,  and  in  one  year,  to  within 
twelve  per  cent,  of  par  in  gold. 

********* 

"  Mr.  president,  we  see,  then,  the  effect  of  this  promise.  And  I  here 
come  to  what  I  regard  as  a  painful  feature  to  discuss — how  have  we  re 
deemed  our  promise  ?  It  was  Congress  that  made  it,  in  obedience  to  the 
public  voice  ;  and  no  act  of  Congress  ever  met  with  a  more  hearty  and  gen 
erous  approbation.  But  I  say  to  you,  with  sorrow,  that  Congress  has  done 
no  single  act  the  tendency  of  which  has  been  to  advance  the  value  of  these 
notes  to  a  gold  standard  ;  and  I  shall  make  that  clearer  before  I  get  through. 
Congress  made  this  promise  five  years  ago.  The  people  believed  it  and 
business  men  believed  it.  Four  years  have  passed  away  since  then,  and 
your  dollar  in  greenbacks  is  worth  no  more  to-day  than  it  was  on  the  18th  of 
March,  1870  ;  and  no  act  of  yours  has  even  tended  to  advance  the  value  of 
that  greenback  to  par  in  gold,  while  every  affirmative  act  of  yours  since 
that  time  has  tended  to  depreciate  its  value  and  to  violate  your  promise. 
********* 

"  Every  bond  that  was  issued  was  issued  only  upon  the  sacred  pledge 
contained  in  this  act,  that  the  interest  of  that  bond  should  be  paid  in  coin  ; 


494  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  the  principal  should  be  paid,  when  due,  in  coin.  The  fifth  section  of 
the  act  provides  that  all  duties  on  imported  goods  shall  be  paid  in  coin  ; 
and  that  this  money  shall  be  set  aside  as  a  special  fund  to  pay  the  interest 
on  the  bonded  debt  in  coin.  Then,  in  order  to  secure  the  greenbacks,  it  author 
ized  any  holder  of  greenbacks  to  pay  any  government  debt  with  them  ;  it 
authorized  the  holder  of  greenbacks  to  pay  any  debt,  public  or  private, 
with  them  ;  and  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  was  bound  to  take  them. 
Then  it  authorized  them  to  be  converted  into  six  per  cent,  bonds  of  the 
United  States  —  those  bonds  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  gold.  If 
the  policy  provided  for  by  this  act  had  been  maintained,  we  would  long 
since  have  been  at  specie  payments,  without  any  serious  disturbance  of  our 
monetary  affairs. 

•K-X--K**-***-* 

"  Now,  Mr.  president,  I  come  to  show  the  Senate  how  this  provision, 
the  convertible  clause  of  the  act  of  February  25,  1862,  was  repealed.  On 
the  3rd  of  March,  1863,  Congress  passed  'An  act  to  provide  ways  and  means 
for  the  support  of  the  government.'  This  act  was  passed  during  the  dark 
hours  of  the  war.  The  currency  of  the  country  did  not  flow  into  the  treas 
ury  rapidly  enough  to  pay  our  army.  I  remember  that  at  about  the  time 
this  act  was  passed  there  were  very  large  unpaid  requisitions.  The  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  instead  of  issuing  any  more  six  per  cent,  bonds,  desired 
to  float  a  10-40  five  per  cent,  bond  ;  in  other  words,  to  reduce  the  bur 
den  of  interest  upon  the  public  debt.  At  this  time  there  were  three  hun 
dred  millions  of  circulation  outstanding,  and  with  all  the  rights,  and  all  the 
privileges,  conferred  upon  the  greenbacks,  they  did  not  flow  into  the 
treasury  fast  enough  to  furnish  means  to  carry  on  the  operations  of  the 
war. 

*****4t**# 

"  In  other  words,  the  suspension  of  this  convertibility  clause  was  passed 
with  a  view  to  promote  conversion  ;  to  encourage  conversion  ;  to  induce 
conversion  ;  and,  if  possible,  to  induce  a  conversion  into  a  five  per  cent, 
gold  bond  instead  of  into  a  six  per  cent.  bond.  When  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  presented  this  view  to  Congress  he  was  at  once  met  with  the 
pledge  of  the  public  faith  ;  with  the  promise  printed  upon  the  back  of 
the  greenbacks  that  they  could  be  converted  into  six  per  cent,  bonds  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  holder ;  and  that  we  could  not  take  away  that  right.  This 
difficulty  was  met  by  the  ingenuity  of  the  then  Senator  from  Vermont  (Mr. 
Collamer).  He  said  that  no  man  ever  exercised  a  right  which  could  not 
properly  be  barred  by  a  statute  of  limitations  ;  and  if  this  right  was  injuri 
ous  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  prevented  the  conversion  of 
these  notes  into  bonds,  we  might  require  the  holder  of  these  notes  to  con 
vert  them  within  a  given  time  ;  that  we  could  give  them  a  reasonable  time 
within  which  they  could  convert  them  into  six  per  cent,  bonds,  and  after 
that  take  away  the  right. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  495 

"The  act  of  March  3,  1863,  was  amended  by  inserting  this  clause  : 
"  'And  the  holders  of  United  States  notes,  issued  under  or  by  vir 
tue  of  said  acts,  shall  present  the  same  for  the  purpose  of  exchanging  the 
same  for  bonds,  as  therein  provided,  on  or  before  the  1st  day  of  July,  1863  ; 
and  thereafter  the  right  so  to  exchange  the  same  shall  cease  and  deter 
mine.' 


"Now,  Mr.  president,  I  have  shown  you  that  the  greenbacks  were 
based  upon  coin  bonds ;  that  they  had  the  right  to  be  converted  into  coin 
bonds ;  that  that  right  was  taken  away  as  to  the  5-20  bonds ;  but  that,  in 
practice  and  in  effect,  the  greenback  was  convertible  into  an  interest-bear 
ing  bond  of  the  United  States  up  to  1866,  and  until  the  passage  of  the  law 
to  which  I  will  now  refer. 

********* 

"  If  this  act  had  contained  a  simple  provision  restoring  to  the  holder  of 
the  greenback  the  right  to  convert  his  note  into  bonds  there  would  have 
been  no  trouble.  Why  should  it  not  have  been  done  ?  Simply  because  the 
then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  believed  that  the  only  way  to  advance  the 
greenbacks  was  by  reducing  the  amount  of  them  ;  that  the  only  way  to  get 
back  to  specie  payments  was  by  the  system  of  contraction.  If  the  legal 
tender  notes  could  have  been  wredded  to  any  form  of  gold  bond  by  being 
made  convertible  into  it,  they  would  have  been  lifted,  by  the  gradual  ad 
vance  of  our  public  credit,  to  par  in  gold,  leaving  the  question  of  contrac 
tion  to  depend  upon  the  amount  of  notes  needed  for  currency.  Sir,  it  was 
the  separation  of  our  greenbacks  from  the  funding  system  that  created  the 
difficulty  we  have  upon  our  hands  to-day ;  and  I  say  now  that,  in  my  judg 
ment,  the  only  true  way  to  approach  specie  payments  is  to  restore  this  prin 
ciple,  and  give  to  the  holder  of  the  greenback,  who  is  your  creditor,  the 
same  right  that  you  give  to  any  other  creditor.  If  he  has  a  note  which  you 
promised  to  pay  and  cannot,  and  he  desires  interest  on  that  note  by  surren 
dering  it,  why  should  you  not  give  it  to  him  ?  No  man  can  answer  that.  It 
is  just  as  much  a  debt  as  any  other  portion  of  the  debt  of  the  United 
States." 

Finally,  after  more  than  three  months  study  and  debate,  a 
majority  of  the  committee  agreed  upon  a  measure  and  directed 
me  to  report  it  to  the  Senate.  It  fixed  the  maximum  limit  of 
the  United  States  notes  at  $382,000,000.  It  provided  for  a 
gradual  payment  of  these  notes  in  coin  or  in  five  per  cent, 
bonds,  at  the  option  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  from  the 
1st  of  January,  1876.  It  was  entitled  "An  act  to  provide  for 
the  redemption  and  reissue  of  United  States  notes  and  for  free 
banking." 

S.— 36 


496  RECOLLECTIONS 

In  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  the  committee,  on  the 
23rd  of  March,  1874,  I  reported  the  bill  as  an  original  measure, 
and  said: 

"  It  is  due  to  the  members  of  the  committee  on  finance  that  I  should  say 
that  the  bill  which  I  have  just  reported,  as  it  appears  on  its  face,  is  in  the 
nature  of  a  compromise  measure,  which  is  more  or  less  acceptable  all  around, 
but  at  the  same  time  there  are  certain  features  of  the  bill  which  members  of 
the  committee  on  finance  will  feel  at  liberty  to  express  their  opposition  to, 
and  also  to  propose  amendments  to.  It  is  due  to  them  that  I  should  make 
this  statement.  The  bill  itself,  as  appears  on  its  face,  is  the  result  of  great 
labor,  long  consideration,  and  the  consequence  of  compromise.  In  many 
cases  we  were  not  able,  however,  to  reconcile  conflicting  opinions ;  and  on 
those  points,  of  course,  members  of  the  committee  will  feel  themselves  at 
liberty  to  oppose  certain  features  of  the  bill." 

Mr.  Thurman  said : 

"  I  should  like  to  inquire  of  my  colleague  whether  he  proposes  to-day  or 
to-morrow,  when  he  makes  the  motion  that  he  indicated,  to  state  what,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  committee  reporting  this  bill,  will  be  its  practical  effect,  so 
that  we  may  have  the  views  of  the  committee  as  to  the  workings  of  the  bill 
should  it  become  a  law.  I  am  sure  I,  for  one,  should  like  very  much  to 
know  what  the  committee,  who  have  devoted  so  much  time  to  this  subject, 
think  will  be  the  practical  working  of  the  measure,  at  any  time  that  it  suits 
the  convenience  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  to  make  such  statement." 

I  replied: 

"  When  the  subject  is  introduced,  if  it  be  convenient,  to-morrow,  I  pro 
pose  to  make  a  very  brief  statement  of  the  effect  of  each  section,  as  we  un 
derstand  it ;  but  I  do  not  intend,  by  any  long  speeches  or  any  remarks,  to 
prolong  this  matter  unnecessarily.  I  have  expressed  my  own  individual 
views,  and  each  member  of  the  committee,  I  suppose,  stands  to  the  opinions 
expressed  by  him  in  the  speeches  he  has  made  in  the  Senate — speeches  that 
were  carefully  considered,  and  by  which  the  position  of  each  Senator  was 
stated ;  but  undoubtedly  I  shall  feel  it  my  duty,  when  the  bill  is  called 
up,  to  state  what  I  regard  as  the  actual  practical  effect  of  these  different 
propositions ;  and  some  of  them,  I  will  now  say,  I  assented  to  with  great 
reluctance." 

On  the  next  day  the  bill  was  taken  up  in  the  Senate,  and  I 
then  stated  the  general  provisions  of  the  bill.  I  insert  extracts 
from  my  speech,  which  indicate  the  difficulties  we  encountered: 

"  Mr.  president,  some  complaint  has  been  made  in  the  Senate  and  in  the 
country  at  the  delay  in  the  presentation,  by  the  committee  on  finance,  of  some 
bill  covering  the  financial  question  ;  but  a  moment's  reflection  will,  I  am 
sure,  convince  every  Senator  that  there  has  been  no  fault  on  the  part  of  that 


OP  JOHN  SHERMAN.  497 

committee.  From  the  beginning  of  the  session  to  this  hour  that  committee, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Senate,  has  been  studying  and  discussing  the 
various  plans  and  propositions  which  were  referred  to  the  committee  ;  and 
I  may  say  that  over  sixty  different  propositions,  either  coming  in  the  form  of 
petitions  or  in  the  form  of  bills,  have  been  sent  to  the  committee,  all  of  them 
suggesting  different  plans  and  ideas.  It  was  impossible  to  consider  all  these 
and  to  agree  upon  any  comprehensive  measure  until  within  a  day  or  two. 

"  There  was  another  consideration.  The  committee  found  itself  divided 
in  opinion,  precisely  as  the  country  is,  and  precisely  as  the  Senate  is,  into  as 
many  as  three  different  classes  of  opinion.  There  were,  first,  those  who 
desired  to  take  a  definite  and  positive  step  toward  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments.  There  were,  second,  those  who  desired  an  enlargement  of  the  cur 
rency,  or  what  we  commonly  call  an  inflation  of  the  currency.  There  were, 
third,  those  who,  while  willing  to  see  the  amount  of  bank  notes  increased 
and  the  question  of  the  legal  tenders  settled  in  some  form,  were  also  de 
sirous  that  some  definite  step  should  be  taken  toward  a  specie  standard. 
There  were  these  differences  of  opinion. 

"For  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  views  of  the  Senate,  and  not 
involving  ourselves  in  reporting  a  bill  that  would  be  defeated  as  the  bill  of 
the  last  session  was,  we  presented,  early  in  the  session,  resolutions  of  a  gen 
eral  character  which  stated  these  three  ideas  :  First,  the  resolution  of  the 
majority  of  the  committee  that  some  definite  step  should  be  taken  toward 
specie  payments.  Then  there  was  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman 
who  now  occupies  the  chair  [Mr.  Ferry,  of  Michigan],  that  there  ought  to 
be  an  increase  of  the  currency  without  reference  to  any  plan  of  redemption. 
Third,  there  was  the  proposition  made  by  the  Senator  from  Delaware  [Mr. 
Bayard] ,  that  measures  should  be  taken  at  once  looking  to  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments. 

"  These  propositions  were  discussed,  and  the  committee  were  enlight 
ened  by  that  discussion ;  at  least  they  obtained  the  opinions  of  Members  of 
the  Senate.  Subsequently,  in  the  course  of  our  investigation,  a  question 
about  the  $25,000,000  section  (section  6  of  the  act  of  July  12,  1870)  came 
up,  and  the  committee  deemed  it  right,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  to  ascertain 
the  sense  of  the  Senate  as  to  whether  they  wished  this  section  carried  into 
execution.  As  it  stood  upon  the  statute  book  it  was  a  law  without  force. 
It  was  a  law  so  expressed  that  the  comptroller  said  he  could  not  execute  it. 
Therefore  the  committee  reported  a  bill  which  would  have  provided  the 
necessary  details  to  carry  into  execution  that  section  of  the  existing  law. 
But  in  the  present  temper  of  the  public  mind,  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  coun 
try,  that  bill  was  discussed,  and  has  been  discussed  day  after  day,  without 
approaching  the  question  at  all.  During  all  this  time  the  committee  have 
been  pursuing  their  inquiries,  and  finally  they  have  reported  the  bill  which 
is  now  before  us. 

"  The  measure  that  is  reported  is  net  a  satisfactory  one  to  any  of  us  in 
all  its  details.  Probably  it  is  not  such  as  the  mind  of  any  single  Member 


498  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  Senate  would  propose.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  a  compromise  bill,  and 
therefore,  while  it  has  the  strength  of  a  compromise  bill,  it  has  also  the  weak 
ness  of  a  compromise  bill.  There  are  ideas  in  it  which,  while  meeting  the 
views  of  a  majority,  taken  separately  will  be  opposed  by  others.  I  am  quite 
sure  that  I  say  nothing  new  to  the  Senate  when  I  say  it  does  not  in  all  re 
spects  meet'  my  own  views.  But  there  is  a  necessity  for  us  to  yield  some  of 
our  opinions.  We  cannot  reconcile  or  pass  any  measure  that  will  be  satis 
factory  to  the  country  unless  we  do  so.  Any  positive  victory  by  either  ex 
treme  of  this  controversy  will  be  an  absolute  injury  to  the  business  of  the 
country.  Therefore,  any  measure  that  is  adopted  ought  to  be  so  moderate, 
pursuing  such  a  middle  course,  such  a  middle  ground,  that  it  will  give  satis 
faction  to  the  country.  It  must  be  taken  as  a  whole ;  and  therefore  the 
effect  of  amending  this  proposition  will  be  simply  to  destroy  it.  If  an 
amendment  in  the  direction  of  expansion  is  inserted,  it  will  drive  away  some 
who  would  be  willing  to  support  it  as  it  is.  If  an  amendment  in  the  way  of 
contraction  is  proposed  and  carried  by  a  majority  of  the  Senate,  it  will  drive 
away  those  who  might  be  willing  to  take  this  measure  as  a  compromise. 
The  only  question  before  the  Senate  now  is,  whether  this  is  a  fair  compro 
mise  between  the  ideas  that  have  divided  the  people  of  this  country  and  the 
Members  of  the  Senate ;  whether  it  will  surely  improve  our  currency  while 
giving  the  relief  that  is  hoped  for  by  a  moderate  increase  of  the  currency. 
Now  I  ask  the  secretary  to  read  the  first  section  of  the  bill." 

The  chief  clerk  read  section  1,  as  follows: 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  maximum  limit 
of  United  States  notes  is  hereby  fixed  at  $382,000,000,  at  which  amount  it 
shall  remain  until  reduced  as  hereinafter  provided." 

I  then  continued : 

"  It  is  manifest  to  every  Senator  that  the  initial  step  in  this  controversy 
is  to  fix  the  aggregate  limit  of  United  States  notes.  The  United  States 
notes,  although  they  are  very  popular,  and  justly  so,  in  this  country,  are  at 
this  moment  inconvertible  ;  they  are  irredeemable,  and  they  are  depreciated. 
These  are  facts  admitted  on  all  hands.  In  making  that  statement  I  do  not 
intend  at  all  to  deny  that  the  United  States  notes  have  served  a  great  and 
useful  purpose  ;  and  though  I  was  here  at  the  birth  of  them  and  advocated 
them  in  all  stages  of  their  history,  yet  I  am  compelled  to  say  at  this  mo 
ment,  twelve  years  after  their  issue,  that  they  are  inconvertible  ;  they  are 
irredeemable;  and  they  are  depreciated  this  day  at  the  rate  of  twelve  per  cent. 
They  have  been  legally  inconvertible  since  July  1,  1863,  and  practically 
inconvertible  since  the  close  of  the  war ;  that  is,  the  government  refuses  to 
receive  them,  either  in  payment  of  customs  or  in  payment  at  par  of  any 
bond  of  the  United  States  offered  by  it.  They  are  irredeemable  on  their 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  499 

very  face.  They  have  depreciated  almost  from  the  date  of  their  issue,  at 
one  time  being  worth  only  forty  cents  in  gold,  and  to-day  only  worth  ninety 
cents.  That  is  the  condition  of  the  United  States  notes. 

"  Now,  there  is  another  thing  admitted  by  all  Senators.  I  do  not  tres 
pass  on  any  disputed  ground  when  I  say  that  every  addition  to  the  volume 
of  these  notes,  while  they  thus  stand  depreciated,  irredeemable,  and  incon 
vertible,  is  as  certain  to  further  depreciate  them,  as  it  is  that  to  pour  water 
into  an  overflowing  bucket  will  cause  it  still  more  to  overflow  ;  as  certain  as 
the  law  of  gravitation  ;  as  certain  as  anything  human  or  divine.  It  is 
equally  true  that  any  contraction  of  this  currency,  any  withdrawal  of  the 
amount  of  it,  is  undoubtedly  an  appreciation  of  its  value,  making  it  nearer 
and  nearer  to  the  standard  of  gold. 

"  This  is  so  plain  a  proposition  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  it ;  and 
the  whole  people  of  the  country  understand  it ;  the  plainest  and  simplest 
people  understand  it  as  well  as  the  wisest.  Those  who  desire  to  increase 
prices,  to  start  and  put  in  operation  new  enterprises,  desire  an  increase  of 
the  currency  without  any  plan  of  redemption.  Those,  on  the  other  hand, 
who  want  to  get  back  to  the  specie  standard,  to  appreciate  the  value  of 
these  notes,  desire  to  withdraw  them,  get  them  out  of  the  way,  or  give  new 
uses  and  new  values  to  them  so  as  to  advance  them  nearer  and  nearer  to  the 
standard  of  gold.  Therefore  it  is  that  I  say  the  very  first  step  at  the  outset 
of  this  controversy  is  to  settle  what  is  the  legal  limit  of  these  notes ;  how 
many  are  there  now  authorized  by  law ;  how  many  are  there  outstanding. 
And  here  it  is  a  strange  thing  that  on  this  very  point,  a  purely  legal  ques 
tion,  the  most  important  one  in  our  financial  discussion,  there  is  a  great  dif 
ference  of  opinion.  There  ought  not  to  be  uncertainty  or  room  for  a 
difference  of  opinion  upon  a  question  of  this  kind.  It  ought  to  be  settled. 
On  the  one  hand  it  is  insisted  by  Senators  who  compose  the  majority  of  the 
committee  on  finance  that  the  legal  limit  of  United  States  notes  is  $356,- 
000,000 ;  that  the  amount  which  has  been  already  issued,  of  what  is 
known  as  the  $44,000,000  reserve,  was  unlawfully  issued,  although  under 
great  press  of  circumstances  and  without  any  intention  on  the  part  of  the 
secretary  to  do  more  than  he  thought  he  had  a  lawful  right  to  do.  On  the 
other  hand  it  is  insisted  by  other  Senators  that  the  legal  limit  of  United 
States  notes  is  $400,000,000 ;  and  here  is  a  margin  of  $44,000,000  upon 
which  there  is  a  dispute  of  law  as  to  the  power  of  the  secretary  to  issue  it. 
That  dispute  ought  to  be  settled  at  once.  It  is  a  question  that  ought  not 
to  be  in  doubt  a  moment,  because  the  power  to  issue  that  $44,000,000  places 
it  in  the  discretion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  either  to  advance  or 
to  lower  the  value  of  all  property  in  the  United  States,  of  all  debts  in  the 
United  States,  of  everything  that  is  measured  by  United  States  notes. 

"  Should  we  undertake  to  say  that  the  secretary  did  wrong  in  exceeding 
the  limit  at  $356,000,000  ?  A  majority  of  the  committee  believe  that  that 
is  now  the  legal  limit,  and  believe  it  conscientiously.  But  should  we  un 
dertake  to  fix  that  as  the  legal  limit  ?  Twenty-six  million  dollars  of  the 


500  RECOLLECTIONS 

$44,000,000  are  outstanding.  They  are  now  issued ;  they  are  now  a  part  of 
the  currency  of  the  country.  They  are  just  as  much  the  currency  as  that 
which  was  issued  before.  You  cannot  distinguish  between  them.  You  can 
not  say  which  of  the  $382,000,000  now  outstanding  is  legal  and  which  is 
illegal.  So  far  as  the  United  States  are  concerned,  they  are  all  debts  of  the 
United  States  which  we  are  bound  to  pay,  whether  they  have  been  issued 
legally  or  illegally.  I  do  not  understand  even  my  friend  from  Delaware  to 
dispute  the  duty  and  obligation  of  the  United  States  to  pay  these  notes, 
even  if  they  have  been  illegally  issued.  There  can  be  no  question  about  it. 
It  is  impossible  to  distinguish  between  them.  The  only  question  is  whether 
our  agent  exceeded  his  authority  or  not.  Therefore,  without  raising  the  ques 
tion  as  to  the  legality  of  this  issue,  reserving  to  each  Senator  his  own  opin 
ion  on  the  subject,  we  have  adopted  as  the  status  quo  $382,000,000,  the 
amount  now  outstanding ;  and  we  recognize  that  amount  as  the  maximum 
legal  obligation  of  the  United  States  in  the  form  of  notes,  and  we  propose 
upon  that  basis  to  erect  our  superstructure.  We  therefore  say  that  we  will 
raise  no  question  as  to  the  mode  of  retiring  the  $26,000,000 ;  we  will  simply 
say  that  the  amount  now  outstanding  shall  never  be  exceeded.  That  is  a  rec 
ognition,  at  least,  that  they  are  outstanding  lawfully  and  properly ;  at  any 
rate,  so  far  as  the  obligation  of  the  United  States  to  pay  them  is  concerned. 

"  Mr.  president,  a  limit  ought  to  be  fixed.  But  there  is  a  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  what  should  be  the  limit.  If  I  had  the  power  to  fix  this  limit 
I  should  say  that  the  limit  which  was  fixed  by  the  old  law  should  remain  at 
$356,000,000 ;  and  I  would  provide  a  mode  and  manner  of  issuing  United 
States  bonds  to  retire  the  $26,000,000  slowly  and  gradually,  without  dis 
turbing  the  ordinary  business  of  the  country.  I  would  thereby  seek  to  re 
cover  the  ground  we  have  lost  by  what  has  occurred  since  the  panic,  and  go 
back  to  the  standard  prior  to  that  time.  But  I  know  that  would  be  very 
difficult ;  that  would  involve  an  increase  of  the  bonded  debt.  Our  revenues 
are  not  sufficient  to  call  in  this  $26,000,000.  We  have  no  surplus  revenue 
now  as  we  had  a  year  or  two  ago.  We  could  only  do  it  by  the  issue  of 
bonds,  and  the  process  itself  would  be  a  very  hard  one.  Besides,  it  is  prob 
able  that  public  opinion  and  the  judgment  of  Congress  would  not  sustain 
such  a  proposition  ;  and  therefore  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  recommend  it. 
We  assume,  therefore,  that  the  $382,000,000  is  the  present  limit,  and  we 
say  that  shall  be  the  maximum  limit. 

**#•*#*%** 

"  I  said  it  was  a  compromise  by  the  committee.  I  speak  of  a  majority 
of  the  committee.  As  a  matter  of  course  my  friend  is  at  liberty  to  dissent 
from  any  of  its  propositions.  On  questions  of  this  kind  committees  are  very 
rarely  unanimous  ;  but  I  will  say  that  on  this  point  a  very  decided  majority 
of  the  committee  concurred  in  the  section. 

"  To  the  second  section  I  wish  to  invite  the  careful  and  earnest  attention 
of  the  Senate.  This  section  is  an  honest  effort  to  deal  with  the  great  prob 
lem  of  redemption.  Every  Senator  who  has  spoken  contemplates  that  a  time 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  501 

must  come  when  all  the  United  States  notes  must  be  redeemed  in  coin. 
The  public  faith  of  the  United  States  is  so  pledged.  The  notes  were  issued 
with  the  understanding  that  they  should  be  paid  in  coin.  No  man  could 
survive  politically  in  this  country  who  would  declare  that  it  was  his  purpose 
never  to  pay  these  notes  in  coin.  My  friend  who  now  presides  [  Mr.  Ferry, 
of  Michigan],  speaks  always  of  his  measure  of  inflation  as  a  means  of  bring 
ing  about  at  some  time  specie  payments  ;  and  I  will  say  that  in  the  Senate 
I  have  not  heard  any  Senator  deny  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States 
at  some  time  to  pay  these  notes  in  coin.  In  all  this  discussion  there  is  at 
least  that  one  point  agreed  upoia.  If  I  state  this  too  strongly  I  hope  I  will 
be  here  corrected. 

"Now,  Mr.  president,  how  shall  it  be  done,  and  when  shall  it  be  done  ? 
I  say  that  now,  nine  years  after  the  close  of  our  Civil  War,  twelve  years  after 
these  notes  have  been  authorized  and  issued,  five  years  after  the  dominant 
party  has  declared  its  purpose  to  pay  them  at  the  earliest  day  practicable, 
there  should  be  no  longer  delay.  The  United  States  ought  to  do  something 
toward  the  fulfillment  of  that  pledge  and  the  performance  of  that  duty. 
There  must  be  something  very  peculiar  in  the  condition  of  our  country  that 
will  justify  a  longer  delay,  a  longer  procrastination  in  the  performance  of 
this  solemn  pledge,  this  public  policy — our  own  political  obligation. 

"  Mr.  president,  this  section  is  the  result  of  the  patient  consideration  of 
the  committee  on  finance  as  to  how  this  result  is  to  be  brought  about ;  and 
upon  this  very  section  there  is  most  likely  to  be  a  contrariety  and  difference 
of  opinion  among  Senators,  because  the  mode  and  manner  of  redemption  is 
the  thing  which  has  excited  the  public  mind  and  upon  which  men  all  over 
the  country  differ.  I  wish,  therefore,  to  deal  with  this  question.  We  have 
got  to  pay  these  notes  in  coin.  The  time  when  is  not  defined  by  the  law. 
Are  we  prepared  now  to  fix  a  day  when  we  will  pay  these  notes  in  coin  ? 
If  the  condition  of  our  country  was  such  as  to  justify  it,  I  would  greatly  pre 
fer  fixing  the  time  when  these  notes  should  be  paid  in  coin  ;  but  I  am  dis 
posed  to  agree  with  what  has  been  stated  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  and 
by  other  Senators,  that  in  the  present  condition  of  our  coinage,  the  present 
condition  of  our  foreign  trade,  we  are  not  prepared  to  fix  a  definite  day 
when  we  will  pay  in  coin.  Why  ?  I  find,  by  reference  to  official  documents, 
that  we  now  have  in  gold  and  silver  coin  in  this  country  about  $140,000,000. 
This  statement  of  Dr.  Linderman  does  not  include  the  bullion  on  hand. 
How  much  that  is  I  am  not  prepared  to  state.  The  whole  amount  of  gold 
and  silver  coin  in  the  country,  however,  is  about  $140,000,000.  Some  of 
that  is  in  circulation  in  the  Pacific  states,  but  the  bulk  of  it  is  in  the  treasury 
of  the  United  States,  the  property  of  individuals  and  the  property  of  the 
United  States.  The  total  annual  production  of  gold  and  silver  in  this  coun 
try  cannot  be  estimated  at  over  $70,000,000 ;  and  heretofore,  at  least 
$50,000,000  of  this  has  been  exported  over  and  above  the  amount  that  has 
been  imported.  The  balance  of  trade  has  been  against  us  ;  and  although  I 
do  not  regard  that  as  entering  much  into  the  calculation,  yet  it  is  a  fact  that 


502  RECOLLECTIONS 

until  recently,  perhaps,  the  balance  of  trade  has  been  against  us.  The  an 
nual  coinage  of  the  United  States  for  the  last  year  or  two  lias  been  largely 
increasing,  and  last  year  the  coinage  of  the  United  State?  was  $38,689,183, 
besides  a  stamping  into  fine  bars,  which  operates  as  a  kind  of  coinage,  of 
$27,517,000.  So  that  there  has  been  in  fact  converted,  of  gold  and  silver, 
into  coin,  or.  bars  stamped  by  the  United  States,  $66,000,000  during  the  last 
year,  showing  a  use  and  employment  of  gold  in  this  country  that  is  now 
rapidly  increasing. 

"  But  still  this  state  of  affairs  would  not  justify  us  in  saying  that  we  are 
prepared  to  declare  a  resumption  of  specie  payments  absolutely  upon  the 
basis  of  $800,000,000  of  paper  money,  including  our  fractional  currency.  I 
am,  therefore,  not  prepared  to  say  that  the  United  States  can,  on  a  fixed  day, 
within  a  reasonable  time — within  such  a  time  as  would  give  confidence  in  our 
ability  to  perform  it— say  that  we  will  absolutely  redeem  our  notes  in  coin. 

"  I  know  that  Senators  here,  for  whose  opinion  I  have  the  highest  respect, 
who  are  probably  more  sanguine  of  our  ability  and  capacity  to  do  this  than 
I  am — many  of  those  who  have  agreed  with  me  and  co5perated  with  me — 
think  we  are  able  and  strong  enough  to  fix  the  time  for  the  absolute  resump 
tion  of  specie  payments  ;  but  I  have  always  doubted  it.  Indeed  I  have 
thought  there  was  a  better  way  to  reach  the  great  result.  But  if  we  cannot 
fix  the  time  when  we  will  redeem  in  coin,  can  we  not  give  additional  value 
to  our  United  States  notes,  so  as  to  gradually  appreciate  them  to  the  coin 
standard,  and  thus  advance  toward  specie  payments  if  we  cannot  reach  the 
goal  ?  Because  we  cannot  accomplish  all  that  we  have  agreed  to  do  in  a 
given  time,  does  that  relieve  us  from  the  necessity  of  progressing  in  that 
direction  ?  When  we  have  before  us  a  long  journey  that  will  take  months 
to  pass,  perhaps  years,  shall  we  delay  starting  on  that  journey  because  we 
cannot  reach  the  end  of  it  in  a  year  or  two  ?  Not  at  all.  I  therefore  say 
that  the  time  has  arrived  this  moment  when  the  United  States  ought  to  do 
something  to  advance  its  notes  to  the  specie  standard. 

"  Now  what  is  that  something  ?  There  are  two  propositions,  and  only 
two  propositions,  that  have  been  made,  aside  from  absolute  coin  redemption, 
that  have  had  any  strength  whatever.  One  is  to  allow  the  United  States 
notes  to  be  received  in  payment  of  customs  duties,  the  other  is  to  allow 
United  States  notes  to  be  converted  into  bonds.  In  regard  to  the  first,  I 
agree  entirely  that  if  the  matter  was  open  now  to  our  choice  and  selection, 
one  of  the  best  methods  we  could  adopt  to  advance  our  notes  to  par  in  gold 
would  be  by  repealing  that  restriction  which  prevents  the  receiving 
of  them  for  customs  duties  ;  but  we  are  met  there  by  the  sacred  pledge  of 
the  United  States  ;  we  are  met  there  by  the  fact  that  customs  duties  are, 
by  the  law  of  1862,  agreed  to  be  collected  in  coin." 

Mr.  Bayard  inquired: 

"  Does  not  the  law  provide  that  the  customs  duties  shall  be  paid  in  coin 
or  in  notes  of  the  United  States  ?  Is  not  the  alternative  given  by  the  law  ?  " 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  503 


I  replied: 


"  O,  no.  If  the  Senator  will  look  at  section  5  of  the  act  of  February 
25,  1862 — my  friend  from  Vermont  can  turn  to  it  in  a  moment — he  will 
find  that  there  is  an  express  stipulation  that  the  customs  duties  shall 
be  collected  in  coin,  and  that  this  coin  shall  be  set  aside  as  a  pledge — 
legal  language  is  used — and  shall  only  be  applied,  first,  to  the  payment 
of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  and,  secondly,  to  the  establishment  of 
a  sinking  fund  of  one  per  cent.  That  was  the  basis  of  the  obligation  of 
the  United  States  to  pay  in  coin,  and  but  for  the  fact  that  we  collected 
our  customs  duties  in  coin  during  the  war  we  could  not  have  paid  the  inter 
est  on  our  public  debt  in  coin,  and  therefore  our  bonds  would  have  sunk  out 
of  sight.  That  pledge  we  cannot  now  violate  ;  and  I  never  have  yet  been 
able  to  bring  my  mind  to  the  consideration  of  any  proposition  whatever 
which  would  even  shock  or  excite  the  fear  of  the  public  creditors  in  that 
respect.  The  safety  of  the  public  creditors  consists  in  having  a  specific 
fund  for  the  payment  of  their  interest  ;  the  principal  will  take  care  of  itself  ; 
and  that  fund  has  always  been  maintained  in  the  darkest  hours  of  the  war. 
Except  the  propositions  that  have  been  made  here  and  there  to  impair  that 
fund  by  allowing  a  portion  of  the  customs  duties  to  be  paid  in  currency,  it 
has  never  been  either  invaded  or  threatened  ;  but  all  such  propositions  have 
been  voted  down.  I,  therefore,  while  I  see  the  policy  and  the  expediency 
of  allowing  these  notes  to  be  used  in  payment  of  customs  duties,  simply  say 
we  are  precluded  from  that  remedy  because  we  have  mortgaged  that  fund, 
and  we  have  no  power  to  take  them  for  any  purpose  except  that  which  the 
mortgage  stipulates. 

•*•*#•*•£###•* 

"  We  then  come  to  the  redemption  in  bonds.  There  is  the  moral  obli 
gation,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  which  has  issued  its  notes  payable 
in  coin,  but  for  reasons  of  public  policy  does  not  pay  in  coin,  to  give  to  its 
creditors  its  notes  bearing  interest  in  place  of  coin.  The  United  States 
cannot  plead  inability  to  pay  interest  on  its  notes  if  it  will  not  or  cannot  pay 
the  principal.  Why  should  not  the  United  States  give  its  obligation  bear 
ing  interest  just  as  any  individual  would  have  to  do?  There  is  a  moral 
obligation  which  rests  upon  the  United  States  every  day  of  the  year  to  every 
holder  of  these  notes,  because,  although  the  United  States  has  not  said 
\vhen  it  will  redeem  these  notes  in  coin,  yet  it  is  bound  to  do  what  it  can  to 
give  them  additional  value.  Although  it  may  not  receive  these  notes  for 
customs  duties,  why  can  it  not  receive  these  notes  in  payment  of  bonds? 
Why  discriminate  against  these  notes  in  the  sale  of  bonds?  The  answer  is, 
that  during  the  war  we  were  compelled  to  do  it ;  and  so  we  were.  I  very 
reluctantly  yielded  to  that  necessity.  We  were  compelled  to  do  it ;  but, 
sir,  it  was  only  expected  that  that  would  continue  to  the  close  of  the  war ; 
and,  practically,  during  the  whole  of  the  war  these  notes  were  received  at 
par  for  bonds  at  par. 


504  RECOLLECTIONS 

"  If,  therefore,  we  are  to  take  any  step  toward  specie  payments,  why 
not  give  to  the  holder  of  United  States  notes  who  demands  it,  a  bond 
of  the  United  States  bearing  a  reasonable  rate  of  interest  in  exchange 
for  his  notes?  This  should  only  be  done  after  a  reasonable  time,  so 
as  to  prevent  any  injury  to  the  private  contracts  between  debtor  and 
creditor.  When  we  cannot  pay  the  coin,  we  are  honorably  and  sacredly 
bound  to  pay  in  a  bond  of  the  United  States,  which  in  ordinary  times 
would  approximate  to  par  in  gold.  In  other  words,  this  is  a  qualified  re 
demption.  The  Senator  from  Indiana  calls  it  a  'half- way  measure.'  It 
is  a  half-way  measure  in  the  right  direction,  and  indeed  it  is  practical  specie 
payment." 

The  bill  led  to  a  long  continuous  debate  which  extended  to 
the  6th  of  April,  1874.  Several  amendments  were  offered  and 
adopted  which  enlarged  the  maximum  of  notes  to  $400,000,000, 
and  greatly  weakened  the  bill  as  a  measure  of  resumption  of 
specie  payments.  By  reason  of  these  amendments  many  of 
those  who  would  have  supported  the  bill  as  introduced 
voted  against  it  on  its  passage,  I  among  the  number.  The 
bill,  however,  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  yeas  29  and 
nays  24.  The  title  of  the  bill  was  changed  to  "A  bill  to  fix 
the  amount  of  United  States  notes  and  the  circulation  of 
national  banks,  and  for  other  purposes."  This  change  of  title 
indicates  the  radical  change  in  the  provisions  of  the  bill.  In 
stead  of  a  return  to  specie  payments,  it  provided  for  an  expan 
sion  of  an  irredeemable  currency. 

The  bill,  as  it  passed  the  Senate,  was  as  follows: 

"  JBe  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  the  maximum  amount  of  United  States  notes 
is  hereby  fixed  at  $400,000,000. 

"  Sec.  2.  That  forty-six  millions  in  notes  for  circulation,  in  addition  to 
such  circulation  now  allowed  by  law,  shall  be  issued  to  national  banking 
associations  now  organized  and  which  may  be  organized  hereafter,  and  such 
increased  circulation  shall  be  distributed  among  the  several  states  as  pro 
vided  in  section  1  of  the  act  entitled  'An  act  to  provide  for  the  redemption  of 
the  three  per  cent,  temporary  loan  certificates  and  for  an  increase  of  national 
bank  notes,'  approved  July  12,  1870.  And  each  national  banking  associa 
tion,  now  organized  or  hereafter  to  be  organized,  shall  keep  and  maintain, 
as  a  part  of  its  reserve  required  by  law,  one-fourth  part  of  the  coin  received 
by  it  as  interest  on  bonds  of  the  United  States  deposited  as  security  for  cir 
culating  notes  or  government  deposits;  and  that  hereafter  only  one-fourth  of 
the  reserve  now  prescribed  by  law  for  national  banking  associations  shall 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  505 

consist  of  balances  due  to  an  association  available  for  the  redemption  of  its 
circulating  notes  from  associations  in  cities  of  redemption,  and  upon  which 
balances  no  interest  shall  be  paid." 

The  bill  was  taken  up  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
the  14th  of  April,  1874,  and,  without  any  debate  on  its  merits, 
was  passed  by  the  vote  of  140  yeas  and  102  nays. 

On  the  22nd  of  April,  President  Grant  returned  the  bill  to 
the  Senate  with  his  veto,  and  the  Senate,  upon  the  question, 
"  Shall  the  bill  pass  notwithstanding  the  objections  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States/'  voted  34  yeas  and  30  nays.  I 
voted  nay.  The  president  of  the  Senate  declared  "  that  two- 
thirds  of  the  Senators  present  not  having  voted  in  the  affirma 
tive  the  Senate  refuses  to  pass  the  bill." 

Thus,  for  that  session,  the  struggle  for  resumption  ended  ; 
but  the  debate  in  both  Houses  attracted  popular  discussion,  and 
tended  in  the  right  direction.  The  evil  effects  of  the  stringency 
in  monetary  affairs,  the  want  of  confidence,  the  reduction  of 
the  national  revenue,  the  decline  of  domestic  productions,  all 
these  contributed  to  impress  Congress  with  the  imperative 
necessity  of  providing  some  measure  of  relief.  Instead  of  infla 
tion,  of  large  issues  of  paper  money  by  the  United  States  and 
the  national  banks,  there  grew  up  a  conviction  that  the  bet 
ter  policy  was  to  limit  and  reduce  the  volume  of  such  money 
to  an  amount  that  could  be  maintained  at  par  with  coin. 

During  the  canvass  that  followed  I  spoke  in  many  parts  of 
Ohio,  confining  myself  chiefly  to  financial  questions.  The 
stringency  of  the  money  market  which  occurred  the  preceding 
year  still  continued,  and  great  interest  was  manifested  in  the 
measures  proposed  during  the  preceding  session,  especially  in 
the  defeat  of  the  bill  to  prevent  the  contraction  of  the  currency. 
At  the  request  of  General  Garfield  I  spoke  in  Warren  in  his 
Congressional  district,  where  he  met,  for  the  first  time,  a  de 
cided  opposition.  I  insert  his  autograph  letter,  the  original 
being  in  his  familiar  hand  writing : 

HIRAM,  OHIO,  September  25,  1874. 

DEAR  SENATOR  : — In  accordance  with  the  arrangement  which  I  made 
with  you  and  with  the  central  committee,  we  have  posted  you  for  a  mass 
meeting  at  Warren,  on  Saturday  afternoon,  October  10.  I  hope  I  shall 


506  RECOLLECTIONS  OP  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

not  embarrass  you  by  suggesting  that  in  your  speech  you  take  occasion  to 
say  a  few  words  in  reference  to  my  standing  and  public  service  as  a  repre 
sentative.  It  will  do  much  to  counteract  the  prejudice  that  a  small  knob  of 
persistent  assailants  have  created  against  me.  I  write  also  to  inquire  if  you 
will  be  willing  to  speak  at  another  place  the  same  evening.  If  so,  we  are 
very  anxious  to  have  you  do  so.  Please  telegraph  me  to  Garrettsville,  Ohio, 
and  oblige,  Very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
BILL  FOR  THE  RESUMPTION  OF  SPECIE  PAYMENTS. 

Decline  in  Value  of  Paper  Money  —  Meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1874— Senate 
Committee  of  Eleven  to  Formulate  a  Bill  to  Advance  United  States  Notes  to 
Par  in  Coin  — Widely  Differing  Views  of  the  Members—  Redemption  of  Frac 
tional  Currency  Readily  Agreed  to  —  Other  Sections  Finally  Adopted  — 
Means  to  Prepare  for  and  Maintain  Resumption —Report  of  the  Bill 
by  the  Committee  on  Finance  —  Its  Passage  by  the  Senate  by  a 
Vote  of  32  to  14  — Full  Text  of  the  Measure  and  an  Ex 
planation  of  What  It  Was  Expected  to  Accomplish  — 
Approval     by    the   House   and  the   President. 

WHEN  Congress  met  in  December,  1874,  the  amount 
of  United  States  notes  outstanding  was  $382,000,- 
000.  The  fractional  notes  outstanding  convertible 
into  legal  tenders  amounted  to  $44,000,000,  and  the 
amount  of  national  bank  notes  redeemable  in  lawful  money  was 
$354,000,000,  in  all  $780,000,000.  Each  dollar  was  worth  a  frac 
tion  less  than  89  cents  in  coin.  While  these  notes  were  at  a 
discount  coin  did  not  and  could  not  circulate  as  money.  The 
government  exacted  coin  for  customs  duties  and  paid  coin  for 
interest  on  its  bonds.  If  there  was  an  excess  of  coin  received 
from  customs  to  pay  interest  then  the  excess  was  sold  at  a  pre 
mium.  If  the  receipts  from  customs  were  insufficient  to  pay 
the  interest  on  bonds,  the  government  had  to  buy  the  coin  and 
pay  the  premium.  The  people  who  were  demanding  more 
money  to  relieve  the  stringency  did  not  see  that  the  best  way  to 
get  more  money  into  circulation  was  to  adopt  measures  that 
would  make  United  States  notes  and  bank  notes  equal  to  coin, 
when  all  three  forms  of  money  would  enter  into  circulation 
and  thus  give  them  more  money  and  all  kinds  of  equal  value. 

While  our  paper  money  was  depreciated  the  gold  and  silver 
bullion  from  our  mines  went  abroad  and  was  converted  into 
foreign  coin,  while  a  large  portion  and  perhaps  a  majority  of 
our  people  demanded  more  paper  money,  which  declined  in 

(507) 


508  RECOLLECTIONS 

value  in  exact  proportion  to  its  increase.  During  the  war  vast 
expenditures  compelled  us  to  use  paper  money;  the  return  of 
peace  and  the  excess  of  revenue  over  expenditures  should  have 
been  promptly  followed  by  coin  payments  or  notes  payable  in 
coin.  We  delayed  this  process  so  long  that  the  popular  mind 
rested  content  with  depreciated  money,  but  the  panic  of  1873, 
and  the  feverish  speculation  which  preceded  it,  convinced  the 
great  body  of  our  business  men  that  there  was  no  remedy  for 
existing  evils  but  a  return  to  specie  payments. 

Another  bill  concerning  currency  and  free  banking  was  re 
ported  by  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  on  the  29th  of  Janu 
ary,  1874,  from  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency  of 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  which  provided  for  free  bank 
ing  and  a  gradual  reduction  and  cancellation  of  United 
States  notes  by  the  issue  of  notes  payable  in  gold  in  two 
years  from  the  passage  of  the  bill.  This  was  fully  debated 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  amended  and  passed. 
In  the  Senate  it  was  reported  by  me  from  the  committee 
on  finance,  with  a  substitute  which  provided  for  free  bank 
ing  and  that  on  and  after  the  1st  of  January,  1877,  any 
holder  of  United  States  notes  might  present  them  for  pay 
ment  either  in  coin  or  five  per  cent,  bonds  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This 
substitute  was  amended  in  the  Senate  by  striking  out  all  pro 
visions  for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes,  leaving  the 
measure  one  for  free  banking  alone.  The  House  disagreed  to 
the  amendments  and  a  committee  of  conference  was  appointed 
which  resulted  in  a  measure  fixing  the  amount  of  United 
States  notes  outstanding  at  $382,000,000,  and  making  no  provi 
sion  for  their  redemption.  It  was  a  crude  and  imperfect  meas 
ure.  I  voted  for  it  because  it  provided  for  a  redistribution  of 
national  banks  among  the  states.  I  said:  "Because  I  cannot 
get  a  majority  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  to  agree  to  specie 
resumption  I  ought  not  therefore  to  refuse  to  vote  for  a  bill  on 
the  subject  of  banking  and  currency."  The  bill  was  approved 
by  the  President  on  the  20th  of  June,  1874.  This  long  struggle 
prepared  the  way  for  the  result  accomplished  at  the  next 
session. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  509 

When  Congress  met  in  December,  1874,  the  feeling  that  the 
remedy  for  existing  evils  was  the  return  to  specie  payments, 
was  general  among  Republican  Senators  and  Members.  The 
abortive  efforts  of  the  previous  session  and  the  veto  of  Presi 
dent  Grant  of  one  of  the  bills  referred  to  contributed  to  it.  At 
the  first  Republican  conference  I  called  attention  to  the  neces 
sity  of  our  uniting,  if  possible,  on  some  measure  that  would 
advance  United  States  notes  to  par  in  coin  and  moved  that  a 
committee  of  eleven  Senators  be  created  to  formulate  a  bill  for 
that  purpose.  It  was  agreed  to,  and,  as  the  names  of  the  Sen 
ators  composing  the  committee  have  already  been  published,  I 
feel  justified  in  repeating  them:  The  committee  consisted  of 
Senators  John  Sherman  (chairman),  William  B.  Allison,  George 
S.  Boutwell,  Roscoe  Conkling,  George  F.  Edmunds,  Thomas  W. 
Ferry,  F.  T.  Frelinghuysen,  Timothy  0.  Howe,  John  A.  Logan, 
Oliver  P.  Morton,  and  Aaron  A.  Sargent. 

When  the  committee  met  it  was  agreed  that  each  member 
should  state  how  far  he  would  go  in  the  direction  of  specie  re 
sumption.  When  these  statements  were  made  it  was  manifest 
that  the  divergence  of  opinion  was  so  great  that  an  agreement 
was  almost  impossible.  Yet,  the  necessity  of  an  agreement 
was  so  absolute  that  a  failure  to  agree  was  a  disruption  of  the 
Republican  party. 

The  first  section  of  the  act  to  provide  for  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments,  which  related  to  the  coinage  and  issue 
of  fractional  silver  under  the  act  of  February  21,  1853,  and 
the  redemption  of  an  equal  amount  of  fractional  currency 
until  the  whole  amount  of  such  fractional  currency  out 
standing  -should  be  redeemed,  was  readily  agreed  to.  This  frac 
tional  currency  was  so  Worn  arid  filthy,  and  it  cost  so  much  to 
reissue,  that  by  general  consent  its  destruction  was  agreed  to, 
and  its  replacement  by  bright  new  silver  coin,  which  followed, 
was  heartily  welcomed. 

The  second  section  was  an  unjust  concession  to  the  miners 
of  gold.  It  repealed  the  coinage  charge  for  converting  standard 
gold  bullion  into  coin.  This  charge  had  been  maintained,  not 
only  to  cover  the  cost  of  coining,  but  to  prevent  the  exporta 
tion  of  American  coins.  If  the  coins  were  of  less  value  than 

S.-86 


510  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  bullion  of  which  they  were  made,  however  small  the  differ 
ence,  they  would  not  be  exported  while  bullion  could  be  had 
for  exportation.  The  concession  was  made  and  the  charge  for 
coinage  of  gold  was  prohibited. 

The  free  banking  provisions  in  the  third  section  were 
not  seriously  contested.  The  contraction  of  the  volume  of 
United  States  notes  as  national  bank  notes  increased,  was  one 
of  the  chief  subjects  of  disagreement.  It  was  finally  agreed 
that  this  contraction  should  extend  only  to  the  retirement  of 
United  States  notes  in  excess  of  $300,000,000. 

The  most  serious  dispute  was  upon  the  question  whether 
United  States  notes  presented  for  redemption  and  redeemed 
could  be  reissued.  On  the  one  side  it  was  urged  that,  being 
redeemed,  they  could  not  be  reissued  without  an  express  pro 
vision  of  law.  The  inflationists,  as  all  those  who  favored 
United  States  notes  as  part  of  our  permanent  currency  were 
called,  refused  to  vote  for  the  bill  if  any  such  provison  was 
inserted,  while  those  who  favored  coin  payments  were  equally 
positive  that  they  would  vote  for  no  bill  that  permitted  notes 
once  redeemed  to  be  reissued.  This  appeared  to  be  the  rock 
upon  which  the  party  in  power  was  to  split.  I  had  no  doubt 
under  existing  law,  without  any  further  provision,  but  that 
United  States  notes  could  be  reissued.  It  was  finally  agreed  that 
no  mention  should  be  made  by  me  for  or  against  the  reissue  of 
notes,  and  that  I  must  not  commit  either  side  in  presenting  the 
bill. 

The  date  for  general  resumption  of  specie  payments  on  all 
United  States  notes  was  fixed  on  the  first  of  January,  1879,  four 
years  from  the  framing  of  this  bill.  The  important  and  closing 
clause  of  the  bill  was  referred  to  Mr.  Edmunds  and  myself.  It 
provided  the  means  to  prepare  for  and  to  maintain  resumption. 
It  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  all 
the  surplus  revenue  in  the  treasury,  and  gave  him  full  power  to 
issue,  sell  and  dispose  of,  at  not  less  than  par  in  coin,  any  of 
the  bonds  described  in  the  refunding  act.  We  were  careful  to 
select  phraseology  so  comprehensive  that  all  the  resources  and 
credit  of  the  government  were  pledged  to  redeem  the  notes  of 
the  United  States,  as  fully  and  completely  as  our  Revolutionary 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  511 

fathers  pledged  to  each  other  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and 
their  sacred  honor,  in  support  of  the  declaration  of  American 
independence. 

After  every  sentence  and  word  of  this  bill  had  been  care 
fully  scrutinized,  I  was  authorized  by  every  member  of  the 
committee  to  submit  it  to  the  committee  on  finance,  and  to 
report  it  from  that  committee  as  the  unanimous  act  of  the 
Eepublican  Senators.  We  naturally  expected  some  support 
from  Mr.  Bayard  and  other  Democratic  Senators,  who,  no  doubt, 
were  in  favor  of  specie  payments,  but  they  perhaps  thought  it 
best  not  to  share  the  risk  of  the  measure. 

I  reported  the  bill  from  the  committee  on  finance  on  the 
21st  of  December,  1874,  and  gave  notice  that  on  the  next  day 
I  would  call  it  up  with  a  view  to  immediate  action.  On  the 
22nd,  after  the  morning  business,  I  moved  to  proceed  to  the 
consideration  of  the  bill,  and  gave  notice  that  I  intended  to 
press  it  to  its  passage,  from  that  hour  forward,  at  the  earliest 
moment  practicable.  It  was  well  understood  that  the  bill  was 
the  result  of  a  Republican  conference.  It  was  taken  up  by  the 
decisive  vote  of  39  yeas  to  18  nays. 

It  was  not  my  purpose  to  do  more  than  to  present  the  pro 
visions  of  the  bill.  My  brief  statement  led  to  a  desultory 
debate,  participated  in  almost  exclusively  by  Democratic  Sena 
tors,  the  Republican  Senators  remaining  silent.  Several  votes 
were  taken,  each  showing  a  majority  of  more  than  two-thirds 
in  favor  of  the  bill  and  against  all  amendments.  It  passed  the 
Senate  without  change  by  the  vote  of  32  yeas  to  14  nays. 

I  here  insert  the  bill  as  introduced  and  passed,  with  my 
statement  in  support  of  its  provisions  : 

AN    ACT    TO    PROVIDE    FOR    THE    RESUMPTION    OF     SPECIE    PAYMENTS. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  JRepresentatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  hereby  authorized  and  required,  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  to 
cause  to  be  coined,  at  the  mints  of  the  United  States,  silver  coins  of  the  de 
nominations  of  ten,  twenty-five,  and  fifty  cents,  of  standard  value,  and  to 
issue  them  in  redemption  of  an  equal  number  and  amount  of  fractional  cur 
rency  of  similar  denominations,  or,  at  his  discretion,  he  may  issue  such  silver 
coins  through  the  mints,  the  sub-treasuries,  public  depositaries,  and  post 
offices  of  the  United  States  ;  and,  upon  such  issue,  he  is  hereby  authorized 


512  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  required  to  redeem  an  equal  amount  of  such  fractional  currency,  until 
the  whole  amount  of  such  fractional  currency  outstanding  shall  be  redeemed. 

"  Sec.  2.  That  so  much  of  section  three  thousand  five  hundred  and 
twenty-four  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  as  provides  for  a 
charge  of  one-fifth  of  one  per  centum  for  converting  standard  gold  bullion 
into  coin  is  hereby  repealed  ;  and  hereafter  no  charge  shall  be  made  for 
that  service.  ' 

"  Sec.  3.  That  section  five  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  of 
the  Revised  Statutes,  limiting  the  aggregate  amount  of  circulating  notes  of 
national  banking  associations,  be,  and  is  hereby,  repealed ;  and  each  existing 
banking  association  may  increase  its  circulating  notes  in  accordance  with 
existing  law,  without  respect  to  said  aggregate  limit ;  and  new  banking 
associations  may  be  organized  in  accordance  with  existing  law,  without  re 
spect  to  said  aggregate  limit ;  and  the  provisions  of  law  for  the  withdrawal 
and  redistribution  of  national  bank  currency  among  the  several  states  and 
territories  are  hereby  repealed.  And  whenever,  and  so  often,  as  circulating 
notes  shall  be  issued  to  any  such  banking  association,  so  increasing  its  capi 
tal  or  circulating  notes,  or  so  newly  organized  as  aforesaid,  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  redeem  the  legal  tender  United 
States  notes  in  excess  only  of  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  to  the 
amount  of  eighty  per  centum  of  the  sum  of  national  bank  notes  so  issued  to 
any  such  banking  association  as  aforesaid,  and  to  continue  such  redemption 
as  such  circulating  notes  are  issued  until  there  shall  be  outstanding  the  sum 
of  three  hundred  million  dollars  of  such  legal  tender  United  States  notes, 
and  no  more.  And  on  and  after  the  first  day  of  January,  anno  Domini 
eighteen  hundred  and  seventy-nine,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  re 
deem  in  coin  the  United  States  legal  tender  notes  then  outstanding,  on 
their  presentation  for  redemption  at  the  office  of  the  assistant  treasurer  of 
the  United  States  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  sums  of  not  less  than  fifty 
dollars.  And  to  enable  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  prepare  and  pro 
vide  for  the  redemption  in  this  act  authorized  or  required,  he  is  authorized 
to  use  any  surplus  revenues  from  time  to  time  in  the  treasury  not  otherwise 
appropriated,  and  to  issue,  sell,  and  dispose  of,  at  not  less  than  par  in  coin, 
either  of  the  descriptions  of  bonds  of  the  United  States  described  in  the  act 
of  Congress  approved  July  fourteenth,  eighteen  hundred  and  seventy,  enti 
tled  'An  act  to  authorize  the  refunding  of  the  national  debt,'  with  like 
qualities,  privileges,  and  exemptions,  to  the  extent  necessary  to  carry  this 
act  into  full  effect,  and  to  use  the  proceeds  thereof  for  the  purposes  afore 
said.  And  all  provisions  of  law  inconsistent  with  the  provisions  of  this  act 
are  hereby  repealed." 

I  said : 

"  Mr.  president,  I  do  not  intend  to  reopen  the  debate  on  financial  topics 
of  the  last  session.  That  debate  was  carried  to  such  great  length  that  it  was 
not  only  exhaustive,  but  it  was  exhausting,  not  only  mentally  but  physically. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  513 

The  Senate  is  composed  of  the  same  persons  who  shared  in  that  debate,  and 
it  is  utterly  idle  for  us,  in  this  short  session,  to  reopen  it  and  to  invite  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  various  topics  presented  in  that  debate.  The  Senate  is  now 
within  less  than  three  months,  a  little  more  than  two  months,  of  its  adjourn 
ment,  and  there  is  a  general  feeling  throughout  the  country,  shared  by  all 
classes  of  people,  that  this  Congress  ought  to  give  some  definite  notice  to  the 
people  of  this  country  as  to  their  purpose  in  the  important  topics  embraced  in 
this  bill ;  and  I  say  to  Senators  on  all  sides  of  the  House  that  this  bill  contains 
enough  to  accomplish  the  important  object  declared  by  the  title  of  the  bill, 
and  this  without  reviving  all  the  troublesome  and  difficult  questions  which 
were  discussed  at  the  last  session.  It  contains  a  few  simple  propositions 
which  may  be  separated  from  the  mass  of  financial  topics  discussed 
at  the  last  session.  Its  purpose  is  declared  upon  the  title  of  the  bill, 
'An  act  to  provide  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.'  Every 
word,  every  line,  and  every  provision,  of  this  bill  is  in  harmony  with  that 
title.  It  will  tend  to  promote  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  It  may 
fall  short  in  many  particulars  of  the  desire  of  some  Senators  ;  and  it  does  go 
further  in  that  direction  than  some  Senators  were  willing  to  support  at  the 
last  session.  It  is  a  bill  which  demands  reasonable  concession  from  every 
Member  of  the  Senate.  If  we  undertake  now  to  seek  to  carry  out  the  indi 
vidual  views  of  any  Senator,  we  cannot  accomplish  the  passage  of  any  bill  to 
promote  this  object,  and  therefore  this  bill  has  demanded  of  everyone  who 
lias  consented  to  it  thus  far  a  surrender  of  some  portions  of  his  opinions  as  to 
measures  and  means  to  accomplish  the  great  purpose.  I  will  consider  my 
duty  done,  so  far  as  this  bill  is  concerned,  by  simply  stating  its  provisions  and 
calling  attention  to  the  character  of  these  provisions,  without  entering  into 
a  single  topic  that  gave  rise  to  the  long  discussion  at  the  last  session. 

"  The  bill  is  intended  to  provide  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments. 
The  first  section  of  the  bill  provides  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments 
on  the  fractional  currency.  It  is  confined  to  that  subject  alone.  It  so 
happens  that  at  this  particular  period  of  time  the  state  of  the  money  market, 
the  state  of  the  demand  for  silver  bullion,  and  more  especially  the  recent 
action  of  the  German  Empire,  which  has  demonetized  silver  and  thus  cheap 
ened  that  product,  enables  us  now,  without  any  loss  of  revenue,  without  any 
sacrifice,  to  enter  the  market  for  the  purchase  of  bullion  and  resume  specie 
payments  on  our  fractional  currency.  The  market  price  of  bullion  to-day 
will  justify  the  government  of  the  United  States,  without  any  sacrifice,  at  a 
price  about  equivalent  to,  or  perhaps  a  trifle  above,  our  fractional  currency — 
scarcely  a  shadow  above  our  fractional  currency  — to  purchase  silver  bullion 
in  the  money  markets  of  the  world,  mostly  of  our  own  production,  perhaps 
entirely  of  our  own  production.  This  bill  simply  directs  that  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  shall  purchase  this  bullion  and  shall  coin  silver  coin  and 
substitute  that  in  the  place  of  fractional  currency.  To  that  extent  it  is  a 
resumption  of  specie  payments  upon  the  silver  standard  for  the  fractional 
currency.  This  section  is  recommended  not  only  by  the  Secretary  of  the 


514  RECOLLECTIONS 

Treasury  and  the  President  of  the  United  States,  but  I  believe  will  meet  the 
general  concurrence  of  every  Member  of  the  Senate,  and  we  fortunately  are 
enabled  to  embrace  the  present  time  to  commence  this  operation  without  any 
loss  to  the  government,  except  perhaps  the  cost  of  the  coinage  of  this  silver 
may  have  to  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States.  That  coinage 
may  be  done  in  the  ordinary  course  of  business  without  any  increase  of  ex 
penditures.  The  mints  of  the  United  States  are  now  prepared,  immediately 
upon  the  passage  of  this  bill,  to  resume  the  coinage  of  silver  coins  of  all  the 
legal  denominations.  Therefore  the  committee  has  provided  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  shall  proceed  to  coin  the  silver  coins,  and  in  one  of 
several  ways  to  issue  them  in  the  place  of  fractional  currency. 

"  I  need  not  dwell  further  upon  this  section,  because  I  believe  it  will  meet 
with  the  general  assent  of  the  Senate.  It  provides  for  the  immediate  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments  upon  the  fractional  currency,  or  at  least  as 
immediate  as  possible;  that  is,  as  soon  as  the  government  of  the  United 
States  can,  in  the  mints  of  the  United  States,  coin  the  silver  coin.  That  proc 
ess  may  continue  one,  two,  or  three  years,  how  long  we  cannot  tell,  depend 
ing  entirely  upon  the  force  that  may  be  employed  in  that  direction.  It 
takes  a  much  longer  time  to  coin  these  small  coins  than  gold  coins,  and  the 
operation  will  probably  take  more  time  than  it  would  to  coin  any  consider 
able  amount  of  gold  coin." 

Mr.  Hamilton,  of  Maryland,  inquired : 

"  I  would  ask  the  Senator  if  there  is  authority  to  reissue  that  fractional 
currency  ?  " 

I  said : 

"I  will  come  to  that  in  a  moment.  The  second  section  of  this  bill 
simply  removes  an  inducement  that  now  exists  to  export  our  gold  bullion 
from  the  United  States  to  Great  Britain,  where,  by  the  long  established 
laws  of  that  country,  they  coin  money  free  of  charge.  This  section  in 
volved  the  surrender  of  about  $85,000  a  year  of  revenue  ;  that  is,  the 
government  of  the  United  States  received  last  year  for  coining  gold  coin, 
$85,000,  or  one-fifth  of  one  per  cent,  on  forty-five  millions  of  gold  coined. 
The  only  sacrifice  of  revenue,  therefore,  by  the  second  section  of  the  bill,  is 
the  sacrifice  or  surrender  of  $85,000,  which  heretofore  has  been  levied  upon 
those  who  produce  gold  bullion  in  order  to  convert  it  into  coin.  In  the 
opinion  of  many  men,  among  them  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  direct 
or  of  the  mint,  and  perhaps  a  large  number  of  Senators  heretofore,  this  will 
tend,  in  a  slight  degree  at  any  rate,  to  prevent  the  exportation  of  the  gold 
of  our  own  country  into  foreign  parts,  because  when  the  government  of  the 
United  States  undertakes  to  put  gold  bullion  in  the  form  of  gold  coin  with 
out  additional  charge  the  tendency  will  inevitably  be  for  the  gold  bullion  to 
flow  into  the  mints  for  coinage,  and  being  put  into  the  form  of  American 
coin,  it  is  thought  by  a  great  many  people  that  this  will  tend  to  prevent  its 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  515 

exportation.  To  the  extent  it  does  so  it  prepares  us  for  specie  payments. 
That  is  the  whole  of  the  second  section. 

"  The  third  section  of  the  bill  contains  only  two  or  three  affirmative 
propositions.  The  first  is  that  after  the  passage  of  this  act  banking  shall  be 
free.  Perhaps  there  is  no  idea  stronger  in  the  minds  of  the  American  peo 
ple  than  a  feeling  of  hostility  against  a  monopoly — a  privilege  that  one 
man  or  set  of  men  can  enjoy  which  is  denied  to  another  man  or  set  of  men. 
Under  the  law  as  it  now  stands  banking  is  substantially  free  in  the  southern 
and  some  of  the  western  states;  but  banking  is  not  free  in  the  great  com 
mercial  states,  in  the  older  states,  where  wealth  has  accumulated  for  ages. 
This  may  be  a  mere  sentimental  point,  but  it  is  well  enough  to  meet  it ;  and 
by  the  operation  of  this  bill  banking  is  made  free,  so  that  there  will  be  no 
difficulty  hereafter  for  any  corporation  organized  as  a  national  bank  either  to 
increase  its  circulation  or  for  banks,  to  be  organized  under  the  provisions  of 
existing  law,  to  issue  circulating  notes  to  any  extent  within  the  limits  and 
upon  the  terms  and  provisions  of  the  banking  law.  This  section,  therefore, 
by  making  banking  free,  provides  for  an  enlargement  of  the  currency  in 
case  the  business  of  the  community  demands  it,  and  in  case  any  bank  in  the 
United  States  may  think  it  advisable  or  profitable  to  issue  circulating 
medium  in  the  form  of  bank  notes,  under  the  conditions  and  limitations  of 
the  banking  law.  Coupled  with  that  is  a  provision,  an  undertaking,  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  that  as  banks  are  organized  or  as  circulating  notes 
are  issued,  either  by  old  or  new  banks,  the  government  of  the  United  States 
undertakes  to  retire  eighty  per  cent,  of  that  amount  of  United  States  notes. 
In  other  words,  it  proposes  to  redeem  the  United  States  notes  to  the  extent 
of  eighty  per  cent,  on  the  amount  of  bank  notes  that  may  be  issued  ;  and 
here  is  the  first  controverted  question  that  arises  on  this  bill  and  the  first 
that  is  settled. 

"  It  may  be  asked  if  we  provide  for  the  issue  of  circulating  notes  to 
banks,  why  not  provide  for  the  retirement  of  an  equal  amount  of  United 
States  notes.  The  answer  is  that  under  the  provisions  of  the  banking  act, 
by  the  law  as  it  now  stands,  a  bank  cannot  be  organized  and  maintained  in 
existence  unless  the  reserve  which  is  in  that  bank,  or  required  for  that  bank 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  business,  either  on  its  deposits  or  circulation,  is  at 
least  equal  to  twenty  per  cent,  of  the  amount  of  its  circulating  notes,  so 
that  it  was  believed,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  best  business  men  of 
the  country,  and  I  may  say  with  the  comptroller  of  the  currency,  that  the 
retirement  of  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  amount  of  bank  notes  is  fully  equiva 
lent  to  keeping  the  amount  of  circulating  medium  in  actual  circulation  on 
the  same  footing,  so  that  this  provision  of  the  bill  neither  provides  for  a 
contraction  nor  expansion  of  the  currency,  but  leaves  the  amount  to  be 
regulated  by  the  business  wants  of  the  community,  so  that  when  notes  are 
issued  to  a  bank  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  amount  in  United  States  notes  is 
redeemed,  and  this  process  continues  until  United  States  notes  are  reduced 
to  three  hundred  millions." 


516  RECOLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Schurz  asked : 

"  Will  the  Senator  permit  me  to  ask  him  a  question  in  reference  to 
this  section  ?  When  the  eighty  per  cent,  of  greenbacks  are  retired  will 
they  be  destroyed  and  never  issued  again  ?" 

I  replied: 

"  I  will  speak  of  that  in  a  moment  in  connection  with  other  sections. 
Now,  Mr.  president,  that  is  all  there  is  in  regard  to  banking  in  this  bill 
and  also  in  regard  to  the  retirement  of  the  United  States  notes  until  the 
time  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  comes,  when  this  bill  provides 
for  actual  redemption  in  coin  of  all  notes  presented.  It  has  always  been 
a  question  in  the  minds  of  many  people  as  to  whether  it  is  wise  to  fix  a 
clay  for  specie  payments.  That  matter  was  discussed  at  the  last  session  of 
Congress  by  many  Senators,  and  the  general  opinion  seemed  to  be  that  if 
we  would  provide  the  means  by  which  specie  payments  would  be  resumed  it 
might  not  be  necessary  to  fix  the  day  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  important 
to  have  our  laws  in  regard  to  the  currency  fix  a  probable  time,  or  a  certain 
time,  when  everybody  may  know  that  his  contracts  will  be  measured  by  the 
coin  standard.  We  also  know,  by  the  example  of  other  nations  which 
have  found  themselves  in  the  condition  in  which  we  are  now  placed,  and  by 
some  of  the  states  when  specie  payments  were  suspended,  that  they  have 
adopted  a  specific  day  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  In  England, 
by  the  bank  act  of  1819,  they  provided  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments 
in  1823,  making  four  years.  In  our  own  state— in  New  York,  in  Ohio,  in 
nearly  all  the  states — when  there  has  been  a  temporary  suspension  of  specie 
payments  a  time  has  been  fixed  when  the  banks  were  compelled  to  resume, 
and  this  bill  simply  follows  the  example  that  has  been  set  by  the  states,  by 
England,  and  by  other  nations,  when  they  have  been  involved  in  a  like 
condition. 

"  This  bill  also  provides  ample  means  to  prepare  for  and  to  maintain 
resumption.  I  may  say  the  whole  credit  and  money  of  the  United  States  is 
placed  by  this  bill  under  the  direction  of  the  proper  executive  officers,  not 
only  to  prepare  for  but  to  maintain  resumption,  and  no  man  can  doubt  that 
if  this  bill  stands  the  law  of  the  land  from  this  time  until  the  1st  day  of  Jan 
uary,  1879,  specie  payments  will  be  resumed,  and  that  our  United  States 
notes  will  be  converted  at  the  will  of  the  holder  into  gold  and  silver  coin. 

"  These  are  all  the  provisions  contained  in  this  bill.  They  are  simple  and 
easily  understood,  and  every  Senator  can  pass  his  judgment  upon  them 
readily. 

"  No\\  I  desire  to  approach  a  class  of  questions  that  are  not  embraced  in 
this  bill.  Many  such,  and  I  could  name  fifty,  are  not  included  in  this  bill  ; 
and  I  may  say  this  :  that  if  there  should  be  a  successful  effort,  by  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  to  ingraft  any  of  this  multitude  of  doubtful  or  contested 
questions  upon  the  face  of  this  bill  it  would  inevitably  tend  to  its  defeat.  I 
ani  free  to  say  that  if  I  were  called  upon  to  frame  a  bill  to  accomplish  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  517 

purpose  declared  in  the  title  of  this  bill,  I  would  have  provided  some  means 
of  gradual  redemption  between  this  and  the  time  fixed  for  final  specie  pay 
ments.  All  these  means  are  open  to  objection. 

"  There  have  been  three  different  plans  proposed  to  prepare  for  specie 
payments,  and  only  three.  They  are  all  grouped  in  three  classes.  One  is 
what  is  called  the  contraction  plan.  The  simplest  and  most  direct  way  to 
specie  payments  is,  undoubtedly,  the  gradual  withdrawal  of  United  States 
notes  or  the  contraction  of  the  currency.  Now,  we  know  very  well  the 
feeling  with  which  that  idea  is  regarded,  not  only  in  this  Senate,  but  all 
through  the  country.  It  is  believed  to  operate  as  a  disturbing  element  in 
all  the  business  relations  of  life  ;  to  add  to  the  burden  of  the  debtor  by 
making  scarce  that  article  in  which  he  is  bound  to  pay  his  debts ;  and  there 
has  been  an  honest,  sincere  opposition  to  this  theory  of  contraction.  There 
fore,  although  it  may  be  the  simplest  and  the  best  way  to  reach  specie  pay 
ments,  it  is  entirely  omitted  from  this  bill. 

"  The  second  plan,  that  1  have  favored  myself  often,  and  would  favor 
now,  if  I  had  my  own  way,  and  had  no  opinion  to  consult  but  my  own,  is  the 
plan  of  converting  United  States  notes  into  a  bond  that  would  gradually 
appreciate  our  notes  to  par  in  gold.  That  has  always  been  a  favorite  idea  of 
mine.  There  is  nothing  of  that  kind  in  this  bill,  except  those  provisions 
which  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue  bonds  to  retire  the 
greenbacks  as  bank  notes  are  issued  ;  and  it  also  authorizes  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  issue  bonds  to  provide  for  and  to  maintain  resumption.  I 
therefore  have  been  compelled  to  surrender  my  ideas  on  this  bill  in  order  to 
accomplish  a  good  object  without  using  these  means  that  have  been  held 
objectionable  by  many  Senators. 

"  The  third  plan  of  resumption  has  been  favored  very  extensively  in 
this  country,  which  is  the  plan  of  a  graduated  scale  for  resumption  in  coin 
or  bullion  ;  what  I  call  the  English  plan.  That  is,  that  we  provide  now  for 
the  redemption,  at  a  fixed  rate  or  scale  of  rates,  of  so  much  gold  for  a  spe 
cific  sum  of  United  States  notes.  At  present  rates  wre  would  give  about 
$90  of  gold  for  $100  of  greenbacks,  and  then  provide  for  a  graduated  scale 
by  which  we  would  approach  specie  payments  constantly,  and  reach  it  at  a 
fixed  day.  This  may  be  called  a  gradual  redemption.  This,  also,  is  objec 
tionable  to  many  persons,  from  the  idea  that  it  compels  us  to  enter  the 
money  markets  of  the  world  to  discount  our  own  paper.  It  is  an  ideal  ob 
jection,  but  a  very  strong  objection  ;  an  objection  that  has  force  with  a 
great  many  people.  We  have  undertaken  to  redeem  these  notes  in  coin, 
and  it  is  at  least  a  question  of  doubtful  ethics  whether  we  ought  to  enter 
into  the  markets  of  the  world  and  buy  our  own  notes  at  a  discount. 
Although  that  plan  has  been  adopted  in  England  and  successfully  carried 
into  execution,  yet  there  is  a  strong  objection  to  it  in  this  country,  and 
therefore  that  mode  is  abandoned. 

"  Either  of  these  plans  I  could  readily  support ;  but  they  have  met  and 
will  meet  with  such  opposition  that  we  cannot  hope  to  carry  them  or 


518  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

ingraft  them  in  this  bill  without  defeating  it.  We  have  then  fallen  back 
on  these  gradual  steps  :  First,  to  retire  the  fractional  currency ;  second,  to 
reduce  United  States  notes  as  bank  notes  are  increased  ;  and  then  to  rest 
our  plan  of  redemption  upon  the  declaration,  made  on  the  faith  of  the 
United  States,  that  at  the  time  fixed  by  the  bill  we  will  resume  the  payment 
of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin  at  par.  That  is  the  whole  of  this  bill." 

On  the  7th  of  January,  1875,  the  bill  was  considered  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and,  after  a  very  brief  conversational 
debate,  passed  by  the  vote  of  yeas  136,  nays  98. 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1875,  the  President  sent  a  message 
to  the  Senate  approving  the  bill  but  also  containing  recommen 
dations  of  further  legislation  upon  matters  that  had  been  care 
fully  excluded  from  the  bill.  He  added  at  the  close  of  the 
message  this  paragraph : 

"  I  have  ventured  upon  this  subject  with  great  diffidence,  because  it  is 
so  unusual  to  approve  a  measure — as  I  most  heartily  do  this,  even  if  no 
further  legislation  is  attainable  at  this  time — and  to  announce  the  fact  by 
message.  But  I  do  so,  because  I  feel  that  it  is  a  subject  of  such  vital  im 
portance  to  the  whole  country,  that  it  should  receive  the  attention  of,  and  be 
discussed  by,  Congress  and  the  people,  through  the  press  and  in  every  way, 
to  the  end  that  the  best  and  most  satisfactory  course  may  be  reached  of 
executing  what  I  deem  most  beneficial  legislation  on  a  most  vital  question  to 
the  interests  and  prosperity  of  the  nation." 

Thus,  after  a  memorable  debate,  extending  through  two  ses 
sions  of  Congress,  a  measure  of  vital  importance  became  a  law, 
and  when  executed  completely  accomplished  the  great  object 
proposed  by  its  authors.  The  narrative  of  the  steps  leading  to 
resumption  under  this  act  will  be  more  appropriate  hereafter. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 
RESUMPTION  ACT  RECEIVED  WITH  DISFAVOR. 

It  Is  Not  Well  Received  by  Those  Who  Wished  Immediate  Resumption  of  Specie  Pay 
ments  —  Letter  to  "  The  Financier  "  in  Reply  to  a  Charge  That  It  Was  a  "  Politi 
cal  Trick,"  etc.  —  The  Ohio  Canvass  of  1875  — Finance  Resolutions  in  the 
Democratic  arid  Republican  Platforms  —  R.  B.  Hayes  and  Myself  Talk 
in  Favor  of  Resumption  — My  Recommendation  of  Him  for  Pres 
ident— A  Democrat  Elected  as  Speaker  of  the  House— The 
Senate  Still  Republican  — My  Speech  in  Support  of  Spe 
cie  Payments,  Made  March  6,  1876  — What  the 
Financial  Policy  of  the  Government  Should  Be. 

THE  resumption  act  was  generally  received  with  disfavor 
by  those  who  wished  the  immediate  resumption  of  spe 
cie  payments.     It  was  the  subject  of  much  criticism  in 
the  financial  journals,  among  others  "The  Financier," 
which  described  it  as  a  political  trick,  an  evasion  of  a  public 
duty,  and  as  totally  inadequate  for  the  purpose  sought  to  be 
accomplished.     I  took  occasion  to  reply  to  this  article  in  the 
following  letter : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  January  10,  1875.  J 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  As  1  am  a  subscriber  to  '  The  Financier '  you  will 
probably  allow  me  to  express  my  surprise  at  the  course  you  have  pursued 
in  respect  to  the  finance  bill  recently  passed  by  Congress.  Claiming  as 
you  do  to  be  a  *  monetary  and  business '  journal,  you  might  be  expected 
to  treat  fairly  a  measure  affecting  so  greatly  the  interests  you  represent  ; 
but  you  have  not  done  so.  You  have  treated  it  as  a  political  trick,  an 
evasion,  a  disgrace  to  Congress.  You  complained  that  it  was  passed  with 
out  debate  and  that  its  inception  and  passage  were  shameful.  But  as  you 

r  r  o  J 

say  in  your  last  number 'that  it  is  well  to  examine  it  hopefully,  to  find 
what  good  may  have  been  done,  if  any,  although  from  a  bad  motive?  I 
take  the  liberty  to  correct  errors  even  in  your  '  hopeful '  view  of  the  law, 
so  that  you  may  be  more  hopeful  still.  You  assume  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  is  not  authorized  to  issue  five  per  cent,  gold  bonds  to  prepare 
for  and  to  maintain  resumption,  because  the  amount  of  five  per  cent,  bonds 
authorized  in  the  act  of  1870  is  nearly  exhausted.  This  is  an  error.  The 
secretary  can  issue  either  four  and  a  half  or  five  per  cent,  gold  bonds  to 
an  amount  sufficient  to  execute  the  law.  The  act  of  1870  is  only  referred 

(519) 


520  RECOLLECTIONS 

to  for  the  'description'  of  the  bonds  to  be 'issued,  and  the  only  limit  to  the 
amount  is  the  sum  necessary,  and  the  only  limit  to  their  sale  is  that  they 
must  not  be  sold  at  less  than  par  in  coin. 

You  say  that  one  trick  of  the  bill  is  '  that  there  is  no  provision  for 
carrying  on  the  withdrawal  of  legal  tenders  after  their  maximum  reaches 
$300,000,000.'  Now  this  '  trick  '  was  advocated  by  you  one  year  ago  ;  it 
was  voted  for  by  every  specie  paying  Member  of  Congress  at  the  last  ses 
sion,  and  nearly  every  writer  on  the  subject  has  contended  that  if  the  legal 
tenders  were  reduced  to  $300,000,000,  and  the  treasury  was  supported  by  a 
reasonable  reserve,  specie  payments  could  be  resumed  and  maintained. 
Besides,  no  one  believes  that  $100,000,000  of  bank  notes  will  be  issued 
under  this  act,  and  this  provision  only  relieves  some  people  from  an  idle 
fear  of  an  improbable  event.  You  must  have  noticed  that  when  banks 
retire  their  notes,  as  they  have  done  and  will  do  rapidly,  this  is  a  reduction 
of  the  currency,  while  every  issue  of  notes  to  new  or  old  banks  involves  a 
retirement  of  a  ratable  amount  of  United  States  notes.  What  you  say  about 
playing  with  a  movable  '  reserve '  is  equally  wrong.  Neither  the  fractional 
currency  nor  the  '  eighty-two  million  '  redeemed  can  be  reissued,  and  1 
stated  so  when  the  bill  was  pending  under  debate,  and  no  lawyer  could  put 
a  different  construction  upon  the  bill.  As  to  United  States  notes,  a  part  of 
the  $300,000,000  redeemed  after  resumption  of  specie  payments,  we  did 
refuse  to  provide  whether  they  could  be  reissued  or  not,  and  we  acted 
wisely.  When  the  question  is  hereafter  determined  by  Congress,  the  con 
troversy  will  be  whether  the  notes  when  reissued  shall  have  the  legal  ten 
der  quality,  or  be  simple  treasury  notes  receivable  for  public  dues. 

Last  session  the  public  press  scolded  at  our  long  and  fruitless  debate  on 
finances,  and  I  agreed  with  the  press.  This  session  the  same  Senators,  en 
lightened  by  the  long  debate  and  heeding  the  call  of  the  press,  gave  to  the 
subject  the  most  careful  and  deliberate  consideration,  and  agreed  upon  this 
bill  without  much  debate,  and  yet  the  press  is  not  happy.  The  act  does 
not  go  so  far  as  I  wished,  but  everything  in  it  is  right  in  itself,  and  is  in  the 
right  direction.  Its  chief  merit  is  that  it  establishes  a  public  policy  which 
no  political  party  or  faction  will  be  strong  enough  to  overthrow,  and  which, 
if  it  had  not  been  adopted  now,  the  Democratic  party  in  the  next  Congress 
would  have  defeated.  The  pretense  that  the  Democratic  party,  as  repre 
sented  in  the  next  House,  would  have  favored  any  bill  for  specie  payments 
is  utterly  false.  Therefore  the  measure  grants  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  powers  enough  to  execute  it,  but  if  we  can  secure  the  aid  of  a 
Democratic  House  we  can  make  it  more  certain  and  effective. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

EDITOR  OF  'FINANCIER.' 

In  the  Ohio  canvass  of  1875  the  resumption  act  became 
the  chief  subject  of  controversy.  R.  B.  Hayes,  after  having 
previously  served  for  four  years  as  governor  of  the  state,  was 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  521 

again  nominated  for  that  office.  William  Allen,  then  gov 
ernor,  was  renominated  upon  the  Democratic  ticket,  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  resumption  act  and  in  favor  of  fiat  money,  upon 
which  issue  the  election  mainly  turned. 

The  eighth  resolution  of  the  Democratic  platform  was  as 
follows : 

"  That  the  contraction  of  the  currency  heretofore  made  by  the  Repub 
lican  party,  and  the  further  contraction  proposed  by  it,  with  a  view  to  the 
forced  resumption  of  specie  payment,  have  already  brought  disaster  to  the 
business  of  the  country,  and  threaten  it  with  general  bankruptcy  and  ruin. 
We  demand  that  this  policy  be  abandoned,  and  that  the  volume  of  currency 
be  made  and  kept  equal  to  the  wants  of  trade,  leaving  the  restoration  of 
legal  tenders  to  par  with  gold,  to  be  brought  about  by  promoting  the  indus 
tries  of  the  people  and  not  by  destroying  them." 

The  Eepublican  convention  in  their  second  resolution 
declared : 

"  That  a  policy  of  finance  be  steadily  pursued,  which,  without  unneces 
sary  shock  to  business  or  trade,  will  ultimately  equalize  the  purchasing 
capacity  of  the  coin  and  paper  dollar." 

Ex-Governor  Hayes  and  I  opened  the  state  canvass  in  the 
county  of  Lawrence  on  July  31,  1875,  and  took  strong  ground 
in  favor  of  the  resumption  act.  At  the  beginning  it  appeared 
that  the  people  were  not  quite  prepared  for  any  measure  look 
ing  to  resumption,  but  as  the  contest  progressed  and  the  sub 
ject  was  fully  and  boldly  presented  by  Mr.  Hayes  and  myself, 
the  tide  of  opinion  ran  in  our  favor  and  Hayes  was  elected  by 
a  small  majority.  The  ex-governor  did  not  evade  the  issue, 
but  in  every  speech  supported  and  urged  the  policy  of  resump 
tion  as  a  matter  of  the  highest  interest. 

In  the  approaching  nomination  for  President,  Governor 
Hayes  was  frequently  spoken  of  as  a  candidate  to  succeed 
General  Grant,  and  I  also  was  mentioned  in  the  same  connec 
tion,  but,  feeling  confident  that  Mr.  Hayes  would  be  a  stronger 
candidate  than  myself,  and  fully  determined  not  to  stand  in 
his  way,  on  the  21st  of  January,  1876,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  a  per 
sonal  friend,  and  the  Member  of  the  Senate  from  the  district  in 
which  I  live,  in  which  I  urged  the  nomination  of  Governor 
Hayes  as  the  most  available  candidate  in  the  approaching 
presidential  canvass.  This  letter  no  doubt  contributed  to  his 


522  RECOLLECTIONS 

strength  and  prevented  any  possibility  of  the  division  of  the 
vote  of  Ohio  in  the  convention.     The  letter  I  give  in  full : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  21,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  : — Your  letters  of  the  2nd  and  19th  inst.  were  duly  received, 
and  I  delayed  answering  the  first  sooner  partly  from  personal  reasons,  but 
mainly  that  I  might  fully  consider  the  questions  raised  by  you  as  to  the 
approaching  presidential  contest,  the  importance  of  which  cannot  be  over 
stated.  The  election  of  a  Democratic  President  means  a  restoration  to  full 
power  in  the  government  of  the  worst  elements  of  the  rebel  Confederacy. 

The  southern  states  are  to  be  organized,  by  violence  and  intimidation,  into 
a  compact  political  power  only  needing  a  small  fragment  of  the  northern 
states  to  give  it  absolute  control  where,  by  a  majority  rule  of  the  party,  it 
will  govern  the  country  as  it  did  in  the  time  of  Pierce  and  Buchanan. 

If  it  should  elect  a  President  and  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  con 
stitutional  amendments  would  be  disregarded,  the  freedmen  would  be 
nominally  citizens  but  really  slaves  ;  innumerable  claims,  swollen  by  perjury, 
would  be  saddled  upon  the  treasury,  the  power  of  the  general  government 
would  be  crippled,  and  the  honors  won  by  our  people  in  subduing  rebellion 
would  be  a  subject  of  reproach  rather  than  of  pride.  The  only  safeguard 
from  these  evils  is  the  election  of  a  Republican  President,  and  the  adoption 
of  a  liberal  Republican  policy  which  should  be  fair  and  even  generous  to 
the  south,  but  firm  in  the  maintenance  of  all  the  rights  won  by  the  war. 
Our  election  in  Ohio  last  fall  shows  that  even  under  the  most  adverse 
circumstances  we  can  win  on  this  basis. 

Every  movement  made  by  this  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  is 
an  appeal  to  every  man  who  ever  voted  with  the  Republican  party  to  rally 
to  its  support  again,  and  to  every  man  who  fought  in  the  Union  army  to 
vote  with  us  to  preserve  the  results  of  his  victory. 

All  we  need  is  such  a  presidential  ticket  as  will  give  assurance  that  we 
mean  to  stand  by  our  principles,  and  that  will  administer  the  government 
honestly  and  economically. 

As  to  candidates,  the  drift  of  public  opinion  is  rapidly  reducing  the  list 
and  has  already  settled  adversely  the  chances  of  many  of  them.  Above  all, 
it  has  positively  closed  the  question  of  a  third  term.  The  conviction  that  it 
is  not  safe  to  continue  in  one  man  for  too  long  a  period  the  vast  powers  of  a 
President,  is  based  upon  the  strongest  reasons,  and  this  conviction  is  sup 
ported  by  so  many  precedents  set  by  the  voluntary  retirement  at  the  end  of 
a  second  term  of  so  many  Presidents  that  it  would  be  criminal  folly  to  dis 
regard  it.  I  do  not  believe  that  General  Grant  ever  seriously  entertained 
the  thought  of  a  third  term,  but  even  if  he  did,  the  established  usage  against 
it  would  make  his  nomination  an  act  of  suicide. 

It  would  disrupt  our  party  in  every  Republican  state. 

Happily  for  us  we  do  not  need  to  look  for  the  contingency  of  his 
nomination. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  523 

Among  the  candidates  now  generally  named,  I  have  no  such  preference 
that  I  could  not  heartily  support  either  of  them.  They  are  men  of  marked 
ability,  who  have  rendered  important  public  services,  but,  considering  all 
things,  I  believe  the  nomination  of  Governor  Hayes  would  give  us  the  more 
strength,  taking  the  whole  country  at  large,  than  any  other  man.  He  is 
better  known  in  Ohio  than  elsewhere,  and  is  stronger  there  than  elsewhere, 
but  the  qualities  that  have  made  him  strong  in  Ohio  will,  as  the  canvass 
progresses,  make  him  stronger  in  every  state.  He  was  a  good  soldier,  and, 
though  not  greatly  distinguished  as  such,  he  performed  his  full  duty,  and  1 
noticed,  when  traveling  with  him  in  Ohio,  that  the  soldiers  who  served  under 
him  loved  and  respected  him.  As  a  Member  of  Congress  he  was  not  a  lead 
ing  debater,  or  manager  in  party  tactics,  but  he  was  always  sensible, 
industrious,  and  true  to  his  convictions  and  the  principles  and  tendencies  of 
his  party,  and  commanded  the  sincere  respect  of  his  colleagues.  As  a 
governor,  thrice  elected,  he  has  shown  good  executive  abilities  and 
gained  great  popularity,  not  only  with  Republicans  but  with  our  adver 
saries.  On  the  currency  question,  which  is  likely  to  enter  largely  into  the 
canvass,  he  is  thoroughly  sound,  but  is  not  committed  to  any  particular 
measure,  so  as  to  be  disabled  from  cooperating  with  any  plan  that  may 
promise  success.  On  the  main  questions,  protection  for  all  in  equal 
rights,  and  the  observance  of  the  public  faith,  he  is  as  trustworthy  as  any 
one  named.  He  is  fortunately  free  from  the  personal  enmities  and  antago 
nisms  that  would  weaken  some  of  his  competitors,  and  he  is  unblemished 
in  name,  character  or  conduct,  and  a  native  citizen  of  our  state. 

I  have  thus,  as  you  requested,  given  you  my  view  of  the  presidential 
question,  taken  as  dispassionately  as  if  I  was  examining  a  proposition  in 
geometry,  and  the  result  drawn  from  these  facts,  not  too  strongly  stated,  is 
that  the  Republican  party  in  Ohio  ought,  in  their  state  convention,  to  give 
Governor  Hayes  a  united  delegation  instructed  to  support  him  in  the  national 
convention,  not  that  we  have  any  special  claim  to  have  the  candidate  taken 
from  Ohio,  but  that  in  General  Hayes  we  honestly  believe  the  Republican 
party  of  the  United  States  will  have  a  candidate  for  President  who  can  com 
bine  greater  popular  strength  and  greater  assurance  of  success  than  other 
candidates,  and  with  equal  ability  to  discharge  the  duties  of  President  of  the 
United  States  in  case  of  election.  Let  this  nomination  be  thus  presented, 
without  any  wire  pulling  or  depreciation  of  others  and  as  a  conviction  upon 
established  facts,  and  1  believe  Governor  Hayes  can  be  and  ought  to  be  nom 
inated.  But  if  our  state  is  divided  or  is  not  in  earnest  in  this  matter  it  is  far 
better  for  Governor  Hayes  and  the  state  that  his  name  be  not  presented  at  all. 
We  have  never  sufficiently  cultivated  our  state  pride,  with  every  reason  for 
indulging  it,  and  thus  our  proper  influence  has  been  wasted  and  lost.  Now 
we  have  a  good  opportunity  to  gratify  it,  and  at  the  same  time  contribute  to 
the  common  good.  Remember  me  kindly  to  personal  friends  in  the  Senate. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  A.  M.  BURNS. 


524  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  election  of  Members  of  Congress  in  1874  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  a  large  majority  of  Democrats  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  44th  Congress,  the  term  of  which  commenced 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1875.  A  majority  of  the  Senate  being 
still  largely  Republican,  it  became  difficult  to  pass  any  measure 
of  a  political  character  during  that  Congress.  President  Grant, 
on  the  17tn  of  February,  1875,  issued  his  proclamation  conven 
ing  the  Senate  at  12  o'clock  on  the  5th  of  March  following,  to 
receive  and  act  upon  such  communications  as  might  be  made 
to  it  on  the  part  of  the  Executive.  The  session  continued  until 
the  24th  of  March.  It  was  largely  engaged  in  questions  affect 
ing  the  State  of  Louisiana,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  violent 
tumult  and  almost  civil  war.  As  these  events  are  a  part  of  the 
public  history  of  the  country  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to 
refer  to  them  at  length.  These  disturbances  continued  during 
the  whole  of  that  Congress,  and,  in  1876,  approached  the  con 
dition  of  civil  wTar. 

The  regular  meeting  occurred  on  the  6th  of  December, 
1875,  when  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  was  elected  presi 
dent  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  and  Michael  C.  Kerr,  a  Demo 
cratic  Representative  from  the  State  of  Indiana,  was  elected 
by  a  large  majority  as  speaker  of  the  House. 

This  political  revolution  was  no  doubt  caused  largely  by  the 
financial  panic  of  1873,  and  by  the  severe  stringency  in  mone 
tary  affairs  that  followed  and  continued  for  several  years. 
Many  financial  measures  of  the  highest  importance  in  respect 
to  the  public  credit  were  acted  upon,  but  were  generally  lost 
by  a  disagreement  between  the  two  Houses.  I  do  not  deem  it 
necessary  to  refer  to  the  political  questions  that  greatly 
excited  the  public  mind  during  that  session.  Congress  was 
largely  occupied  in  political  debate  on  questions  in  respect  to 
the  reconstruction  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  upon  which 
the  two  Houses  disagreed.  Among  other  measures  which 
failed  was  the  act  amendatory  of  the  acts  authorizing  the 
refunding  of  the  national  debt,  which  passed  the  Senate  but 
was  not  considered  by  the  House. 

During  this  session  of  Congress  all  sorts  of  financial  plans 
were  presented  in  each  House,  but  all  were  aimed,  directly  or 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  525 

indirectly,  at  the  resumption  act,  although  that  act  itself  was 
adopted  as  a  remedy  for  existing  financial  evils,  and  especially 
to  deal  with  and  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  a  panic  as  that 
of  1873.  I  took  occasion,  on  the  presentation  of  the  resolutions 
of  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce  in  favor  of  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments,  at  the  time  provided  by  the 
resumption  act,  to  discuss  the  policy  of  that  measure  more 
fully  than  I  thought  it  expedient  to  do  when,  as  a  bill,  it  was 
pending  in  the  previous  Congress.  This  speech  was  made  in 
the  Senate  on  the  6th  of  March,  1876.  It  was  the  result  of 
great  labor  and  care,  and  was  intended  by  me  to  be,  and  I 
believe  is  now,  the  best  presentation  I  have  ever  been  able  to 
offer  in  support  of  the  financial  policy  of  the  government,  and 
especially  in  support  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments. 
I  said  : 

"  Mr.  president,  I  have  taken  the  unusual  course  of  arresting  the  refer 
ence  to  the  committee  of  finance  of  the  memorial  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
of  New  York,  in  order  to  discuss,  in  an  impersonal  and  nonpartisan  way,  one 
of  the  questions  presented  by  that  memorial,  and  one  which  now  fills  the 
public  mind  and  must  necessarily  soon  occupy  our  attention.  That  question 
is,  '  Ought  the  resumption  act  of  1875  be  repealed  ?  '  The  memorial  strongly 
opposes  such  repeal,  while  other  memorials,  and  notably  those  from  the 
boards  of  trade  of  New  York  and  Toledo,  advocate  it.  These  opposing 
views  are  supported  in  each  House  of  Congress,  and  will,  when  our  time 
is  more  occupied  than  now,  demand  our  vote. 

"  And,  sir,  we  are  forced  to  consider  this  question  when  the  law  it  is  pro 
posed  to  repeal  is  only  commencing  to  operate,  now,  three  years  before  it 
can  have  full  effect — during  all  which  time  its  operation  will  be  under  your 
eye  and  within  your  power — and  while  the  passions  of  men  are  heated  by  a 
presidential  combat,  when  a  grave  question,  affecting  the  interests  of  every 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  will  be  influenced  by  motives  entirely  foreign 
to  the  merits  of  the  proposition.  And  the  question  presented  is  not  as  to 
the  best  means  of  securing  the  resumption  of  a  specie  standard,  but  solely 
whether  the  only  measure  that  promises  that  result  shall  be  repealed.  We 
know  there  is  a  wide  and  honest  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  agency  and 
means  to  secure  a  specie  standard. 

"  When  any  practicable  scheme  to  that  end  is  proposed  I  am  ready  to 
examine  it  on  its  merits  ;  but  we  are  not  considering  the  best  mode  of  doing 
the  thing,  but  whether  we  will  recede  from  the  promise  made  by  the  law  as 
it  stands,  as  well  as  refuse  all  means  to  execute  that  promise.  If  the  law  is 
deficient  in  any  respect  it  is  open  to  amendment.  If  the  powers  vested  in  the 
secretary  are  not  sufficient,  or  you  wish  to  limit  or  enlarge  them,  he  is  your 


526  RECOLLECTIONS 

servant,  and  you  have  but  to  speak  and  he  obeys.  It  is  not  whether  we  will 
accumulate  gold  or  greenbacks  or  convert  our  notes  into  bonds,  nor  whether 
the  time  to  resume  is  too  early  or  too  late.  All  these  are  subjects  of  legis 
lation.  But  the  question  now  is  whether  we  will  repudiate  the  legislative 
declaration,  made  in  the  act  of  1875,  to  redeem  the  promise  made  and  printed 
on  the  face  of  every  United  States  note,  a  promise  made  in  the  midst  of  war, 
when  our  nation  was  struggling  for  existence,  a  promise  renewed  in  March, 
1869,  in  the  most  unequivocal  language,  and  finally  made  specific  as  to  time 
by  the  act  of  1875. 

"  And  let  us  not  deceive  ourselves  by  supposing  that  those  who  oppose 
this  repeal  are  in  favor  of  a  purely  metallic  currency,  to  the  exclusion  of 
paper  currency,  for  all  intelligent  men  agree  that  every  great  commercial 
nation  must  have  both  ;  the  one  as  the  standard  of  value  by  which  all  things 
are  measured,  which  daily  measures  your  bonds  and  notes  as  it  measures 
wheat,  cotton,  and  land  ;  and  also  a  paper  or  credit  currency,  which,  from 
its  convenience  of  handling  or  transfer,  must  be  the  medium  of  exchanges  in 
the  great  body  of  the  business  of  life.  Statistics  show  that  in  commercial 
countries  a  very  large  proportion  of  all  transfers  is  by  book  accounts  and 
notes,  and  more  than  nine-tenths  of  all  the  residue  of  payments  is  by  checks, 
drafts,  and  such  paper  tools  of  exchange. 

"  Of  the  vast  business  done  in  New  York  and  London  not  five  per  cent, 
is  done  with  either  paper  money  or  gold  or  silver,  but  by  the  mere  balancing 
of  accounts  or  exchange  of  credits.  And  this  will  be  so  whether  your  paper 
money  is  worth  forty  per  cent,  or  one  hundred  per  cent,  in  gold.  The  only 
question  is  whether,  in  using  paper  money,  we  will  have  that  which  is  as  good 
as  it  promises,  as  good  as  that  of  Great  Britain.  France,  or  Germany ;  as 
good  as  coin  issued  from  your  mints  ;  or  whether  we  will  content  ourselves 
with  depreciated  paper  money,  worth  ten  per  cent,  less  than  it  promises, 
every  dollar  of  which  daily  tells  your  constituents  that  the  United  States  is 
not  rich  enough  to  pay  more  than  ninety  per  cent,  on  the  dollar  for  its  three 
hundred  and  seventy  millions  of  promises  to  pay,  or  that  you  have  not 
courage  enough  to  stand  by  your  promise  to  do  it. 

"  Nor  are  we  to  decide  whether  our  paper  money  shall  be  issued  directly 
by  the  government  or  by  banl^s  created  by  the  government ;  nor  whether  at 
a  future  time  the  legal  tender  quality  of  United  States  notes  shall  continue. 
I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  a  United  States  note  issued  directly  by 
the  government,  and  convertible  on  demand  into  gold  coin,  or  a  government 
bond  equal  in  value  to  gold,  is  the  best  currency  we  can  adopt  ;  that  it  is  to 
be  the  currency  of  the  future,  not  only  in  the  United  States,  but  in  Great 
Britain  as  well ;  and  that  such  a  currency  might  properly  continue  to  be  a 
legal  tender,  except  when  coin  is  specifically  stipulated  for. 

"  But  these  are  not  the  questions  we  are  to  deal  with.  It  is  whether  the 
promise  of  the  law  shall  be  fulfilled,  that  the  United  States  shall  pay  such  of 
its  notes  as  are  presented  on  and  after  the  1st  day  of  January,  1879,  in  coin; 
and  whether  the  national  banks  will,  at  the  same  time,  redeem  their  notes 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  527 

either  in  coin  or  United  States  notes  made  equal  to  coin;  or  whether  the 
United  States  shall  revoke  its  promise  and  continue,  for  an  indefinite  period, 
to  still  longer  force  upon  the  people  a  depreciated  currency,  always  below 
the  legal  standard  of  gold,  and  fluctuating  daily  in  its  depreciation  as  Con 
gress  may  threaten  or  promise,  or  speculators  may  hoard,  or  corner,  or  throw 
out  your  broken  promises.  It  is  the  turning  point  in  our  financial  history, 
which  will  greatly  affect  the  life  of  individuals  and  the  fate  of  parties,  but, 
more  than  all,  the  honor  and  good  faith  of  our  country. 

"At  the  beginning  of  our  national  existence,  our  ancestors  boldly  and 
hopefully  assumed  the  burden  of  a  great  national  debt,  formed  of  the  debts 
of  the  old  confederation  and  of  the  states  that  composed  it;  and,  with  a  scat 
tered  population  and  feeble  resources,  honestly  met  and  paid,  in  good  solid 
coin,  every  obligation.  After  the  War  of  1812,  which  exhausted  our  re 
sources,  destroyed  our  commerce,  and  greatly  increased  our  debt,  a  Repub 
lican  administration  boldly  funded  our  debt,  placed  its  currency  upon  the 
coin  basis,  promptly  paid  its  interest,  and  reduced  the  principal;  and  within 
twenty  years  after  that  war  was  over,  under  the  first  Democratic  President, 
paid  in  coin  the  last  dollar,  both  principal  and  interest,  of  the  debt.  And 
now,  eleven  years  after  a  greater  war,  of  grander  proportions,  in  which,  not 
merely  foreign  domination  threatened  us,  but  the  very  existence  of  our  nation 
was  at  stake,  and  after  our  cause  has  been  blessed  with  unexampled  success, 
with  a  country  teeming  with  wealth,  with  our  credit  equal  to  that  of  any  na 
tion,  we  are  debating  whether  we  will  redeem  our  promises,  according  to 
their  legal  tenor  and  effect,  or  whether  we  will  refuse  to  do  so  and  repeal  and 
cancel  them. 

"  I  would  invoke,  in  the  consideration  of  this  question,  the  example  of 
those  who  won  our  independence  and  preserved  it  to  us,  to  inspire  us  so  to 
decide  this  question  that  those  who  come  after  us  may  point  to  our  example 
of  standing  by  the  public  faith  now  solemnly  pledged,  even  though  to  do  so 
may  not  run  current  with  the  temporary  pressure  of  the  hour,  or  may  entail 
some  sacrifice  and  hardship. 

"What  then  is  the  law  it  is  proposed  to  repeal?  I  will  state  its  provi 
sions  fully  in  detail,  but  the  main  proposition — the  essential  core  of  the 
whole  —  is  the  promise,  to  which  the  public  faith  is  pledged,  that  the 
United  States  will  redeem  in  gold  coin  any  of  its  notes  that  may  be  pre 
sented  to  the  treasury  on  and  after  the  1st  day  of  January,  1879.  This  is  the 
vital  object  of  the  law.  It  does  not  undertake  to  settle  the  nature  of  our 
paper  money  after  that,  whether  it  shall  be  reissued  again,  whether  it  shall 
thereafter  be  a  legal  tender,  nor  whether  it  shall  or  shall  not  supersede  bank 
notes.  All  this  is  purposely  left  to  the  future.  But  it  does  say  that  on  and 
after  that  day  the  United  States  note  promising  to  pay  one  dollar  shall  be 
equal  to  the  gold  dollar  of  the  mint. 

"  The  questions  then  arise — 

First.  Ought  this  promise  be  performed? 

Second.  Can  we  perform  it? 


528  RECOLLECTIONS 

Third.  Are  the  agencies  and  measures  prescribed  in  the  law  sufficient  for 
the  purpose? 

Fourth.  If  not,  what  additional  measures  should  be  enacted? 

"  Let  us  consider  these  questions  in  their  order,  with  all  the  serious  delib 
eration  that  their  conceded  importance  demands. 

"And  first,  ought  this  promise  be  fulfilled? 

"  To  answer  this  we  must  fully  understand  the  legal  and  moral  obligations 
contained  in  the  notes  of  the  United  States.  The  purport  of  the  note  is  as 
follows  : 

'THE  UNITED  STATES  PROMISES  TO  PAY  THE  BEARER  ONE  DOLLAR.' 

"  This  note  is  a  promise  to  pay  one  dollar.  The  legal  effect  of  this  note 
has  been  announced  by  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  the  highest  and  final  judicial  authority  in  our  government. 

"  The  legal  tender  attribute  given  to  the  note  has  been  the  subject  of 
conflicting  decisions  in  that  court,  but  the  nature  and  purport  of  it  is  not  only 
plain  on  its  face,  but  is  concurred  in  by  every  judge  of  that  court  and  by 
every  judicial  tribunal  before  which  that  question  has  been  presented. 

"In  the  case  of  Bank  vs.  Supervisors,  7  Wallace,  31,  Chief  Justice 
Chase  says  : 

'But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  clear  that  these  notes  are  obligations 
of  the  United  States.  Their  name  imports  obligation.  Every  one  of  them 
expresses  upon  its  face  an  engagement  of  the  nation  to  pay  to  the  bearer  a 
certain  sum.  The  dollar  note  is  an  engagement  to  pay  a  dollar,  and  the 
dollar  intended  is  the  coined  dollar  of  the  United  States,  a  certain  quantity 
in  weight  and  fineness  of  gold  or  silver,  authenticated  as  such  by  the  stamp 
of  the  government.  No  other  dollars  had  before  been  recognized  by  the 
legislation  of  the  national  government  as  lawful  money.' 

"Again,  in  the  case  of  Bronson  vs.  Rhodes,  7  Wallace,  251,  Chief  Jus 
tice  Chase  says: 

'  The  note  dollar  was  the  promise  to  pay  a  coined  dollar.' 

"  In  the  Legal  Tender  Cases,  12  Wallace,  560,  Justice  Bradley  says : 

'  It  is  not  an  attempt  to  coin  money  out  of  a  valueless  material,  like  the 
coinage  of  leather,  or  ivory,  or  cowry  shells.  It  is  a  pledge  of  the  national 
credit.  It  is  a  promise  by  the  government  to  pay  dollars  /  it  is  not  an 
attempt  to  make  dollars.  The  standard  of  value  is  not  changed.  The  gov 
ernment  simply  demands  that  its  credit  shall  be  accepted  and  received  by 
public  and  private  creditors  during  the  pending  exigency. 

*  No  one  supposes  that  these  government  certificates  are  never  to  be  paid  ; 
that  the  day  of  specie  payments  is  never  to  return.  And  it  matters  not  in 
what  form  they  are  issued.  .  .  .  Through  whatever  changes  they  pass, 
their  ultimate  destiny  is  to  be  paid.' 

"  In  all  these  legal  tender  cases  there  is  not  a  word  in  conflict  with  these 
opinions. 

"Thus,  then,  it  is  settled  that  this  note  is  not  a  dollar,  but  a  debt  due  ; 
a  promise  to  pay  a  dollar  in  gold  coin.  Congress  may  define  the  weight  and 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  529 

fineness  of  a  dollar,  and  it  has  done  so  by  providing  a  gold  coin  weighing 
twenty-five  and  eight-tenths  grains  of  standard  gold  nine-tenths  fine.  The 
promise  is  specific  and  exact,  and  its  nature  is  fixed  by  the  law  and 
announced  by  the  court.  Here  I  might  rest  as  to  the  nature  of  the  United 
States  note  ;  but  it  is  proper  that  I  state  the  law  under  which  it  was  issued 
and  the  subsequent  laws  relating  to  it. 

"  The  act  of  February  25,  1862,  gave  birth  to  this  note  as  well  as  the 
whole  financial  policy  of  the  war.  The  first  section  of  that  act  authorizes 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue,  upon  the  credit  of  the  United  States, 
United  States  notes  to  the  amount  of  $150,000,000,  payable  to  bearer  at  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States.  The  amount  of  these  notes  was  subse 
quently  increased  during  the  war  to  the  maximum  sum  of  $450,000,000,  but 
the  nature  and  character  of  the  notes  was  the  same  as  the  first  issue.  The 
enlargement  of  the  issue  did  not  in  the  least  affect  the  obligation  of  the 
United  States  to  pay  them  in  coin.  This  obligation  was  recognized  in 
every  loan  law  passed  during  the  war  ;  and  to  secure  the  note  from  depre 
ciation  the  amount  was  carefully  limited,  and  every  quality  was  given  to  it 
to  maintain  its  value  that  was  possible  during  the  exigencies  of  the  war. 
I  might  show  you,  from  the  contemporaneous  debates  in  Congress,  that  at 
every  step  of  the  war  the  notes  were  regarded  as  a  temporary  loan,  in  the 
nature  of  a  forced  loan,  but  a  loan  cheerfully  borne,  and  to  be  redeemed  soon 
after  the  war  was  over. 

"  It  was  not  until  two  years  after  the  war,  when  the  advancing  value  of 
the  note  created  an  interest  to  depreciate  it  in  order  to  advance  prices  for 
purposes  of  speculation,  that  there  was  any  talk  about  putting  off  the  pay 
ment  of  the  note.  The  policy  of  a  gradual  contraction  of  the  currency  with 
a  view  to  specie  payments  was,  in  December,  1865,  concurred  in  by  the 
almost  unanimous  vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  act  of  April 
12,  1866,  authorized  $4,000,000  of  notes  a  month  to  be  retired  and  can 
celed.  No  one  then  questioned  either  the  policy,  the  duty,  or  the  obliga 
tion  of  the  United  States  to  redeem  these  notes  in  coin. 

"  Why  has  not  this  obligation  been  performed?  How  comes  it  that  four 
teen  years  after  these  notes  were  issued,  and  eleven  years  after  the  exigency 
was  over,  we  are  debating  whether  they  shall  be  paid,  and  when  they  shall 
be  paid?  We  may  well  pause  to  examine  how  this  plain  and  positive  obli 
gation  has  so  long  been  deferred  by  a  nation  always  sensitive  to  the  public 
honor. 

"The  fatal  commencement  of  this  long  delay  was  in  this  provision  of  the 
act,  approved  March  3,  1863,  as  follows: 

'And  the  holders  of  United  States  notes  issued  under,  and  by  virtue  of, 
said  acts,  shall  present  the  same,  for  the  purpose  of  exchanging  the  same  for 
bonds  as  therein  provided,  on  or  before  the  1st  day  of  July,  1863,  and  there 
after  the  right  so  to  exchange  the  same  shall  cease  and  determine.' 

"  Thus,  under  the  pressure  of  war,  and  the  plausible  pretext  of  a  statute 
of  limitations,  the  most  essential  legal  attribute  of  the  note  was  taken  away. 


530  RECOLLECTIONS 

This  act,  though  convenient  in  its  temporary  results,  was  a  most  fatal  step, 
and  for  my  part  in  acquiescing  in,  and  voting  for  it,  I  have  felt  more  regret 
than  for  any  act  of  my  official  life.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
object  of  this  provision  was  not  to  prevent  the  conversion  of  notes  into 
bonds,  but  to  induce  their  conversion.  It  was  the  policy  and  need  of  the 
government  to  induce  its  citizens  to  exchange  the  notes  freely  for  the  bonds, 
so  that  the  notes  might  again  be  paid  out  to  meet  the  pressing  demands  of 
the  war.  It  was  believed  that  if  this  right  to  convert  them  was  limited,  in 
time  this  would  cause  them  to  be  more  freely  funded;  and  Mr.  Chase,  then 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  anxious  to  prevent  a  too  large  increase  of  the 
interest  of  the  public  debt,  desired  to  place  in  market  a  five  per  cent,  bond 
instead  of  a  six  per  cent.  bond.  The  fatal  error  was  in  not  changing  the 
right  to  convert  the  note  into  a  five  per  cent,  bond  instead  of  a  six  per  cent, 
bond.  This  was,  in  fact,  proposed  in  the  committee  on  finance,  but  it  was 
said  that  a  right  to  convert  a  note  into  a  bond  at  any  time,  was  not  so  likely 
to  be  exercised  as  if  it  could  only  be  exercised  at  the  pleasure  of  the  govern 
ment.  And  this  plausible  theory  to  induce  the  conversion  of  notes  into 
bonds  was  made  the  basis,  after  the  war  was  over,  for  the  refusal  of  the 
United  States  to  allow  the  conversion  of  its  notes  into  bonds,  and  has  been 
the  fruitful  cause  of  the  continued  depreciation  and  dishonor  of  United 
States  notes  for  the  last  five  years,  during  which,  our  five  per  cent,  bonds 
have  been  at  par  with  gold,  while  our  notes  rise  and  fall  in  the  gamut  of 
depreciation  from  six  to  twenty  per  cent,  below  gold. 

"  Notwithstanding  that  the  right  to  convert  notes  into  bonds  was  taken 
away,  yet,  in  fact,  they  were,  during  the  war,  received  par  for  par  for  bonds; 
and  after  the  war  was  over  all  the  interest-bearing  securities  were  converted 
into  bonds;  but  the  notes  —  the  money  of  the  people  —  the  artificial  meas 
ure  of  value,  the  most  sacred  obligation,  because  it  was  past  due,  was  refused 
either  payment  or  conversion,  thus  cutting  it  off  from  the  full  benefit  of  the 
advancing  credit  of  the  government,  and  leaving  to  it  only  the  forced 
quality  of  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts. 

"  Shortly  after  the  war  was  over,  and  notably  during  the  presidential 
campaign  of  1868,  the  question  arose  whether  the  bonds  of  the  United  States 
were  payable  in  coin  or  United  States  notes.  Both  notes  and  bonds  were 
then  below  par  in  coin,  the  notes  ranging  from  sixty-seven  to  seventy-five 
cents  in  coin;  and  five  per  cent,  bonds  from  seventy-two  to  eighty  cents  in 
coin.  Here  again  the  opportunity  was  lost  to  secure  the  easy  and  natural 
appreciation  of  our  notes  to  the  gold  standard.  Had  Congress  then  author 
ized  the  conversion  of  notes  into  bonds,  when  both  were  depreciated,  both 
would  have  advanced  to  par  in  gold;  but,  on  the  one  hand,  it  was  urged  that 
this  would  cause  a  rapid  contraction,  and,  on  the  other,  that  the  right  to  con 
vert  the  note  into  a  bond  was  not  specie  payment;  it  was  only  the  exchange 
of  one  promise  for  another.  It  was  specie  payment  they  very  much  favored, 
but  did  not  have  the  wisdom  then  to  secure.  If  the  advocates  for  specie 
payment  had  then  supported  a  restoration  of  the  right  to  convert  notes  into 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  531 


States  notes  in  coin.' 

Here  again,  the  obligation  of  the  government  to  pay  these  notes  m  c 
'  declared,  and  the  time  - 


s  rose  in  value.     Within  one  year,  the  bonds  rose  to  par  in  gold, 


panned  and  the  other  a  pro.ise 


gold  had  fallen  to  eight  per  cent.     Bu     s,r  at  this 


532  RECOLLECTIONS 

withdrawn  one-half  of  this  illegal  issue.  On  the  1st  of  September,  1873, 
we  had  three  hundred  and  fifty-six  million  notes  outstanding.  Three 
months  afterward,  we  had  three  hundred  and  eighty-two  million;  and  now 
we  have  three  hundred  and  seventy-one  million. 

"  Sir,  it  was  under  the  light  of  these  events,  after  the  fullest  discussion 
ever  given  in  Congress,  of  any  question  —  after  debate  before  the  people 
during  the  recess  of  Congress,  and  full  deliberation  last  winter  —  this  act  was 
passed.  There  was  and  is  now  great  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  details, 
but  the  vital  promise  made  to  the  note  holder  to  make  his  note  as  good  as 
gold  in  January,  1879,  was  concurred  in  by  a  large  majority  of  both  Houses, 
and  by  many  who  opposed  the  bill  as  too  slow  in  its  operations.  This  act  of 
honor  and  public  faith  was  applauded  by  the  civilized  world  and  concurred 
in  by  our  constituents,  the  doubts  only  being  as  to  the  machinery  to  carry  it 
into  effect.  The  time  was  fixed  by  those  who  most  feared  resumption,  and 
no  one  proposed  a  longer  time.  My  honorable  friend  from  Indiana  [Mr. 
Morton]  truly  said  (in  the  recent  campaign  in  Ohio)  that  he  participated  in 
framing  it ;  and  he  and  those  who  agreed  with  him  fixed  the  time  so  remote 
as  to  excite  the  unfounded  charge  that  the  bill  was  a  sham,  a  mere  contriv 
ance  to  bridge  an  election. 

"  And  now,  sir,  to  recapitulate  this  branch  of  the  question,  it  is  shown 
that  the  holder  of  these  notes  has  a  promise  of  the  United  States,  made  in 
February,  1862,  to  pay  him  one  dollar  in  gold  coin;  that  the  legal  purport 
of  this  promise  has  been  declared  by  the  Supreme  Court;  that  we  have  taken 
away  from  this  note  one  of  the  legal  attributes  given  it,  which  would  long 
since  have  secured  its  payment  in  coin  —  that  when  the  note  was  authorized 
and  issued,  it  was  understood  as  redeemable  in  coin  when  the  war  was  over; 
that  our  promise  to  pay  it  was  renewed  in  1869  —  'at  as  early  a  day  as  prac 
ticable;'  that  by  reason  of  our  failure  to  provide  for  its  payment,  it  is  still 
depreciated  below  par  more  than  one-tenth  of  its  nominal  value;  that  we  re 
newed  this  promise,  and  made  it  definite  as  to  time,  by  act  of  1875;  that  it  is 
a  debt  due  from  the  United  States,  and  in  law  and  honor  due  now  in  coin. 
Yet  it  is  proposed  to  recall  our  promise  to  redeem  this  note  in  coin  three 
years  hence.  I  say,  sir,  this  would  be  national  dishonor.  It  would  destroy 
the  confidence  with  which  the  public  creditor  rests  upon  the  promises  con 
tained  in  your  bonds.  It  would  greatly  tend  to  arrest  the  process  by  which 
the  interest  on  your  bonds  is  reduced.  It  would  accustom  our  people  to  the 
substitution  of  a  temporary  wave  of  popular  opinion  for  its  written  contract 
or  promise.  It  would  weaken  in  the  public  mind  that  keen  sense,  of  honor 
and  pride  which  has  always  distinguished  the  English-speaking  nations  in 
dealing  with  public  obligations. 

"An  old  writer  thus  describes  'public  credit: ' 

'Credit  is  a  consequence,  not  a  cause;  the  effect  of  a  substance,  not  a 
substance;  it  is  the  sunshine,  not  the  sun;  the  quickening  something,  call  it 
what  you  will,  that  gives  life  to  trade,  gives  being  to  the  branches  and  mois 
ture  to  the  root;  it  is  the  oil  of  the  wheel,  the  marrow  in  the  bones,  the  blood 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  533 

in  the  veins,  and  the  spirits  in  the  heart  of  all  the  negoce,  trade,  cash,  and 
commerce  in  the  world. 

'It  is  produced,  and  grows  insensibly  from  fair  and  upright  dealing, 
punctual  compliance,  honorable  performance  of  contracts  and  covenants;  in 
short,  it  is  the  offspring  of  universal  probity. 

'It  is  apparent  even  by  its  nature;  it  is  no  way  dependent  upon  persons, 
parliament,  or  any  particular  men  or  set  of  men,  as  such,  in  the  world,  but 
upon  their  conduct  and  just  behavior.  Credit  never  was  chained  to  men's 
names,  but  to  their  actions  ;  not  to  families,  clans,  or  collections  of  men  ;  no, 
not  to  nations.  It  is  the  honor,  the  justice,  the  fair  dealing,  and  the  equal 
conduct  of  men,  bodies  of  men,  nations,  and  people,  that  raise  the  thing 
called  credit  among  them.  Wheresoever  this  is  found,  credit  will  live  and 
thrive,  grow  and  increase  ;  where  this  is  wanting,  let  all  the  power 
and  wit  of  man  join  together,  they  can  neither  give  her  being  nor  preserve 
her  life. 

'  Arts  have  been  tried  on  various  occasions  in  the  world  to  raise  credit ; 
art  has  been  found  able  with  more  ease  to  destroy  credit  than  to  raise  it.  The 
force  of  art,  assisted  by  the  punctual,  fair,  and  just  dealing  abovesaid,  may 
have  done  much  to  form  a  credit  upon  the  face  of  things,  but  we  find  still  the 
honor  would  have  done  it  without  the  art,  but  never  the  art  without  the 
honor.  Nor  will  money  itself,  which,  Solomon  says,  answers  all  things, 
purchase  this  thing  called  credit  or  restore  it  when  lost. 

'  Our  credit  in  this  case  is  a  public  thing.  It  is  rightly  called  by  some 
of  our  writers  national  credit.  The  word  denominates  its  original.  It  is 
produced  by  the  nation's  probity,  the  honor  and  exact  performing  national 
engagements.' 

"  And,  sir,  passing  from  considerations  of  public  honor,  there  are  many 
reasons  of  public  policy  which  forbid  the  repeal  of  the  act  of  1875.  That 
act  was  generally  regarded  as  the  settlement  of  a  financial  policy  by  which 
at  least  the  party  in  power  is  bound,  and  upon  the  faith  of  which  business 
men  have  conducted  their  affairs  and  made  their  contracts.  Debts  have 
been  contracted  and  paid  writh  the  expectation  that  at  the  time  fixed  the  gold 
standard  would  measure  all  obligations,  and  a  repeal  of  the  act  would  now 
reopen  all  the  wild  and  dangerous  speculation  schemes  that  feed  and  fatten 
upon  depreciated  paper  money.  The  influence  that  secures  this  repeal  will 
not  stop  here.  If  wre  can  recall  our  promise  to  pay  our  notes  outstanding 
why  should  wre  not  issue  more?  If  we  can  disregard  our  promise  to  pay 
them,  why  shall  we  regard  our  promise  not  to  issue  more  than  $400,000,000, 
as  stipulated  for  by  the  act  of  1864?  If  we  can  reopen  the  question  of  the 
payment  of  our  notes,  why  may  we  not  reopen  the  question  as  to  the  pay 
ment  of  our  bonds?  Is  the  act  of  1869  any  more  sacred  than  the  act  of 
1875?  And  if  we  can  reopen  these  questions,  why  not  reopen  the  laws 
requiring  the  payment  of  either  interest  or  principal  of  the  public  debt? 
They  rest  upon  acts  of  Congress  which  we  have  the  power  to  repeal.  If  the 
public  honor  cannot  protect  our  promise  to  the  note  holder,  how  shall  it  pro 
tect  our  promise  to  the  bondholder?  Already  do  we  see  advocated  in  high 
places,  by  numerous  and  formidable  organizations,  all  forms  of  repudiation, 


534  RECOLLECTIONS 

which,  if  adopted,  would  reduce  our  nation  to  the  credit  of  a  robber  chief 
—  worse  than  the  credit  of  an  Algerine  pirate,  who  at  least  would  not 
plunder  his  own  countrymen.  And  if  the  public  creditor  had  no  safety, 
what  chance  would  the  national  banks — creations  of  our  own  and  subject  to 
our  will — have  in  Congress?  It  has  already  been  proposed  to  confiscate 
their  bonds,  premium  and  all,  as  a  mode  of  paying  their  notes  with  green 
backs.  What  expedient  so  easy  if  we  would  make  money  cheap  and 
abundant?  Or,  if  so  extreme  a  measure  could  be  arrested,  wrhat  is  to  pre 
vent  the  permanent  dethronement  of  gold  as  a  measure  of  value,  and  the 
substitution  of  an  interconvertible  currency  bond,  bearing  three  and  sixty- 
five  hundredths  per  cent,  interest,  as  a  standard  of  value  ;  and  wrhen  it 
becomes  too  expensive  to  print  the  notes  to  pay  the  interest,  reduce  the 
rate.  Why  not  ?  Why  pay  three  and  sixty-five  hundredths  per  cent, 
when  it  is  easier  to  print  three  ?  It  is  but  an  act  of  Congress.  And 
when  the  process  of  repudiation  goes  so  far  that  your  notes  will  not  buy 
bread,  why  then  declare  against  all  interest,  and  then,  after  passing 
through  the  valley  of  humiliation,  return  again  to  barter,  and  honor,  and 
gold  again. 

"  Sir,  if  you  once  commence  this  downward  course  of  repudiation  there 
is  but  one  ending.  You  may,  like  Mirabeau  and  the  Girondists,  seek  to 
stem  the  torrent,  but  you  will  be  swept  away  by  the  spirit  you  have  evoked 
and  the  instrument  you  have  created.  You  complain  now  of  a  want  of  con 
fidence  which  makes  men  hoard  their  money.  Will  you,  then,  destroy  all 
confidence?  No,  sir,  no  ;  the  way  to  restore  confidence  is  to  inspire  it  by 
fulfilling  your  obligations.  You  cannot  make  men  lend  you  ;  you  cannot 
make  men  sell  you  anything  —  either  bread,  or  meat,  or  wool,  or  iron,  or 
anything  that  is  or  that  can  be  created  —  except  for  that  which  they  choose 
to  take.  You  may  depreciate  the  money  which  you  offer,  but  it  will  only 
take  more  of  it  to  buy  what  you  want.  It  is  true  that  the  creditor  may,  by 
your  laws,  be  compelled  to  take  your  money  howrever  much  you  depreciate  it, 
but  he  cannot  buy  back  that  which  he  sold,  or  its  equivalent  in  other  neces 
saries  of  life,  and  thus  he  is  cheated  of  part  of  what  he  sold.  During  the 
war,  while  money  was  depreciating,  many  a  simple  man  gleefully  counted 
his  gains  as  he  sold  his  goods  or  crops  at  advancing  prices,  but  he  found 
out  his  mistake  when,  with  his  swollen  pile,  he  tried  to  replace  his  stock  in 
trade  or  laid  in  his  supplies.  Sir,  this  policy  exhausts  itself  in  cheating  the 
man  who  buys  or  sells  or  loans  on  credit,  who  produces  something  to  sell  on 
credit  ;  whether  that  something  be  food  or  clothing  ;  whether  it  be  a  neces 
sity  or  a  luxury  of  life.  Productive  labor,  honest  toil,  whether  of  the  farmer 
or  the  artisan,  is  deeply  interested  in  credit.  It  is  credit  that  gives  life  and 
competition  to  trade  ;  and  credit  is  destroyed  by  every  scheme  that  impairs, 
delays,  or  even  clouds  an  obligation. 

"  Again,  sir,  an  irredeemable  and  fluctuating  currency  always  raises  the 
rate  of  interest  on  money,  while  a  stable  currency  or  an  improving  currency 
always  reduces  the  rate  of  interest.  This  is  easily  shown  by  statistics,  but 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  535 

the  reason  is  so  obvious  that  proof  is  not  needed.  If  a  man  lends  his  money 
he  wants  it  back  again  with  its  increase  ;  but  if  the  money,  when  it  is  to  be 
paid  back,  is  like  to  be  worth  less  than  when  he  thinks  of  loaning  it,  he  will 
not  loan  it  except  at  such  rates  as  will  cover  the  risk  of  depreciation.  He 
will  prefer  to  buy  land  or  something  of  stable  value.  If  money  is  at  the 
gold  standard,  or  is  advancing  toward  that  standard,  he  will  loan  it  readily 
at  a  moderate  interest,  for  he  knows  he  will  receive  back  money  of  at  least 
equal  value  to  that  he  loaned.  Again,  sir,  with  a  depreciated  currency 
great  domestic  productions  are  cut  off  from  the  foreign  market  ;  for  it  is 
impossible  that  with  such  a  currency  we  can  compete  on  equal  terms  with 
rival  nations,  whose  industry  rests  upon  a  specie  standard.  As  we  approach 
such  a  standard,  we  are  now  able,  as  to  a  few  articles,  to  compete  with  foreign 
industry  ;  but  it  is  only  as  to  articles  in  the  manufacture  of  which  we  have 
peculiar  advantages.  Let  us  rest  our  industries  on  that  standard,  and  soon 
we  could  compete  in  the  markets  of  the  world  in  all  the  articles  produced 
from  iron,  wood,  leather,  and  cotton,  the  raw  basis  of  which  are  our  natural 
productions.  And  it  must  be  remembered  that  all  the  countries  with  which 
we  compete  are  specie-paying  countries. 

"  A  country  that  does  not  rest  her  industry  upon  specie  is  necessarily 
excluded  from  the  great  manufacturing  industries  of  modern  civilization, 
and  is  self-condemned  to  produce  only  the  raw  basis  for  advanced  industry. 
Cheap  food,  climate,  soil,  or  natural  advantages,  such  as  cheap  land,  vast 
plains  for  pasture,  or  rich  mines,  may  give  to  a  country  wealth  and  prosper 
ity  in  spite  of  the  evils  of  depreciated  paper  money ;  but  when  we  come  in 
competition  with  the  world  in  the  advanced  grades  of  production  which 
give  employment  to  the  skilled  mechanic,  we  must  rest  such  industry  upon 
the  gold  basis,  or  we  enter  the  lists  like  a  knight  with  his  armor  unbound. 

"  Again,  sir,  a  depreciated  and  fluctuating  currency  is  a  premium  and 
bounty  to  the  broker  and  money  changer.  Under  his  manipulation  our 
paper  standard  of  value  goes  up  and  down,  and  he  gambles  and  speculates, 
with  all  the  advantages  in  his  favor.  Good  people  look  on  and  think  that  it 
is  gold  that  is  going  up  and  down  ;  that  their  money  is  a  dollar  still,  and 
trade  and  traffic  in  that  belief.  But  the  shrewd  operator  calculates  daily  the 
depreciation  of  our  note,  the  shortening  of  the  yard  stick,  the  shrinkage  of 
the  acre,  the  lessening  of  the  ton,  and  thus  it  is  that  he  daily  adds  to  his 
gains  from  the  indifference  or  delusion  of  our  people. 

"  Sir,  it  is  an  old  story,  often  repeated  in  our  day,  and  most  eloquently 
epitomized  by  Daniel  Webster  in  the  often-quoted  passage  of  his  speech,  in 
which  he  said  : 

'A  disordered  currency  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  political  evils.  It  under 
mines  the  virtues  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  social  system  and  encour 
ages  propensities  destructive  of  its  happiness.  It  wars  against  industry, 
frugality,  and  economy  ;  and  it  fosters  the  evil  spirit  of  extravagance  and 
speculation.  Of  all  contrivances  for  cheating  the  laboring  classes  of  man 
kind,  none  has  been  more  effectual  than  that  which  deluded  them  with  paper 


536  RECOLLECTIONS 

money.  Ordinary  tyranny,  oppression,  excessive  taxation,  these  bear  lightly 
on  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of  the  community,  compared  with  the  fraudu 
lent  currencies  and  the  robberies  committed  by  depreciated  paper.  Our  own 
history  has  recorded  for  our  instruction  enough,  and  more  than  enough,  of 
the  demoralizing  tendency,  the  injustice,  and  the  intolerable  oppression  of 
the  virtuous  and  well-disposed,  of  a  degraded  paper  currency  authorized  by 
law  or  in  any  .way  countenanced  by  government.' 

"  Sir,  we  must  meet  this  question  of  specie  payments,  not  only  because 
the  public  honor  is  pledged  to  do  so,  but  also  for  the  lesser  reason  that  it  is 
our  interest  to  do  so.  The  only  questions  we  should  permit  ourselves  to  dis 
cuss  are  the  means  and  measures  of  doing  so. 

"  And  now,  sir,  let  us  examine  the  reasons  that  have  been  given  for 
the  repeal  of  the  resumption  act  by  those  who,  though  favoring  resump 
tion,  yet  think  the  act  should  be  repealed  for  one  or  other  of  the  following 
reasons  : 

First.    That  it  is  not  advisable  to  fix  a  day  for  resumption. 

Second.    Or  at  least  until  the  balance  of  trade  is  in  our  favor. 

Third.    That  it  produces  a  contraction  of  the  currency. 

Fourth.    That  it  injuriously  adds  to  the  burden  of  existing  debts. 

Let  us  glance  at  these  objections. 

"  First.    As  to  fixing  a  day  for  resumption. 

"  If  it  was  possible  to  agree  upon  measures  that  wrould  secure  resumption 
without  fixing  a  time,  I  agree  it  would  not  be  indispensable,  though  not 
unadvisable,  to  fix  a  time  ;  but  such  agreement  is  utterly  impossible.  Of 
the  multitude  of  schemes  that  have  been  presented  to  me  by  intelligent  men 
trying  to  solve  this  problem,  many  could  have  been  selected  that  in  my 
opinion  would  be  practicable  ;  but  of  all  of  them  not  one  ever  has  or  is 
likely  to  secure  the  assent  of  a  majority  of  a  body  so  numerous  as  Congress. 
One  difficulty  we  have  encountered  is  that  the  Democratic  party,  though  in 
the  minority,  has  never  presented  in  any  form,  through  any  leading  member, 
a  plan  for  resumption,  but  writh  widely  differing  opinions  has  joined  in 
opposing  any  and  every  measure  from  the  other  side.  I  understand  from 
the  papers  that  our  Democratic  friends,  through  a  caucus,  and  through  a 
caucus  committee  of  which  my  colleague  is  chairman,  have  been  laboring  to 
agree  upon  a  plan  for  specie  payments.  After  his  frequent  speeches  to  us 
about  a  caucus  measure  —  a  great  question  being  submitted  to  a  caucus  — 
about  secret  conclaves,  about  shams  and  deceptions,  and  such  like  polite  and 
friendly  comments  upon  the  work  of  the  Republican  party,  I  might  greet 
my  colleague  with  such  happy  phrases  about  his  caucus  ;  but  I  will  not,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  I  commend  his  labors,  and  sincerely  hope  that  he  and  his 
political  friends  may  agree  upon  some  plan  to  reach  a  specie  standard,  and 
not  one  to  avoid  it,  to  prevent  it,  to  defer  it.  Under  color  of  intending  to 
prepare  for  it,  I  hope  they  will  not  make  their  measure  the  pretext  for 
repealing  the  law  as  it  stands,  which  fixes  a  day  for  resumption  and  will 
secure  the  end  we  both  aim  at, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  587 

"  I  frankly  state  for  the  Republican  party  that,  while  we  could  agree  to 
fixing  the  time  for  specie  payments  and  upon  conferring  the  ample  and  suffi 
cient  powers  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  contained  in  this  law,  we 
could  not  agree  in  prescribing  the  precise  mode  in  which  the  process  should 
be  executed.  Nor,  in  my  opinion,  was  it  at  all  essential  that  we  should. 
Much  must  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  officer  charged  with  the  execution 
of  such  a  law.  The  powers  conferred,  as  I  shall  show  hereafter,  are  ample  ; 
and  the  discretion  given  will  be  exercised  under  the  eye  of  Congress. 

"  And,  sir,  there  is  strong  force  in  the  fact  that  in  every  example  we  have 
of  the  successful  resumption  of  specie  payments,  in  this  and  other  countries,  a 
fixed  day  has  been  named  by  legislative  authority,  and  the  details  and  power 
of  execution  have  been  left  to  executive  authority.  Thus,  in  Great  Britain, 
the  act  of  parliament  of  July  2,  1819,  fixed  the  time  for  full  resumption  at 
the  1st  clay  of  May,  1823,  and  for  a  graduated  resumption  in  gold  at  inter 
mediate  dates  ;  and  for  fractional  sums  under  forty  shillings  to  be  paid  in 
silver  coin  ;  and  the  governor  and  directors  of  the  Bank  of  England  were 
charged  with  its  execution,  and  authorized  at  their  discretion  to  resume  pay 
ment  in  full  on  the  1st  day  of  May,  1822.  France  is  now  successfully  pass 
ing  through  the  same  process  of  resumption,  the  time  being  fixed  (two  years 
ago)  for  January  1,  1878,  and  now  practically  attained. 

"  In  our  own  country  many  of  the  states  have  presented  similar  laws  in 
case  of  suspended  bank  payments,  and  in  some  cases  the  suspended  banks 
have,  by  associated  action,  fixed  a  time  for  general  resumption,  and  each  bank 
adopted  its  own  expedient  for  it.  Sir,  the  light  of  experience  is  the  lamp  of 
wisdom.  I  can  recall  no  case  of  successful  resumption  where  a  fixed  future 
time  has  not  been  presented  beforehand,  either  by  law  or  agreement ;  while 
the  historical  examples  of  repudiation  of  currency  have  come  by  the  drifting 
process,  by  a  gradual  decline  of  value,  by  increased  issues,  and  a  refusal  to 
provide  measures  of  redemption,  until  the  whole  mass  disappeared,  dishon 
ored  and  repudiated. 

"  This  concurrence  in  the  mode  of  resumption  by  so  many  governments 
was  the  strongest  possible  instruction  to  Congress  when  fixing  a  plan  of  resump 
tion  for  the  United  States,  and  should  satisfy  reasonable  men  of  its  wisdom. 

"  Besides,  it  would  seem  to  be  but  fair  that  everyone  should  have  plain 
notice  of  so  important  a  fact.  If  the  measures  only  were  presented  and  no 
time  fixed  it  would  be  a  matter  of  speculation,  and  the  discretionary  powers 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  could  be  exercised  with  a  view  to  hasten  or 
postpone  the  time  to  the  injury  of  individuals. 

"  As  to  the  date  selected,  I  can  only  repeat  it  was  placed  as  remote  as 
any  one  suggested  ;  far  more  so  than  is  necessary  to  secure  the  object,  and 
so  that  the  fluctuations  of  value  will  scarcely  exceed  in  four  years  what  they 
have  frequently  been  in  a  single  year.  It  allows  ample  time  to  arrange  all 
the  relations  of  debtor  and  creditor,  and  to  enable  Congress  to  provide  any 
additional  measure  in  aid  of  resumption,  or,  if  events  make  it  expedient,  to 
postpone  the  time." 


CHAPTEE  XXVII. 
MY  'CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  SUCCESS  OF  RESUMPTION. 

Tendency  of  Democratic  Members  of  Both  Houses  to  Exaggerate  the  Evil  Times  — 
Debate  Over  the  Bill  to  Provide  for  Issuing  Silver  Coin  in  Place  of  Fractional 
Currency  —  The  Coinage   Laws  of   the  United    States  and  Other  Coun 
tries — Joint  Resolution  for  the  Issue  of  Silver  Coin  —  The  "  Trade  Dol 
lar  "  Declared  Not  to  Be  a  Legal  Tender  —  My  Views  on  the  Free 
Coina,ge  of  Silver  —  Bill  to  Provide  for  the  Completion  of 
the  Washington  Monument  —  Resolution  Written  by 
Me  on  the  100th  Anniversary  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  —  Unanimously    Passed  in 
a  Day  by  Both   Houses  —  Completion 
of  the  Structure  Under  the  Act. 

IT  seemed  to  be  the  policy  of  a  majority  of  the  Democratic 
Members  of  both  the  Senate  and  the  House  to  exaggerate 
the  evils  and  discouragements  of  the  times,  while  in  fact 
the  people  were  rapidly  recovering  from  the  results  of  the 
panic  of  1873,  and  all  branches  of  industry  were,  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent,  starting  into  life  anew,  and  to  prevent  the  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments,  and,  if  possible,  to  repeal  the  act 
providing    for    such    resumption.      This    policy    undoubtedly 
checked  the  process  of  refunding  the  public  debt,  which  pro 
gressed  slowly,  and  was  confined  to  an  exchange  of  bonds  bear 
ing  five  per  cent,  interest  for  those  bearing  six  per  cent. 

I  took  a  much  more  hopeful  view  of  the  situation,  and  in  the 
many  speeches  I  made  in  that  Congress,  I  stated  my  confidence, 
not  only  in  the  process  of  resumption  and  refunding,  but  in  the 
rapid  improvement  of  all  branches  of  industry  as  we  progressed 
towards  specie  payments.  In  a  speech  I  made  in  the  Senate  on 
the  6th  of  January,  1876,  on  a  bill  "to  further  provide  for  the 
redemption  of  legal  tender  United  States  notes  in  accordance 
with  existing  law,"  I  said : 

"  Sir,  we  ought  to  take  a  hopeful  view  of  things  in  this  centennial  year  of 

our  country.     Look  at  the  aggregate  results.     A  century  ago  we  were  three 

million   people  ;    now   forty    million  ;   then   we   had  a  little  border  on   the 

Atlantic  ;  we  are  now  extended  to  the  Pacific.     See  what  has  been  accom- 

(538) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  539 

plished  in  a  hundred  years.  During  that  time  there  have  been  periods  of 
darkness  and  doubt.  Every  seven  or  ten  or  twelve  years,  periodically,  there 
have  been  times  of  financial  distress.  We  have  lived  through  them  all.  I 
believe,  and  I  trust  in  God,  that  this  very  year  is  the  beginning  of  another 
period  of  prosperity,  and  that  all  these  dark  clouds,  which  gentlemen  are 
trying  to  raise  up  from  the  misery  of  the  past  two  or  three  years  and  from 
their  own  clouded  imaginations,  will  entirely  disappear.  I  believe  that 
even  now  we  are  in  the  sunshine  of  increasing  prosperity,  and  that  every 
day  and  every  hour  will  add  to  our  wealth  and  relieve  us  from  our  distresses. 
"  Sir,  things  are  not  so  unhopeful  as  Senators  seem  to  think.  We  have 
made  a  promise  to  be  executed  three  years  hence,  and  every  step  of  our  legis 
lation,  if  any  is  had,  should  look  in  that  direction.  We  may  not  adopt  any 
measure  or  may  not  deem  that  any  is  necessary  ;  but,  if  any  be  adopted,  it 
ought  to  look  to  the  execution  of  that  promise,  and  we  ought  to  enter  on  the 
performance  of  this  duty  with  hopeful  trust  in  the  continued  prosperity  of 
our  country.  All  this  gloom  and  doubt,  all  this  arraignment  of  official 
statements,  this  doubt  of  our  sufficient  revenues,  this  doubt  of  our  ability  to 
meet  and  advance  our  destiny,  always  falls  upon  my  ear  with  painful  sur 
prise.  Senators,  the  task  we  have  before  us  may  be  a  difficult  one,  as  it  has 
always  proved  to  be  difficult  to  resume  the  specie  standard  whenever,  for  any 
reason,  a  nation  has  fallen  from  it,  but  it  is  a  duty  that  must  be  executed,  and 
it  ought  to  be  executed  without  the  spirit  of  party  warfare,  without  these 
appeals,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  party  tactics.  The  pledges  made  one  year 
ago,  although  not  voted  for  by  the  Democratic  party,  are  pledges  binding 
upon  their  honor  and  their  faith  as  they  are  upon  mine,  and  I  trust  in  God 
that  we  shall  join  together  in  all  the  proper  steps  to  carry  out  those 
pledges/' 

This  bill  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  but  no 
action  was  taken  upon  it,  as  the  committee  preferred  to  await 
the  action  of  the  House. 

The  resumption  act  provided  for  the  payment  and  destruc 
tion  of  the  fractional  currency  then  in  circulation,  to  the 
amount  of  $40,000,000,  and  the  substitution  of  silver  coins  in 
all  respects,  such  as  were  defined  by  the  coinage  act  of  1853. 
This  was  to  be  the  first  step  in  preparation  for  the  general 
resumption  of  coin  payments  in  January,  1879.  It  became 
necessary  to  provide  for  the  coinage  of  fractional  silver  coins, 
and  a  bill  for  this  purpose,  entitled  "A  bill  to  provide  for  a 
deficiency  in  the  Printing  and  Engraving  Bureau,  and  for  the 
issue  of  the  silver  coin  of  the  United  States,  in  place  of  the 
fractional  currency,"  was  reported  by  Mr.  Randall,  on  the  2nd 
of  March,  1876,  from  the  committee  on  appropriations  of 


540  RECOLLECTIONS 

the  House.  It  was  subsequently  considered,  amended  and 
passed  by  the  House,  after  a  long  debate,  participated  in  by 
many  of  the  leading  Members.  Much  to  my  surprise,  Mr. 
Hewitt  and  Mr.  Ward,  prominent  Members  from  New  York, 
opposed  the  measure,  denounced  the  resumption  act,  and 
prophesied  its  failure.  Mr.  Hewitt,  in  support  of  his  position, 
quoted  passages  from  the  reports  of  Mr.  Bristow,  then  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  and  predicted  the  utter  failure  of  resump 
tion,  unless  the  United  States  notes  were  entirely  withdrawn. 
He  insisted  that  if  silver  coin  was  issued  to  replace  fractional 
currency,  the  coin  would  disappear  from  circulation,  leaving 
the  people  without  any  currency  for  the  smaller  necessaries  of 
life.  In  the  progress  of  the  debate,  it  became  manifest  that 
the  larger  portion  of  the  Democratic  Members  would  vote 
against  every  measure  proposed  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the 
resumption  act. 

The  bill  passed  the  House  on  the  31st  of  March  by  the  vote 
of  123  yeas  and  100  nays.  In  the  Senate  it  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  finance,  and  reported  back  with  amendments. 
The  third  section  of  the  bill,  as  it  came  from  the  House,  pro 
vided  for  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  of  the  weight  of  412.8 
grains  troy,  standard  silver,  and  made  that  dollar  a  legal  tender 
at  its  nominal  value,  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  twenty  dol 
lars  in  any  one  payment,  except  for  customs  duties  and  inter 
est  on  the  public  debt,  and  that  the  "trade  dollar "  should  not, 
thereafter,  be  a  legal  coin.  This  section  was  stricken  out. 

In  the  remarks  made  by  me,  upon  this  bill,  on  the  10th  day 
of  April,  1876,  I  gave,  in  detail,  the  history  of  each  of  the  coin 
age  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  then  existing  coinage 
laws  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Belgium,  Germany,  Switzerland 
and  Italy.  I  had  taken  great  pains  to  collect  this  information 
and  to  procure  translations  of  the  laws  of  the  several  countries 
named.  The  then  recent  changes,  made  by  Germany,  and  their 
effect  upon  the  coinage  of  other  nations,  were  carefully  stated. 
The  general  conclusions  which  I  drew  from  a  reference  to  these 
statutes  of  various  countries,  were: 

"  First.  It  is  impossible,  in  the  nature  of  things,  to  fix  the  precise  value  of 
silver  and  gold.  We  have  tried  it  three  times  and  failed. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  541 

"  Second.  Whenever  either  coin  is  worth  more  in  the  market  than  the 
rate  fixed  by  the  law,  it  flees  from  the  country.  That  we  have  twice  proved. 
That  is  the  admitted  economic  law.  It  is  the  Gresham  law  ;  a  law  of  cur 
rency  named  from  the  name  of  its  discoverer.  He  wrote  a  book  to  show  that 
always  the  poorer  currency  would  drive  out  of  circulation  a  superior  cur 
rency  ;  and  his  book  gave  name  to  the  theory  that  is  called  the  law  of 
Gresham.  It  is  the  universal  law  of  political  economy  that,  whenever  two 
metals  or  two  moneys  are  in  circulation,  the  least  valuable  will  drive  out  the 
most  valuable  ;  the  latter  will  be  exported. 

"  The  third  proposition  is  that  the  example  of  several  great  European 
nations,  as  well  as  of  the  United  States,  proves  that  to  prevent  the  deprecia 
tion  of  silver  the  tendency  of  modern  nations  is  to  issue  it  as  a  token  coinage 
somewhat  less  in  intrinsic  value  than  gold,  and  maintain  its  value  by  issuing 
it  only  as  needed,  at  par  with  the  prevailing  currency,  and  to  make  it  a  lim 
ited  legal  tender.  I  may  say  that  has  been  acted  upon  by  every  great 
Christian  nation.  Russia  and  Austria  have  not  yet  gold  coinage  at  all,  but 
still  they  have  their  values  based  upon  gold. 

"  Fourth.  That  the  demonetizing  of  silver  tends  to  add  to  the  value  of 
gold,  and  that  though  its  relative  value  ebbs  and  flowys  it  is  more  stable  com 
pared  to  gold  than  any  other  metal,  grain,  or  production.  Its  limit  of  vari 
ation  for  a  century  is  between  fifteen  to  seventeen  for  one  in  gold. 

"  Fifth.  That  both  coins  are  indispensable,  one  for  small  and  the  other 
for  large  transactions. 

"  Sixth.  That  the  causes  of  the  decline  of  silver  are  temporary.  It  is  still 
used  by  a  great  majority  of  mankind  as  the  standard  of  value.  Its  use  in 
France  and  the  United  States  will,  on  resumption,  more  than  counteract  its 
decline  in  Germany. 

"  Seventh.  The  general  monetizing  of  silver  now,  when  it  is  unnaturally 
depreciated,  \vould  be  to  invite  to  our  country,  in  exchange  for  gold  or 
bonds,  all  the  silver  of  Europe,  and  at  last  it  would  leave  us  with  a  depreci 
ated  currency. 

"  Eighth.  The  decline  of  silver  enables  us  now  to  exchange  silver  coin 
of  the  old  standard  for  fractional  currency,  leaving  the  exchange  optional 
with  the  holder,  until  we  have  the  courage,  as  we  now  have  the  ability,  to 
redeem  it  in  gold. 

"  Ninth.  More  silver  can  be  maintained  at  par  than  we  have  now  of 
fractional  currency. 

"  Tenth.  The  redemption  of  a  part  of  our  currency  would  advance  its 
purchasing  power,  wrhile  the  silver  in  circulation  will  counteract  the  con 
traction  of  the  currency." 

This  bill  became  a  law  on  the  17th  of  April,  1876.  The 
second  section  provided : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  directed  to  issue  silver 
coins  of  the  United  States  of  the  denomination  of  ten,  twenty,  twenty-five 


542  RECOLLECTIONS 

and  fifty  cents  of  standard  value,  in  redemption  of  an  equal  amount  of  frac 
tional  currency,  whether  the  same  be  now  in  the  treasury  awaiting  redemp 
tion,  or  whenever  it  may  be  presented  for  redemption  ;  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  may,  under  regulations  of  the  treasury  department,  provide  for 
such  redemption  and  issue  by  substitution,  at  the  regular  sub-treasuries  and 
public  depositaries  of  the  United  States,  until  the  whole  amount  of  fractional 
currency  outstanding  shall  be  redeemed.  And  the  fractional  currency  re 
deemed  under  this  act  shall  be  held  to  be  a  part  of  the  sinking  fund  provided 
for  by  existing  law,  the  interest  to  be  computed  thereon  as  in  the  case  of 
bonds  redeemed  under  the  act  relating  to  the  sinking  fund." 

A  joint  resolution  for  the  issue  of  silver  coin  was  introduced 
in  the  House  by  Mr.  Frost,  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  1st  of  May, 
1876.  The  object  of  this  resolution  was  to  expedite  the  issue 
of  minor  coin  and  the  retirement  of  fractional  currency.  It 
was  referred  to  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency, 
reported  back  and  passed  the  House  June  10.  In  the  Senate 
it  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance,  reported  favorably 
and  passed  with  amendments  June  21.  The  House  disagreed 
to  the  amendments  of  the  Senate,  and  a  committee  of  confer 
ence  was  appointed  composed  of  John  Sherman,  George  S. 
Boutwell,  and  Louis  V.  Bogy,  managers  on  the  part  of  the  Sen 
ate,  and  H.  B.  Payne,  and  Samuel  J.  Randall,  managers  on  the 
part  of  the  House.  The  report  of  the  conferees  was  agreed  to, 
and  the  bill  having  passed  both  Houses  it  was  approved  by  the 
President  on  the  22nd  of  July.  It  provided : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  under  such  limits  and  regulations 
as  will  best  secure  a  just  and  fair  distribution  of  the  same  through  the 
country,  may  issue  the  silver  coin  at  any  time  in  the  treasury  to  an  amount 
not  exceeding  ten  million  dollars,  in  exchange  for  an  equal  amount  of  legal 
tender  notes  ;  and  the  notes  so  received  in  exchange  shall  be  kept  as  a 
special  fund,  separate  and  apart  from  all  other  money  in  the  treasury,  and  be 
reissued  only  upon  the  retirement  and  destruction  of  a  like  sum  of  fractional 
currency  received  at  the  treasury  in  payment  of  dues  to  the  United  States  ; 
and  said  fractional  currency,  when  so  substituted,  shall  be  destroyed  and 
held  as  part  of  the  sinking  fund,,  as  provided  in  the  act  approved  April 
seventeen,  eighteen  hundred  and  seventy-six.'' 

It  also  provided  :  "  That  the  trade  dollar  shall  not  here 
after  be  a  legal  tender,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
hereby  authorized  to  limit,  from  time  to  time,  the  coinage 
thereof  to  such  an  amount  as  he  may  deem  sufficient  to  meet 
the  export  demand  for  the  same." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  543 

It  also  provided  that  the  amount  of  subsidiary  silver  coin 
authorized  should  not  exceed  $50,000,000.  The  silver  bul 
lion  was  to  be  purchased  from  time  to  time  at  market  rate 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  from  any  money  in  the 
treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  and  any  gain  or  seignior 
age  arising  from  the  coinage  was  to  be  paid  into  the  treasury. 

These  provisions  in  respect  to  subsidiary  coin  were  in  a 
large  measure  executed  prior  to  the  4th  of  March,  1877,  and 
tended,  in  my  opinion,  to  facilitate  the  progress  of  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  on  the  1st  of  January,  1879. 
The  debate  on  these  measures  occupied  a  large  portion  of  the 
time  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  presented  in  every  pos 
sible  aspect  all  the  financial  questions  involved  in  coinage, 
resumption  and  refunding.  Anyone  desiring  a  full  knowledge 
of  the  view  then  taken  of  the  act  revising  the  laws  in  respect  to 
coins  and  coinage,  approved  February  12,  1873,  will  find  in  the 
debate  a  full  history  of  that  act,  given  at  a  time  when  it  was 
fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  great  body  of  Senators  and 
Members. 

I  supported  the  coinage  of  the  old  silver  dollar  in  a  speech 
in  the  Senate  made  on  the  8th  of  June,  1876,  two  years  before 
the  appearance  of  the  "Bland  bill,"  or  the  "Allison  bill."  Sil 
ver  bullion  was  then  declining  in  market  value.  The  resump 
tion  act  provided  for  the  gradual  replacement  of  fractional 
currency  by  silver  coins  of  the  character  and  form  provided  for 
by  the  coinage  act  of  1853.  When  that  act  passed  the  old  sil 
ver  dollar  was  not  coined  or  in  circulation.  It  was  more  valu 
able  in  the  market  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  and,  if  coined,  would 
have  been  exported  as  bullion.  In  the  revision  of  the  coinage 
laws  of  1873,  it  was  dropped  from  the  list  of  coins,  and  its  fur 
ther  coinage  was  prohibited  by  a  clause  providing  that  no  coins 
should  be  made  at  the  mint  except  those  provided  for  in  that 
act.  The  history  of  this  act  and  the  reasons  for  prohibiting 
the  coinage  of  the  old  dollar  have  been  fully  stated  in  a  previous 
chapter  of  this  work.  In  place  of  the  old  dollar  the  trade  dol 
lar,  containing  420  grains  of  silver,  was  provided  for.  This 
trade  dollar,  coined  for,  and  at  the  expense  of,  the  owner  of  the 
bullion  deposited  at  the  mint,  was,  in  the  revision  of  the  laws 


544  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  the  United  States,  unintentionally  made  a  legal  tender  for 
five  dollars,  the  same  as  the  minor  coins  issued  by  the  mint  on 
government  account.  As  silver  declined  in  value,  the  trade 
dollar  became  less  valuable  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  and  the  own 
ers  of  bullion  deposited  it  in  the  mint,  and  received  in  exchange 
trade  dollars  costing  less  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  but,  being  a  legal 
tender  for  five  dollars,  it  could  be  forced  upon  the  people  of 
California,  then  upon  the  gold  standard,  at  a  profit  to  the 
owner  of  the  bullion.  Mr.  Sargent,  a  Senator  from  California, 
early  in  the  session  introduced  a  bill  enlarging  the  limit  of 
legal  tender  of  minor  coins,  and  repealing  the  legal  tender 
quality  of  the  trade  dollar.  This  bill  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  on  finance,  and  was  reported  with  an  amendment  to 
strike  out  all  after  the  enacting  clause,  and  insert : 

"  That  section  3586  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  be,  and 
hereby  is,  amended  to  read  as  follows  : 

"  The  silver  coins  of  the  United  States,  except  the  trade  dollar,  shall  be 
a  legal  tender  at  their  nominal  value  for  any  amount  not  exceeding  five 
dollars  in  any  one  payment." 

This  simple  bill  was  made  the  text  of  a  long  debate  in  the 
Senate  that  continued  during  the  greater  part  of  that  session. 
The  provision  that  "the  trade  dollar  shall  not  hereafter  be  a 
legal  tender"  was  transferred  to  the  joint  resolution  already 
mentioned  which  became  a  law  on  the  22nd  of  July. 

In  my  speech  on  Mr.  Sargent's  bill  I  said : 

"This  bill  proposes  to  restore  the  old  silver  dollar,  and  with  it  and  the 
subsidiary  coins  of  the  United  States  to  redeem  the  United  States  notes  and 
fractional  currency.  The  dollar  to  be  restored  is  the  same  dollar  that  had 
existed  from  1792  to  1873;  and  the  subsidiary  coins  to  be  issued  are  the 
same  in  form  and  value  as  have  been  issued  since  1853.  I  have  already 
stated  in  my  remarks,  made  on  the  llth  of  April  last,  the  history  of  these 
silver  coins  and  the  relation  of  silver  and  gold  to  each  other,  not  only  in  the 
United  States,  but  in  the  countries  with  which  we  have  the  most  extensive 
commercial  relations. 

"  The  two  main  questions  are  : 
###****#* 

"First.  Shall  silver  coin  be  exchanged  for  United  States  notes  as  well 
as  for  fractional  currency?  And, 

"  Second.  Is  it  wise  to  recoin  the  old  silver  dollar  with  a  view  to  ex 
change  it  for  United  States  notes?" 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  545 

In  this  speech  I  favored  the  restoration  of  the  silver  dollar 
of  the  precise  character  and  description  of  the  dollar  that  ex 
isted  from  1792  to  1873,  but,  as  the  market  value  of  the  silver 
in  this  dollar  had  greatly  fallen,  I  insisted  that  the  dollar 
should  be  coined  from  bullion  purchased  by  the  government  at 
market  price,  so  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  would 
receive  the  difference  between  the  cost  of  the  bullion  and  the 
face  value  of  the  coin,  the  same  principle  that  was  adopted  in 
what  is  known  as  the  Bland-Allison  act  of  1878.  I  did  not, 
however,  propose  the  full  legal  tender  quality  that  was  given 
to  the  dollar  by  the  act  when  adopted,  but  that  it  should  be 
placed  among  the  other  silver  coins,  and  be  a  legal  tender  only 
for  twenty  dollars. 

The  plan  proposed  by  me  was  to  set  aside  a  portion  of  the 
surplus  revenue  or  sinking  fund  of  each  year  applicable  to  the 
payment  of  the  public  debt,  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion 
to  be  coined  into  silver  dollars  of  the  old  standard.  I  said: 

"  The  bill  reported  by  the  committee  on  finance  thus  provides  for  an 
immediate  resumption  of  specie  payments  in  silver  coin,  and  thus  completes 
the  first  and  most  difficult  step  of  the  problem.  It  neither  disturbs  nor 
deranges  business,  nor  stirs  up  the  phantom  of  contraction.  It  is  in  exact 
accordance  with  existing  law,  and  leaves  the  silver  coin,  as  now,  a  subsidiary 
coin,  a  legal  tender  only  for  limited  amounts. 

"  The  next  question  presented  by  this  bill  is,  shall  we  return  to  our  silver 
coinage  the  old  silver  dollar.  And  here  I  am  met  by  the  objections  of  the 
Senator  from  Vermont,  but  his  objections  are  rather  to  the  amendments 
proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Missouri,  than  to  the  report  of  the  committee. 
The  committee  propose -the  silver  dollar,  not  as  a  legal  tender  for  gold  con 
tracts,  but  only  as  a  tender  for  currency  contracts  not  exceeding  twenty  dol 
lars  in  any  one  payment.  I  would  prefer  to  leave  the  silver  dollar  and 
stand  upon  its  intrinsic  value  as  a  legal  tender  the  same  as  the  smaller  coin  ; 
but  there  is  no  injustice  in  enlarging  the  limit  to  twenty  dollars,  and  but  for 
the  reasons  I  will  state  hereafter  there  is  no  injustice  in  making  it  a  legal 
tender  for  all  currency  contracts.  The  silver  dollar  has  that  intrinsic 
value  which  in  all  periods  of  our  history  has  made  it  a  favorite  coin,  not 
only  for  domestic  uses  but  for  exportation.  It  furnishes  silver  bullion 
in  a  shape  and  form  more  convenient  for  handling  than  any  other  form 
of  coin. 

##*######• 

"When  the  old  silver  dollars  are  issued  at  par  with  the  United  States 
notes,  a  large  amount  of  them  will  be  taken  as  a  reserve  by  the  people  to 


546  RECOLLECTIONS 

meet  future  needs,  with  or  without  a  legal  tender  quality.  As  their  issue  is 
not  peremptory,  and  the  aggregate  cannot  exceed  the  surplus  revenue  or 
sinking  fund,  there  is  no  danger  of  an  overissue,  while  their  existence 
among  the  people  will  be  the  best  reserve  when  gold  alone  becomes  the 
full  standard  of  value. 

"Every  argument  already  mentioned  in  favor  of  subsidiary  silver  coin 
is  equally  potent  in  favor  of  the  silver  dollar.  It  will  be  eagerly  taken  in 
payment  of  United  States  notes.  It  is  purely  a  voluntary  exchange.  It  is 
the  cheapest  mode  in  which  we  can  redeem  United  States  notes.  It  is 
specie  resumption  in  the  old  time-honored  standard  of  silver  dollars  of  full 
weight  and  fineness.  It  will  accustom  our  people  to  distinguish  between 
the  real  dollar  that  pays  where  it  goes  and  a  paper  dollar  which  only 
promises  to  pay.  It  will  prepare  the  way  for  full  resumption  in  gold.  To 
the  extent  proposed  by  the  committee,  and  to  be  used  as  a  purely  voluntary 
approach  to  a  full  specie  standard,  it  is  open  to  no  objection  or  criticism, 
and  should  be  assented  to  by  gentlemen  who  have  differed  with  each  other 
on  the  present  resumption  law  or  on  the  merits  and  dangers  of  contraction 
and  expansion." 

The  vital  difference  between  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and 
the  limited  coinage  of  that  metal  on  government  account,  is 
that  with  free  coinage  the  standard  of  value  would  be  the 
cheaper  money.  With  silver  at  its  present  price  in  the  market 
the  dollar  would  be  worth  but  a  little  over  fifty  cents.  The 
coinage  being  free  to  the  holders  of  silver  bullion  no  coins 
would  be  made  except  the  cheaper  coins  of  least  purchas 
ing  power.  On  the  other  hand,  the  coinage  of  silver  on  govern 
ment  account  enables  us  to  maintain  the  silver  coins  at  par 
with  gold,  without  respect  to  the  market  value  of  the  silver 
bullion.  Any  nominal  profit  from  this  coinage  inures  to  the 
benefit  of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States  and  not 
merely  to  the  producers  of  silver  bullion.  This  distinction 
has  always  appeared  to  me  so  marked  and  clear,  and  the 
argument  so  strong  in  favor  of  limiting  the  coinage  of  silver 
to  the  amount  demanded  as  a  convenience  of  the  people  for 
the  smaller  transactions  of  life,  that  I  cannot  sympathize 
with  a  policy  that  aims  merely  to  secure  the  cheapest  money 
for  the  discharge  of  obligations  contracted  upon  more  valuable 
money. 

Among  the  measures  that  became  a  law  at  this  session  was 
a  concurrent  resolution,  introduced  by  me  in  the  Senate  on  the 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  547 

5th  of  July,  1876,  to  provide  for  the  completion  of  the  Wash 
ington  monument. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  July,  1876,  the  100th  anniver 
sary  of  American  independence,  I  was  making  some  preparation 
for  the  celebration  of  that  day  in  the  vicinity  of  Washington. 
Animated  by  the  patriotic  feeling  inspired  by  the  day,  and 
sitting  in  view  of  the  unfinished  monument  of  George  Wash 
ington,  I  felt  that  the  time  had  come  when  this  monument 
should  no  longer  continue  a  standing  reproach  to  a  patriotic 
people.  Shortly  after  the  death  of  Washington,  a  resolution 
providing  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  his  memory, 
was  agreed  to  by  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Subsequently,  on 
January  1,  1801,  a  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  appropriating  $200,000  for  this  purpose,  but,  in  the 
political  excitements  -of  that  day,  the  Senate  failed  to  con 
cur.  In  the  absorbing  public  questions  that  ensued,  resulting 
in  the  War  of  1812,  the  subject  was  dropped  in  Congress  for 
the  time. 

In  1833  the  "Washington  Monument  Society"  was  formed, 
with  Chief  Justice  John  Marshall  as  its  president.  This  society 
proposed  to  raise  the  necessary  sum  to  erect  such  a  monument 
by  voluntary  subscriptions  of  individuals,  and  in  1854  it  had,  by 
such  means,  constructed  about  one-third  of  the  height  of  the 
monument  and  then  suspended  work.  Thus  it  had  remained 
for  years  for  want  of  means  to  complete  it,  a  glaring  evidence 
of  failure.  The  portion  of  the  monument  already  reared  to  the 
height  of  156  feet  stood  in  rude  outline,  an  abandoned  failure 
in  the  midst  of  a  reservation  partly  covered  with  water  and 
broken  stone.  The  society  was  incorporated  by  Congress  in 
1859,  but  no  further  progress  was  made.  It  was  manifest  that 
the  work  could  not  be  completed  by  the  existing  organization, 
and  doubts  were  expressed  whether  the  foundation  was  suffi 
cient  to  bear  the  superstructure.  Under  these  conditions,  on 
the  100th  anniversary  of  the  declaration  of  American  inde 
pendence,  it  occurred  to  me  the  time  had  arrived  when  a 
great  country  like  ours  should  complete  this  unfinished  mon 
ument  to  George  Washington.  Under  the  inspiration  of  this 
thought  I  wrote  this  resolution  on  the  morning  of  the  4th 


548  RECOLLECTIONS 

of  July,  and  on  the  next  morning  offered  it  for  adoption  in  the 
Senate: 

"  WHEREAS,  It  has  pleased  Almighty  God  to  guide  the  United  States 
of  America  safely  through  one  hundred  years  of  national  life,  and  to 
crown  our  nation  with  the  highest  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
Therefore,  ' 

"  The  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled,  in  the 
name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  reverent  thankfulness  acknowl 
edge  the  fountain  and  source,  the  author  and  giver  of  all  these  blessings, 
and  our  dependence  upon  His  providence  and  will ;  and, 

"  WHEREAS,  We  recognize,  as  our  fathers  did,  that  George  Washington, 
'  first  in  peace,  first  in  war,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,'  was 
one  of  the  chief  instruments  of  Divine  Providence  in  securing  American  in 
dependence  and  in  laying  broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of  our  liberties  in 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States : 

"  Therefore,  as  a  mark  of  our  sense  of  the  honor  due  to  his  name  and  to 
his  compatriots  and  associates,  our  revolutionary  fathers, 

"  We,  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled,  in 
the  name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  at  this,  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  of  national  existence,  do  assume  and  direct  the  completion  of 
the  Washington  monument  in  the  city  of  Washington,  and  instruct  the  com 
mittees  on  appropriation  of  the  respective  Houses  to  propose  suitable  pro 
visions  of  law  to  carry  this  resolution  into  effect." 

In  submitting  the  resolution  I  said : 

"  I  desire  to  offer  at  this  time  a  concurrent  resolution.  I  wish  to  say 
before  it  is  read  that  I  believe  if  it  were  passed  to-day  it  would  be  a  matter 
of  profound  satisfaction  to  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
I  ask  that  it  be  read." 

After  the  resolution  was  read,  there  was  a  pause,  when  Mr. 
Edmunds  said:  "Let  us  consider  this  resolution.  It  will  be 
agreed  to  unanimously,  I  am  sure. 

The  resolution  was  therefore  considered  and  agreed  to 
unanimously.  It  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
next  morning,  when  Mr.  Hopkins,  of  Pennsylvania,  pending  a 
motion  to  adjourn,  asked  unanimous  consent  to  take  from  the 
speaker's  table  the  concurrent  resolution  in  reference  to  the 
Washington  monument.  Upon  the  resolution  being  read,  the 
House  seemed  to  be  impressed,  as  was  the  Senate,  with  the  fit 
ness  of  the  time,  and  the  propriety  of  the  measure  proposed, 
and  it  was  unanimously  adopted  without  debate. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  549 

Thus  Congress  undertook  to  execute  the  unfinished  work  of 
the  Washington  Monument  Society.  The  requisite  appropria 
tions  were  subsequently  made,  and  the  monument,  as  com 
pleted,  is  now  the  most  impressive  token  of  the  appreciation, 
by  the  American  people,  of  the  name  and  fame  of  George 
Washington.  It  is  visited  daily  by  nearly  every  American  or 
stranger  who  enters  the  city  of  Washington.  Its  dedication 
will  be  hereafter  mentioned. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
THE  HAYES-TILDEN  PRESIDENTIAL  CONTEST. 

Nomination  of  R.  B.  Hayes  for  President— His  Fitness  for  the  Responsible  Office- 
Political  Shrewdness  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  His  Opponent  —  I  Enter  Actively  Into 
the  Canvass  in  Ohio  and  Other  States  —  Frauds  in  the  South  —  Requested  by 
General  Grant  to  Go  to  New  Orleans  and  Witness  the  Canvassing  of  the 
Vote  of  Louisiana  —  Departure  for  the  South  —  Personnel  of  the 
Republican  and  Democratic  "  Visitors  "  —  Report  of  the  Return 
ing   Board  —  My    Letter   to    Governor    Hayes   from    New 
Orleans  —  President    Grant's  Last   Message  to  Con 
gress—Letters  from  President  Hayes  — Request 
to  Become  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

THE  Republican  national  convention  of  1876  met  at  Cin 
cinnati  on  the  14th  of  June  of  that  year.     After  the 
usual  organization  the  following  eight  nominations  for 
President  were  made :  Elaine,  Morton.  Conkling,  Bris- 
tow,  Hayes,  Hartranft,  Wheeler  and  Jewell.     The  total  num 
ber  of  delegates  was  754.     Elaine  was  greatly  in  the  lead,  re 
ceiving  on  the  first  ballot  285  votes,  some  from  nearly  every 
state.     Morton  received  124,  Bristow  113,  Conkling  99,  Hayes 
61,  Hartranft  58,  Jewell  11,  and  Wheeler  3.     There  were  7  bal 
lots,  in  which  Blaine  steadily  held  his  vote  and  slightly  gained, 
receiving  on  the  final  ballot  351  votes.     The  vote  for  Hayes 
increased  at  each  ballot  until  on  the  seventh  ballot  he  received 
384  votes,  a  majority  over  all. 

Undoubtedly  Blaine  was  the  favorite  of  the  convention, 
but  the  antagonisms  that  existed  between  him  and  Conkling 
probably  defeated  his  nomination.  I  still  believe  that  the 
nomination  of  Hayes  was  not  only  the  safest,  but  the  strongest 
that  could  be  made.  The  long  possession  of  power  by  the  Re 
publicans  naturally  produced  rivalries  that  greatly  affected  the 
election  of  anyone  who  had  been  constantly  prominent  in  pub 
lic  life,  like  Blaine,  Conkling  and  Morton.  Hayes  had  growing 
qualities,  and  in  every  respect  was  worthy  of  the  high  position 
of  President.  He  had  been  a  soldier,  a  Member  of  Congress, 

(550) 


[/ 


^T^^A^.r     <rv-^x/^V 

of 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  551 

thrice  elected  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  an  admirable  executive  offi 
cer,  and  his  public  and  private  record  was  beyond  question.  He 
was  not  an  aggressive  man,  although  firm  in  his  opinions  and 
faithful  in  his  friendships.  Among  all  the  public  men  with 
whom  I  have  been  brought  in  contact,  I  have  known  none  who 
was  freer  from  personal  objection,  whose  character  was  more 
stainless,  who  was  better  adapted  for  a  high  executive  office, 
than  Rutherford  B.  Hayes. 

Governor  Hayes  wrote  me  the  following  letter  in  recog 
nition  of  my  aid  in  his  nomination. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  June  19,  1876. 

MY  DEAK  SIR: — I  trust  you  will  never  regret  the  important  action  you 
took  in  the  inauguration  and  carrying  out  of  the  movement  which  resulted 
in  my  nomination.  I  write  these  few  words  to  assure  you  that  I  appreciate, 
and  am  gratified  for,  what  you  did. 

My  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Sherman.  Sincerely, 

R.  B.  HAYES. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

His  opponent,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  was  a  man  of  singular  po 
litical  sagacity,  of  great  shrewdness,  a  money-making  man,  who 
professed  to  represent,  and  perhaps  did  represent,  as  fairly  as 
anyone,  the  ideas  of  the  New  York  politicians  of  the  school  of 
Van  Buren  and  Marcy.  I  knew  Mr.  Tilden  personally  and  very 
favorably,  as  we  were  members  of  a  board  of  railroad  directors 
which  frequently  met.  He  seemed  to  take  pleasure  in  talking 
with  me  about  political  events,  and  especially  of  famous  New 
York  politicians,  of  whom  Silas  Wright  and  Mr.  Van  Buren 
were  his  favorites.  He  had  acquired  great  wealth  as  the  attor 
ney  of  corporations,  and  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  marked 
ability  and  sagacity.  He  had  taken  an  active  part  in  defeating 
the  corruption  of  Tweed  in  New  York  politics.  He  had  been 
elected  governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  as  the  candidate  of 
reform  and  honesty  in  politics. 

The  long  and  important  session  of  Congress  adjourned  on 
the  15th  of  August.  It  had  been  the  arena  for  long  debates, 
mostly  on  political  topics  growing  out  of  reconstruction,  and 
financial  measures  heretofore  referred  to.  The  pending  presi 
dential  contest  also  excited  much  debate  in  both  Houses.  The 


552  RECOLLECTIONS 

administration  of  General  Grant  had  not  been  entirely  satis 
factory,  and  the  long  continuance  of  the  Republican  party  in 
power  was  an  element  of  weakness.  The  complaints,  unavoid 
able  in  the  most  honest  administration,  and  the  disappoint 
ments  of  office-seekers,  placed  that  party  on  the  defensive. 
The  south  had,  by  reconstruction,  been  practically  restored 
to  political  power,  and  the  body  of  the  negroes  had  been  sub 
stantially  disfranchised,  though  legally  entitled  to  the  suffrage. 
Riots  and  crimes  of  every  degree  were  committed  in  the  south, 
notably  in  Louisiana,  South  Carolina  and  Florida.  Organized 
mobs  and  violence  had  deterred  many  from  voting,  and  in 
some  cases  had  prevented  even  the  semblance  of  a  free 
election. 

I  entered  actively  into  this  canvass,  more  so  than  in  any 
previous  one.  Three  days  before  the  adjournment,  I  made  my 
opening  speech  at  Marietta,  Ohio,  in  which  I  discussed  fully  the 
dangers  of  the  restoration  of  the  Democratic  party  to  power, 
the  probability  of  their  failure  to  enforce  the  constitutional 
amendments,  and  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  freedmen. 
I  claimed  that  the  election  of  Mr.  Tilden  would  result  in  the 
virtual  nullification  of  the  constitutional  amendments,  and 
amount  to  a  practical  restoration  to  power  of  the  old  Demo 
cratic  party.  The  revival  of  the  rebel  claims,  the  refunding  of 
the  cotton  tax,  and  the  damages  done  to  rebels,  were  fully  com 
mented  upon,  as  were  the  outrages  committed  upon  freedmen 
during  the  second  administration  of  General  Grant,  the  organi 
zation  of  Ku-Klux  Klans,  and  the  White  League,  and  the  bold 
ness  with  which  the  laws  were  disregarded  in  the  south.  It  is 
difficult  now  to  realize  the  condition  of  public  affairs  in  all  the 
states  then  lately  in  rebellion.  The  people  of  the  south  are 
certainly  entitled  to  the  highest  credit  for  the  great  change 
that  has  recently  been  made  in  the  government  of  their  states, 
but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  during  the  ten  years  after  the  war 
their  condition  bordered  on  the  despotism  of  mob  rule  and 
violence.  Financial  questions,  no  doubt,  entered  into  the 
canvass,  but  in  this  respect  Governor  Tilden  and  Governor 
Hayes  did  not  materially  differ,  while  public  opinion  in  the 
southern  states  was  almost  a  unit  in  favor  of  the  larger  use  of 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  553 

paper  money.  Their  bankrupt  condition  made  this  policy 
almost  universal  there. 

I  continued  until  the  day  of  election  to  make  speeches,  not 
only  in  Ohio,  but  in  several  of  the  states.  I  engaged  in  a 
joint  debate  with  Senator  Voorhees,  of  Indiana,  at  Columbia 
City,  in  that  state,  in  September,  which  probably  had  more 
fun  and  humor  in  it  than  argument.  It  so  happened  that 
appointments  were  made  for  each  of  us  at  Columbia  City 
on  the  same  day,  and  the  managers  of  the  two  parties  con 
cluded  that  they  would  have  a  joint  debate,  and  arranged 
for  it,  to  which  we  both  assented.  There  was  a  great  crowd, 
and  besides  Mr.  Voorhees  and  myself,  "  Blue  Jeans  "  Williams, 
the  candidate  for  governor,  was  to  open  the  meeting  in  his 
peculiar  way,  to  which,  as  it  would  not  at  all  interfere  with 
our  debate,  I  did  not. object.  The  debate  was  fully  reported 
in  the  Chicago  "  Inter-Ocean,"  and  is  a  very  graphic  specimen 
of  popular  debates  in  which  each  side  claims  to  be  the  vic 
tor.  I  think  it  would  be  safe  to  say  that  from  the  close  of 
Congress  until  the  day  of  election  I  spoke  on  nearly  every 
week  day  in  some  one  of  the  five  or  six  states  which  I 
visited. 

The  result  of  the  presidential  election  in  November,  1876, 
was  extremely  doubtful.  It  was  soon  asserted  that  the  major 
ity  either  way  would  be  very  small,  and  that  the  probabilities 
were  that  Mr.  Tilden  was  elected.  Zachariah  Chandler,  chair 
man  of  the  national  Republican  committee,  however,  confi 
dently  telegraphed,  on  the  morning  after  the  election,  that 
Hayes  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  one  in  the  electoral  col 
lege.  Further  reports  developed  that  on  account  of  intimida 
tion,  frauds  and  violence,  committed  in  the  election  in  Louisi 
ana,  South  Carolina,  and  Florida,  the  vote  of  each  of  those 
states  was  doubtful,  and  could  only  be  ascertained  by  the  reports 
of  the  returning  boards.  All  of  their  electoral  votes  were 
needed  to  give  Hayes  the  majority  of  one.  Both  parties  claimed 
in  each  of  the  states  a  majority  of  the  popular  vote.  In  the 
heated  state  of  political  feeling  in  those  states,  it  was  a  mat 
ter  of  grave  doubt  whether  the  count  of  the  vote  might 
not  result  in  violence,  tumult  or  war.  On  the  evening  of 


554  RECOLLECTIONS 

November  11,  I  received  from  President  Grant  the  following 
telegram  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA.,  November  11,  1876. 

Received  at  MANSFIELD,  O.,  8:35  p.  m. 
SENATOR  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  would  be  much  pleased  if  you  would  join  other  parties,  who  have 
already  accepted  same  invitation,  to  go  to  New  Orleans  to  witness  the  can 
vassing  of  the  vote  of  Louisiana.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

I  replied  that  I  would  go  as  soon  as  practicable,  and  re 
ceived  the  following  answer : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  November  12,  1876. 

Received  at  MANSFIELD,  O.,  4  p.  m. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Unless  you  can  reach  there  by  Friday  morning  it  will  be  too  late. 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

I  at  once  started  for  New  Orleans,  stopping  on  the  way  at 
Columbus  to  confer  with  Governor  Hayes,  who  said  he  wished 
I  would  go  to  New  Orleans  and  witness  the  count,  but  ex 
pressed,  in  the  strongest  possible  language,  his  opposition  to  any 
movement  on  the  part  of  anyone  to  influence  the  action  of  the 
returning  board  in  his  favor.  He  said  if  Mr.  Tilden  was  elected 
he  desired  him  by  all  means  to  have  the  office.  I  proceeded  to 
Cincinnati,  where  I  met  some  of  the  gentlemen  whom  General 
Grant  had  requested  to  witness  the  count.  When  we  arrived 
in  New  Orleans  I  found  far  less  excitement  in  respect  to  the 
count  than  in  Ohio.  I  there  met  the  other  gentlemen  who  had 
been,  like  myself,  invited  by  General  Grant.  They  were  Messrs. 
Stanley  Matthews,  Ohio ;  J.  A.  Garfield,  Ohio ;  E.  W.  Stoughton, 
New  York ;  J.  H.  Van  Alen,  New  York ;  Wm.  D.  Kelley,  Penn 
sylvania  ;  Job  E.  Stevenson,  Ohio ;  Eugene  Hale,  Maine ;  J.  M. 
Tuttle,  Iowa ;  J.  W.  Chapman,  Iowa ;  W.  K.  Smith,  Iowa ;  W.  A. 
McGrew,  Iowa ;  Sidney  Clarke,  Kansas ;  C.  B.  Farwell,  Illinois ; 
Abner  Taylor,  Illinois ;  S.  R.  Haven,  Illinois ;  J.  M.  Beardsley, 
Illinois ;  John  Coburn,  Indiana ;  Will  Cumback,  Indiana ;  C.  Irv 
ing  Ditty,  Maryland. 

At  New  Orleans  I  was  for  the  first  time  introduced  to  the 
members  of  the  returning  board,  who,  under  the  laws  of  Lou 
isiana,  were  required  to  verify  the  count  and  whose  return  was 
final.  We  met  also  a  large  number  of  gentlemen  who  were 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  555 

there  at  the  request  of  the  national  Democratic  committee  to 
perform  the  same  duty  that  had  been  imposed  upon  us  by  Gen 
eral  Grant.  These  gentlemen  were  John  M.  Palmer,  Illinois ; 
Lyman  Trumbull,  Illinois ;  William  R.  Morrison,  Illinois ;  Sam 
uel  J.  Randall,  Pennsylvania ;  A.  G.  Curtin,  Pennsylvania ;  Wil 
liam  Bigler,  Pennsylvania ;  J.  R.  Doolittle,  Wisconsin ;  George 
B.  Smith,  Wisconsin ;  J.  E.  McDonald,  Indiana ;  George  W.  Ju 
lian,  Indiana ;  M.  D.  Manson,  Indiana ;  John  Love,  Indiana ; 
Henry  Watterson,  Kentucky;  J.  W.  Stevenson,  Kentucky; 
Henry  D.  McHenry,  Kentucky ;  Oswald  Ottendorf er,  New  York ; 
J.  B.  Stallo,  Ohio ;  Lewis  V.  Bogy,  Missouri ;  James  0.  Brodhead, 
Missouri ;  C.  Gibson,  Missouri ;  John  Lee  Carroll,  Maryland ;  Wil 
liam  T.  Hamilton,  Maryland ;  W.  G.  Sumner,  Connecticut ;  P. 
H.  Watson,  Ohio ;  F.  R.  Coudert,  New  York. 

Before  my  arrival  a  correspondence  had  occurred  between 
what  was  called  the  Democratic  visitors  and  the  Republican 
visitors  in  regard  to  our  respective  duties.  This  correspond 
ence,  all  of  which  was  reported  to  President  Grant,  resulted  in 
the  attendance  of  a  certain  number  of  each  of  the  bodies  of  vis 
itors  at  each  session  of  the  returning  board,  and  thus  a  con 
stant  surveillance  of  the  proceedings  of  the  board  was  had.  At 
the  same  time  we  received  from  the  returning  board  the  follow 
ing  letter: 

STATE  OF  LOUISIANA,  OFFICE  BOARD  OF  RETURNING-OFFICERS,  ) 

NEW  ORLEANS,  November  18,  1876.        \ 

SIR  : — At  a  meeting  of  the  board  of  returning-officers,  held  this  day, 
the  following  preamble  and  resolution,  introduced  by  General  Thomas  C. 
Anderson,  was  unanimously  adopted,  viz.: 

*  WHEREAS,  This  board  has  learned  with  satisfaction  that  distinguished 
gentlemen  of  national  reputation  from  other  states,  some  at  the  request  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  some  at  the  request  of  the  national 
executive  committee  of  the  Democratic  party,  are  present  in  this  city  with  a 
view  to  witness  the  proceedings  of  this  board  in  canvassing  and  compiling 
the  returns  of  the  recent  election  in  this  state  for  presidential  electors,  in 
order  that  the  public  opinion  of  the  country  may  be  satisfied  as  to  the  truth 
of  the  result  and  the  fairness  of  the  means  by  which  it  may  have  been 
attained  ;  and  whereas,  this  board  recognizes  the  importance  which  may  at 
tach  to  the  result  of  their  proceedings,  and  that  the  public  mind  should  be 
convinced  of  its  justice  by  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  on  which  it  may  be 
based,  therefore,  be  it 

<  Itesolved,  That  this  board  does  hereby  cordially  invite  and  request  five 
gentlemen  from  each  of  the  two  bodies  named,  to  be  selected  by  themselves 


S— 39 


556  RECOLLECTIONS 

respectively,  to  attend  and  be  present  at  the  meetings  of  this  board  while 
engaged  in  the  discharge  of  its  duties,  under  the  law,  in  canvassing  and 
compiling  the  returns,  and  ascertaining  and  declaring  the  result  of  said 
election  for  presidential  electors,  in  their  capacity  as  private  citizens  of 
eminent  reputation  and  high  character,  and  as  spectators  and  witnesses  of 
the  proceedings  in  that  behalf  of  this  board.' 

J.  MADISON  WELLS, 
Chairman  Board  of  Returning-Officers. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  St.  Charles  Hotel,  New  Orleans. 

On  the  same  day  I  answered  in  behalf  of  my  associates  as 

follows : 

ST.  CHARLES  HOTEL,          ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  November  18, 1876.  \ 

SIR  : — I  have  received  your  note  of  to-day,  with  a  copy  of  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  board  of  returning-officers  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  have 
communicated  the  invitation  contained  in  it  to  the  gentlemen  who  are  here 
at  the  request  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  witness  the  canvass 
ing  of  the  vote  at  the  recent  election  in  this  state  for  presidential  electors, 
and  am  instructed  by  them  to  inform  you  of  their  acceptance  of  the  invita 
tion,  and  that  they  will  designate  a  committee  of  five  of  their  number  to 
attend  the  meetings  of  the  board.  And  I  take  this  occasion  to  express  my 
thanks  for  the  courteous  terms  of  this  invitation,  my  deep  sense  of  the  im 
portance  of  your  proceedings,  and  my  confident  hope  that  they  will  be  so 
conducted  as  to  convince  the  public  mind  of  the  justice  of  your  finding. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  J.  MADISON  WELLS. 

A  similar  invitation  was  extended  to  the  Democratic  vis 
itors,  and  substantially  the  same  reply  made.  The  returning 
board  then  proceeded  to  perform  its  duty  under  the  law.  At 
each  session  the  Republican  and  Democratic  visitors  were 
present,  and  I  neither  know  of  nor  have  ever  heard  of  any  act 
being  done  or  testimony  taken  by  the  board  except  in  the  pres 
ence  of  committees  of  the  two  bodies  of  visitors.  The  proceed 
ings  of  the  returning  board  were  reported  for  each  body  of 
visitors  and  for  the  returning  board,  and  all  the  evidence 
taken  was  not  only  delivered  in  the  presence  of  the  two  visit 
ing  bodies,  but  was  reported  to  the  President  and  was  pub 
lished  by  Congress.  Whatever  opinions  may  be  expressed  as  to 
the  correctness  of  the  findings  of  the  returning  board,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  its  proceedings  were  open,  fair  and  impar 
tial.  The  board  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  Republican 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  557 

electors  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  in  Louisiana  at 
that  election,  and  were  entitled  to  cast  the  vote  of  the  state 
for  President  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  great  excitement  over  this  controversy,  and 
also  over  that  in  South  Carolina  and  Florida,  exaggerated 
statements,  without  the  slightest  foundation,  of  frauds  and 
improper  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  returning  officers  were 
made  and  published.  As  to  the  action  of  the  returning  board 
in  Louisiana,  I  feel  bound  now,  after  a  long  lapse  of  time,  to 
repeat  what  was  reported  to  General  Grant  by  the  Eepubli- 
can  visitors,  that  it  made  a  fair,  honest  and  impartial  return 
of  the  result  of  the  election.  In  concluding  our  report  we 
said: 

"  The  proof  of  violence  and  intimidation  and  armed  disturbance  in  many 
other  parishes,  is  of  the  same  'general  character,  although  more  general  and 
decisive,  as  to  the  five  parishes  particularly  referred  to.  In  the  others,  these 
causes  prevailed  at  particular  polling  places,  at  many  of  which  the  Repub 
lican  vote  was,  to  a  considerable  extent,  prevented. 

"  We  hope  to  be  able  to  furnish  full  copies  of  all  testimony  taken  by  the 
board,  that  the  justice  of  its  conclusions  may  be  appreciated.  It  is  a  tri 
bunal,  from  which  there  can  be  no  appeal,  and,  in  view  of  the  possible  conse 
quences  of  its  adjudication,  we  have  closely  observed  its  proceedings  and 
have  carefully  weighed  the  force  of  a  large  mass  of  the  testimony  upon  which 
that  adjudication  has  been  reached. 

"The  members  of  the  board,  acting  under  oath,  were  bound  by  law,  if 
convinced  by  the  testimony  that  riot,  tumult,  acts  of  violence,  or  armed  dis 
turbance  did  materially  interfere  with  the  purity  and  freedom  of  election  at 
any  poll  or  voting  place,  or  did  materially  change  the  result  of  the  election 
thereat,  to  reject  the  votes  thus  cast,  and  exclude  them  from  their  final  re 
turn.  Of  the  effect  of  such  testimony,  the  board  was  sole  and  final  judge, 
and  if,  in  reaching  a  conclusion,  it  exercised  good  faith  and  was  guided  by 
an  honest  desire  to  do  justice,  its  determination  should  be  respected,  even  if, 
upon  like  proof,  a  different  conclusion  might  have  been  reached  by  other 
tribunals  or  persons. 

"  To  guard  the  purity  of  the  ballot;  to  protect  the  citizen  in  the  free  and 
peaceful  exercise  of  his  right  to  vote;  to  secure  him  against  violence,  intimi 
dation,  outrage,  and  especially  murder,  when  he  attempts  to  perform  this 
duty,  should  be  the  desire  of  all  men,  and  the  aim  of  every  representative 
government.  If  political  success  shall  be  attained  by  such  violent  and  terri 
ble  means  as  were  resorted  to  in  many  parishes  in  Louisiana,  complaint  should 
not  be  made  if  the  votes  thus  obtained  are  denounced  by  judicial  tribunals 
and  all  honest  men  as  illegal  and  void." 


558  RECOLLECTIONS 

Pending  the  action  of  the  board  I  wrote  to  Governor  Hayes 
the  following  letter,  giving  a  general  view  of  the  testimony: 

STATE  OF  LOUISIANA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  November  23,  1876.  j 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  not  written  you  sooner,  for  the  progress  of  oui 
visitation  will  be  known  to  you  through  the  papers  sooner  than  from  my  let 
ters,  and  the  telegraph  office  here  is  more  public  than  a  sheriff's  sale.  We 
sometimes  hear  of  private  telegrams  before  they  are  delivered.  The  action 
of  the  returning  board  has  thus  far  been  open  and  fair  and  only  confirms  the 
general  result  known  before.  We  are  now  approaching  the  contested  par 
ishes.  To  five  of  them,  viz  :  Baton  Rouge,  East  and  West  Feliciana,  More- 
house  and  Ouachita,  the  evidence  of  intimidation  is  so  well  made  out  on 
paper  that  no  man  can  doubt  as  to  the  just  exclusion  of  their  vote.  In  these 
parishes  alone  we  ought  to  have  a  majority  of  7,000,  but  under  the  law  the 
entire  return  must  be  excluded  of  all  election  districts  where  intimidation 
has  affected  or  changed  the  result.  If  this  is  done  the  result  will  give  the 
Hayes  electors  majorities  aggregating  24,111,  and  the  Tilden  electors  22,633, 
but  in  almost  every  parish  the  official  return  varies  somewhat  from  the  stated 
majorities,  and  thus  far  slightly  reduces  the  Republican  majority. 

The  vote  of  each  disputed  parish  has  thus  far  been  laid  aside,  and  among 
them  are  two  parishes  where  a  most  foolish  blunder,  or  something  worse,  was 
made  in  omitting  from  the  Republican  tickets  the  names  of  all  the  electors 
but  the  two  Senatorial  and  one  district  elector.  The  Democrats  claim  this 
will  lose  over  2,000  votes,  but  our  friends,  whose  information  we  have  gen 
erally  found  confirmed,  say  it  will  lose  us  at  most  1,193  votes.  The  law 
seems  conclusive  that  the  defective  ballots  cannot  be  counted  for  any  elect 
ors  but  those  named  on  the  ticket ;  though  it  is  conclusively  shown  that  the 
remaining  electors  were  omitted  by  reason  of  the  mistaken  idea  that  the  dis 
trict  could  only  vote  for  one  elector.  The  whole  trouble  has  grown  out  of 
the  fact  that  in  these  two  parishes  a  candidate  for  district  judge  was  not 
named  on  the  ticket  printed  by  the  state  committee.  We  undertook  to  cor 
rect  this  by  printing  new  tickets,  which  were  voted  in  those  parishes.  The 
result  of  this  blunder  will  leave  the  poll  so  close  as  to  render  it  probable 
that  one  or  more  of  the  Tilden  electors  would  have  a  majority. 

There  are  other  parishes  where  the  organized  intimidation  was  not  so 
general  as  in  the  parishes  named,  though  in  single  election  precincts  it  was 
effective.  These  parishes,  where  formal  protests  have  been  filed,  are  Bien- 
ville,  Bossier,  Caldwell,  Franklin,  Grant,  Iberia,  Lincoln,  Richland  and 
Sabine.  How  far  the  proof  in  these  parishes  will  sustain  the  protests  we 
cannot  judge  till  the  evidence  is  heard  before  the  returning  board. 

We  are  now  collecting  the  testimony  as  to  the  bulldozed  parishes.  It 
seems  more  like  the  history  of  hell  than  of  civilized  and  Christian  communi 
ties.  The  means  adopted  are  almost  incredible,  but  were  fearfully  effective 
upon  an  ignorant  and  superstitious  people.  That  you  would  have  received 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  559 

at  a  fair  election  a  large  majority  in  Louisiana,  no  honest  man  can  question  ; 
that  you  did  not  receive  a  majority  is  equally  clear.  But  that  intimidation 
of  the  very  kind  and  nature  provided  against  by  the  Louisiana  law  did  enter 
into  and  control  the  election,  in  more  election  polls  than  would  change  the 
result  and  give  you  the  vote,  I  believe  as  firmly  as  that  I  write  this.  The 
difficulty  of  gathering  this  testimony  and  putting  it  in  the  legal  form  has 
been  very  great,  but  I  believe  has  been  fully  met. 

The  whole  case  rests  upon  the  action  of  the  returning  board.  I  have 
carefully  observed  them,  and  have  formed  a  high  opinion  of  Governor  Wells 
and  Colonel  Anderson.  They  are  firm,  judicious,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  judge, 
thoroughly  honest  and  conscientious.  They  are  personally  familiar  with  the 
nature  and  degree  of  intimidation  in  Louisiana.  They  can  see  that  the  in 
timidation,  as  organized,  was  with  a  view  of  throwing  out  Republican  par 
ishes  rather  than  endangering  Democratic  parishes.  Our  little  party  is  now 
dividing  out  the  disputed  parishes,  with  the  view  of  a  careful  examination  of 
every  paper  and  detail.  Many  are  impatient  of  the  delay,  and  some  have 
gone  home.  We  will  probably  be  able  to  keep  about  ten  here.  We  have 
incurred  some  liabilities  for  reporting,  printing,  etc.,  but  hope  the  Repub 
lican  national  committee  will  make  this  good.  If  not,  we  must  provide  for 
it  ourselves.  We  are  in  good  hope  and  spirit.  Not  wishing  the  return  in 
your  favor,  unless  it  is  clear  that  it  ought  to  be  so,  and  not  willing  to  be 
cheated  out  of  it,  or  to  be  '  bulldozed '  or  intimidated,  the  truth  is  palpable 
that  you  ought  to  have  the  vote  of  Louisiana,  and  we  believe  that  you  will 
have  it,  by  an  honest  and  fair  return,  according  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
law  of  Louisiana.  Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

To  this  General  Hayes  responded  as  follows: 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  November  27,  1876. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — I  am  greatly  obliged  for  your  letter  of  the  23rd.  You 
feel,  I  am  sure,  as  I  do  about  this  whole  business.  A  fair  election  would 
have  given  us  about  forty  electoral  votes  at  the  south  —  at  least  that  many. 
But  we  are  not  to  allow  our  friends  to  defeat  one  outrage  and  fraud  by  an 
other.  There  must  be  nothing  crooked  on  our  part.  Let  Mr.  Tilden  have 
the  place  by  violence,  intimidation  and  fraud,  rather  than  undertake  to 
prevent  it  by  means  that  will  not  bear  the  severest  scrutiny. 

I  appreciate  the  work  doing  by  the  Republicans  who  have  gone  south, 
and  am  especially  proud  of  the  acknowledged  honorable  conduct  of  those 
from  Ohio.  The  Democrats  made  a  mistake  in  sending  so  many  ex-Repub 
licans.  New  converts  are  proverbially  bitter  and  unfair  towards  those  they 
have  recently  left. 

I  trust  you  will  soon  reach  the  end  of  the  work,  and  be  able  to  return  in 
health  and  safety.  Sincerely,  R.  B.  HAYES. 

I  met  Governor  Hayes  on  my  return  and  his  conversation 
was  to  the  same  effect,  that  he  wished  no  doubtful  votes  and 


560  RECOLLECTIONS 

would  greatly  prefer  to  have  Mr.  Tilden  serve  as  President  if 
there  was  any  doubt  about  his  (Hayes')  election.  The  Repub 
lican  visitors  did  not  return  until  after  the  meeting  of  Congress 
at  its  regular  session  on  the  4th  of  December,  1876. 

President  Grant,  in  the  beginning  of  his  annual  message 
of  that  date,  said: 

"In  submitting  my  eighth  and  last  message  to  Congress,  it  seems 
proper  that  I  should  refer  to,  and  in  some  degree  recapitulate,  the  events 
and  official  acts  of  the  past  eight  years. 

"It  was  my  fortune,  or  misfortune,  to  be  called  to  the  office  of  Chief 
Executive  without  any  previous  political  training.  From  the  age  of  seven 
teen  I  had  never  even  witnessed  the  excitement  attending  a  presidential 
campaign  but  twice  antecedent  to  my  own  candidacy,  and  at  but  one  of 
them  was  I  eligible  as  a  voter.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is  but  reason 
able  to  suppose  that  errors  of  judgment  must  have  occurred.  Even  had 
they  not,  differences  of  opinion  between  the  Executive,  bound  by  an  oath  to 
the  strict  performance  of  his  duties,  and  writers  and  debaters  must  have 
arisen.  It  is  not  necessarily  evidence  of  blunder  on  the  part  of  the  Executive 
because  there  are  these  differences  of  views.  Mistakes  have  been  made,  as 
all  can  see  and  I  admit,  but,  it  seems  to  me,  oftener  in  the  selections  made 
of  the  assistants  appointed  to  aid  in  carrying  out  the  various  duties  of  admin 
istering  the  government,  in  nearly  every  case  selected  without  a  personal 
acquaintance  with  the  appointee,  but  upon  recommendations  of  the  repre 
sentatives  chosen  directly  by  the  people.  It  is  impossible,  where  so  many 
trusts  are  to  be  allotted,  that  the  right  parties  should  be  chosen  in  every 
instance.  History  shows  that  no  administration,  from  the  time  of  Washing 
ton  to  the  present,  has  been  free  from  these  mistakes.  But  I  leave  com 
parison  to  history,  claiming  only  that  I  have  acted  in  every  instance  from  a 
conscientious  desire  to  do  what  was  right,  constitutional  within  the  law,  and 
for  the  very  best  interests  of  the  whole  people.  Failures  have  been  errors 
of  judgment,  not  of  intent." 

This  modest  statement  by  General  Grant  was  appreciated 
by  Congress  and  by  the  country.  No  one  doubted  the  sincerity 
and  patriotism  of  the  President.  His  modest  confession  of 
errors  did  not  in  the  slightest  degree  impair  the  universal  con 
fidence  in  him. 

On  the  18th  of  January,  1877,  Mr.  Edmunds,  of  the  select 
committee  of  the  Senate  on  the  counting  of  electoral  votes, 
submitted  a  report  in  writing  with  an  accompanying  bill.  It 
was,  with  one  exception,  signed  by  the  members  of  the  com 
mittees  of  the  two  Houses  without  distinction  of  party.  The 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  561 

bill  provided  in  full  detail  a  prescribed  manner  for  counting 
the  electoral  vote.  It  was  adopted  by  both  Houses  and  voted 
for  by  a  great  majority,  but,  believing  that  it  was  extra  consti 
tutional,  I,  with  other  Eepublicans,  did  not  vote  for  it.  The 
history  of  the  electoral  commission  provided  for  in  this  bill  is 
part  of  the  history  of  the  country,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  here 
enter  into  it  in  detail.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  resulted  in 
the  counting  of  the  votes  of  Louisiana,  South  Carolina  and 
Florida  for  Mr.  Hayes,  electing  him  President  by  a  majority  of 
one  vote.  I  took  an  active  part  in  the  debates  on  the  questions 
involved  and  gave  in  detail  my  view  of  the  action  of  the  re 
turning  board  in  Louisiana. 

During  this  period  I  received  a  number  of  personal  letters 
from  Governor  Hayes,  some  of  which  may  be  of  interest: 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  December  25,  1876. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  your  esteemed  favor,  and  have  also  met  Judge 
Taft  and  Governor  Dennison.  There  will  not  be  the  slightest  difficulty 
growing  out  of  the  matter  you  refer  to.  You  know  my  general  course  of 
conduct.  It  has  always  seemed  to  me  wisest,  in  case  of  decided  antagonisms 
among  friends,  not  to  take  sides  —  to  heal  by  compromise,  not  to  aggravate, 
etc.,  etc.  I  wish  you  to  feel  authorized  to  speak  in  pretty  decided  terms 
for  me  whenever  it  seems  advisable  —  to  do  this  not  by  reason  of  specific 
authority  to  do  it,  but  from  your  knowledge  of  my  general  methods  of 
action.  Sincerely,  R.  B.  HAYES. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  etc.,  etc. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  January  5,  1877. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  your  note  of  the  3rd.  I  do  not  wish  to  influence 
the  action  of  our  friends,  and  do  not  volunteer  opinions.  But  you  have  a 
right  to  my  opinion.  I  believe  the  Vice  President  alone  has  the  constitu 
tional  power  to  count  the  votes  and  declare  the  result.  Everything  in  the 
nature  of  a  contest  as  to  electoral  votes  is  an  affair  of  the  states.  The  rest  is 
a  mere  ministerial  duty.  Therefore  it  is  not  right,  in  my  judgment,  for 
Congress  to  interfere.  Sincerely,  R.  B.  HAYES 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  U.  S.  S. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  February  15,  1877. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  two  letters  from  you  since  I  last  wrote.  If  it 
becomes  my  duty  to  make  a  cabinet  I  want  your  views  fully  and  specifically. 
If  possible  a  personal  interview  would  be  extremely  desirable.  Boynton 
writes  to  Smith  that  an  assurance  of  my  views  on  the  southern  question,  which 
are  truly  set  forth  in  my  letter,  with  such  additions  as  I  could  properly  make, 
would  be  useful.  I  prefer  to  make  no  new  declarations.  But  you  may  say 


562  RECOLLECTIONS 

if  you  deem  it  advisable  that  you  know  that  I  will  stand  by  the  friendly  and 
encouraging  words  of  that  letter  and  by  all  that  they  imply.  You  cannot 
express  that  too  strongly.  Sincerely,  R.  B.  HAYES. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  February  16,  1877. 

MY  DEAR.  SIR  : — If  the  issue  of  the  contest  is  in  our  favor  I  shall  want 
to  see  you  at  once  if  it  is  at  all  practicable.     Don't  you  want  to  visit  Mans 
field?  I  can  meet  you  there  or  here — or  possibly  at  a  point  east  of  there. 
Sincerely,  R,  B.  HAYES. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  February  19,  1877. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — The  more  I  think  of  it  the  more  difficult  it  seems  for 
me  to  get  ready  to  come  to  Washington  before  Wednesday  or  Thursday  of 
next  week.  I  must  fix  affairs  at  Fremont,  and  cannot  begin  it  until  I  know 
the  result.  Why  can't  friends  be  sent  or  come  here? 

It  seems  to  me  proper  now  to  say  that  I  am  extremely  desirous  that  you 
should  take  the  treasury  department.  Aside  from  my  own  personal  prefer 
ence,  there  are  many  and  controlling  reasons  why  I  should  ask  you  to  do 
this.  It  will  satisfy  friends  here  in  Ohio.  I  understand  Governor  Morton 
and  our  friends  in  Washington  like  it.  The  country  will  approve  it.  You 
are  by  all  odds  the  best  fitted  for  it  of  any  man  in  the  nation.  Your  resignation 
from  the  Senate  will  be  a  great  loss  to  that  body,  but  it  will  cause  no  serious 
dissensions  or  difficulty  in  Ohio.  Do  not  say  no  until  I  have  had  a  full  con 
ference  with  you.  There  is  no  reason  why  you  should  not  visit  Ohio  as 
soon  as  you  can  be  spared  from  Washington.  Of  course  the  public  will 
know  of  our  meeting.  But  they  will  be  gratified  to  know  it.  No  possible 
harm  can  come  of  it.  I  should  have  said  all  this  before,  but  I  did  not  want 
to  embarrass  you  in  your  action  on  the  presidential  question. 

Sincerely,  R.  B.  HAYES. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

(Telegram.)  COLUMBUS,  O.,  February  20,  1877. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

I  will  be  greatly  obliged  if  you  can  come  to  Columbus,  but  will  meet 
you  at  Zanesville  if  you  think  it  important.  R.  B.  HAYES. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  February  28,  1877. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington,  D.  C. 

DEAR  SIR  : — Governor  Hayes  will  be  obliged  to  you  if  you  will  be  kind 
enough  to  speak  to  Mr.  Evarts  with  respect  to  his  acceptance  of  the  place  in 
the  cabinet  referred  to  in  the  interview  with  you  last  week.  It  was  the 
governor's  intention  to  make  this  request  at  that  time,  and  he  may  have 
done  so,  but  not  being  quite  sure  of  the  fact,  desires  me  to  write  you  with 
reference  to  it.  Yours  very  respectfully, 

W.  K.  ROGERS,  Secretary. 


UNIVERSITY 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  568 

President  Hayes  frequently,  in  personal  conversation  and 
in  writing,  had  expressed  a  strong  desire  that  I  should  become 
his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  I  was  disinclined  to  accept  this 
position,  as  I  was  content  to  serve  my  constituents  in  the  Sen 
ate.  It  was  not  until  after  his  urgent  request  in  his  letter  of 
February  19,  1877,  that  I  seriously  considered  his  desire  that  I 
should  accept  that  office.  I  went  to  Columbus  to  ascertain  the 
views  of  the  legislature,  and  whether  there  would  be  any  diffi 
culty  in  selecting  a  Republican  to  my  place  in  the  Senate. 
Having  found  that  there  would  not  be,  I,  with  reluctance, 
accepted  his  offer.  Stanley  Matthews  was  elected  on  the  21st 
of  March  to  serve  out  my  unexpired  term,  which  ended  on  the 
3rd  of  March,  1879. 

President  Hayes  arrived  in  Washington  a  few  days  before 
the  4th  of  March  and  was  my  guest  until  he  was  inaugurated 
as  President.  The  4th  day  of  March  was  on  Sunday,  and  to 
avoid  any  question  about  an  interregnum,  he  was  sworn  into 
office  on  that  day,  but  took  the  formal  oath  on  the  next  day,  the 
5th  of  March,  and  made  his  inaugural  address.  He  nominated 
the  members  of  his  cabinet  to  the  Senate  and  they  were 
promptly  confirmed. 

I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation  and  encourage 
ment  in  assuming  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  two 
of  which  I  insert : 

NEW  YORK,  March  6,  1877. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  : — Allow  me  to  congratulate  you  on  having 
been  selected  by  President  Hayes  to  administer  the  financial  affairs  of  the 
nation. 

I  deem  it  a  happy  augury  that  the  President's  choice  of  members  of  his 
cabinet  has  fallen  upon  men  who  have  made  their  mark  as  statesmen,  and 
whose  advent  to  power  will,  I  feel  convinced,  inaugurate  an  era  of  prosperity 
for  our  country. 

With  yourself  at  the  head  of  the  treasury  department,  there  is  no  fear  of 
public  credit  being  shaken  and  commercial  interests  impelled  by  crude  and 
experimental  legislation. 

With  great  respect,  I  remain,  my  dear  Mr.  Sherman, 
Very  truly  your  friend, 

CYRUS  W.  FIELD. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington. 


564  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Consulate  General  of  the  United  States  for  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 

LONDON,  E.  C.,  March  12,  1877. 
THE  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

MY  DEAK  SIR  : — When  I  begin  to  write  to  you,  I  am  reminded  of  what 
General  Sherman  said,  in  my  hearing,  to  General  Grant,  after  the  latter  was 
made  General  in  Chief :  1 1  cannot  congratulate  you ;  the  responsibility  is 
too  great.'  You  have  certainly  succeeded  to  the  most  difficult  post  in  the 
government,  one  in  whose  successful  administration  Americans  abroad  feel 
an  especial  interest,  for  no  department  is  more  important  to  foreigners  or 
more  discussed  by  them. 

It  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  you  to  know  that  Americans — both  those 
long  domiciled  here  and  those  in  transit — applaud  the  appointment  of  the 
new  Chief  of  the  Treasury. 

I  beg  to  offer  my  best  wishes  and  belief  that  the  reputation  he  has 
already  achieved  in  the  Senate  will  be  increased  in  the  cabinet ;  and  to  say 
how  glad  I  was  that  the  unanimity  of  his  late  compeers  showed  that  they 
were  of  the  same  mind. 

With  great  respect,  I  am,  my  dear  sir, 

Very  faithfully  yours,  ADAM  BADEAU. 


<£4 


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CHAPTER  XXIX. 
I  BEGIN  MY  DUTIES  AS  SECRETARY  OF   THE  TREASURY. 

Legislative  Training  of  Great  Advantage  to  Me  in  My  New  Position  —  Loan  Contract 
in  Force  When  I  Took  the  Portfolio  —  Appointment  of  Charles  F.  Conant  as 
Funding  Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department  in  London  —  Redeeming  Called 
Bonds  —  Sale   of   Four    Per   Cent.    Bonds   Instead  of   Four   and    a 
Half   Per  Cents.  — Popularity    of   the  New    Loan— Great   Sav 
ing  in  Interest  —  On  a  Tour  of  Inspection  Along  the  Northern 
Atlantic  Coast  —  Value  of  Information  Received  on  This 
Trip  —  Effect  of  the  Baltimore  and  Pittsburg  Rail 
road  Strikes  in  1877  Upon  Our  Public  Credit. 

WHEN  I  assumed  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  I  had  the  advantage  of  some  of  my  predeces 
sors  in  that  I  was  acquainted  with  the  organization 
and  duties  of  the  treasury  department.  Ever  since 
1859  my  connection  with  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  in 
the  House  and  with  the  committee  on  Finance  in  the  Senate  had 
brought  me  into  official  relations  with  the  head  of  that  depart 
ment.  This  legislative  training  gave  me  a  full  knowledge  of 
the  several  laws  that  were  to  be  executed  in  relation  to  public 
revenue,  to  all  forms  of  taxation,  to  coinage  and  currency,  and 
to  the  public  debt.  The  entire  system  of  national  finance  then 
existing  grew  out  of  the  Civil  War,  and  I  had  participated  in 
the  passage  of  all  the  laws  relating  to  this  subject.  My  inti 
mate  association  with  Secretaries  Chase,  Fessenden  and  Mc- 
Culloch,  and  my  friendly  relations  writh  Secretaries  Boutwell 
and  Richardson,  led  me,  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  committee 
on  finance,  to  have  free  and  confidential  intercourse  with  them 
as  to  legislation  affecting  the  treasury.  Secretary  Bristow  had 
not  had  the  benefit  of  experience  either  in  Congress  or  the 
department.  He  was  a  good  lawyer  and  an  able  man.  He 
doubted  whether  resumption  would  be  effective  without  a  grad 
ual  retirement  of  United  States  notes,  a  measure  that  Congress 
would  not  agree  to.  Congress  repealed  even  the  limited  re 
tirement  of  such  notes  provided  for  by  the  resumption  act. 

(565) 


566  RECOLLECTIONS 

Secretary  Morrill,  of  Maine,  my  immediate  predecessor,  was  in 
hearty  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  Congress,  of  which  he  had 
been  a  useful  Senator,  and  but  for  his  failing  health  would 
have  been  an  efficient  secretary.  Upon  my  assuming  the 
duties  of  secretary,  and  for  some  time  before,  he  had  been  con 
fined  by  illness  in  his  lodgings  in  Washington.  The  treasury 
department  was  then  well  organized.  Most  of  the  principal 
officers  had  been  long  in  the  service.  But  few  changes  were 
made  by  President  Hayes  or  by  myself,  and  only  as  vacancies 
occurred  or  as  incompetency  was  demonstrated.  The  follow 
ing  loan  contract  was  in  force  at  the  beginning  of  my  adminis 
tration  of  the  treasury  department : 

"  This  agreement,  entered  into  this  24th  day  of  August,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord,  1876,  between  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  of  the  first  part,  and  Messrs.  August  Belmont  &  Co.,  of  New 
York,  in  behalf  of  Messrs.  N.  M.  Rothschild  &  Sons,  of  London,  England, 
and  associates,  and  Messrs.  J.  &  W.  Seligman  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  for 
themselves  and  associates,  and  Messrs.  Drexel,  Morgan  &  Co.,  on  behalf  of 
Messrs.  J.  S.  Morgan  &  Co.,  of  London,  England,  and  Messrs.  Morton,  Bliss 
&  Co.,  of  New  York,  representing  the  First  National  Bank  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  the  American  Exchange"  National  Bank  of  New  York,  the  Mer 
chants'  National  Bank  of  New  York,  the  Third  National  Bank  of  New  York, 
Messrs.  Kuhn,  Loeb  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  the  Bank  of  New  York  National 
Banking  Association,  and  Messrs.  Morton,  Rose  &  Co.,  of  London,  and  them 
selves,  of  the  second  part : 

"  Witnesseth,  That  the  said  Messrs.  August  Belmont  &  Co.,  of  New  York, 
on  behalf  of  Messrs.  N.  M.  Rothschild  &  Sons  and  associates,  hereby  agree  to 
purchase  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  sixteen  million  five  hundred 
thousand  dollars  ($16,500,000)  of  the  United  States  bonds  known  as  the 
four  and  a  half  per  cent,  funded  loan  of  1891,  issued  under  the  acts  of 
July  14,  1870,  and  January  20,  1871;  and  that  Messrs.  J.  &  W.  Seligman  & 
Co.,  for  themselves  and  their  associates,  hereby  agree  to  purchase  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  six  million  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dol 
lars  ($6,750,000)  of  the  bonds  hereinbefore  described;  and  that  Messrs. 
Drexel,  Morgan  &  Co.,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  J.  S.  Morgan  &  Co.,  of  London, 
England,  hereby  agree  to  purchase  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  six 
million  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  ($6,750,000)  of  the  bonds 
hereinbefore  described;  and  that  Messrs.  Morton,  Bliss  &  Co.,  of  New  York, 
representing  the  First  National  Bank  of  the  city  of  New  York,  to  the  extent 
of  four  million  dollars  ($4,000,000);  the  American  Exchange  National  Bank 
of  New  York,  to  the  extent  of  one  million  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  ($1,- 
050,000);  the  Merchants'  National  Bank  of  New  York,  to  the  extent  of  six 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  567 

hundred  thousand  dollars  ($600,000);  the  Third  National  Bank  of  the  city 
of  New  York,  to  the  extent  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars 
($750,000);  Messrs.  Kuhn,  Loeb  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  to  the  extent  of  one 
million  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  ($1,050,000);  the  Bank  of  New  York 
National  Banking  Association,  to  the  extent  of  three  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars  ($300,000);  Messrs.  Morton,  Rose  &  Co.,  of  London,  to  the  extent  of 
one  million  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  ($1,125,000),  and 
Messrs.  Morton,  Bliss  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  to  the  extent  of  one  million  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  ($1,125,000),  hereby  agree,  to  the 
extent  severally  for  each  as  above  stated,  to  purchase  from  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  ten  million  dollars  ($10,000,000)  in  the  aggregate  of  the  bonds 
hereinbefore  described,  making  a  total  aggregate  of  forty  million  dollars 
($40,000,000),  upon  the  terms  and  conditions  following,  to-wit : 

"  First.  Of  the  said  aggregate  amount,  not  less  than  ten  million  dollars 
($10,000,000)  are  hereby  subscribed  for,  the  subscription  to  take  effect  on 
the  1st  day  of  September,  1876,  and  the  remaining  amount,  namely,  thirty 
million  dollars  ($30,000,000),  may  be  divided  at  the  pleasure  of  the  parties  of 
the  second  part  into  several  successive  subscriptions  of  not  less  than  five  mil 
lion  dollars  ($5,000,000)  each,  to  be  made  prior  to  the  4th  day  of  March,  1877. 

"  Second.  The  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  have  the  exclusive  right 
to  subscribe,  in  the  same  proportion  to  each  of  the  subscribers,  for  the  re 
mainder,  namely,  two  hundred  and  sixty  million  dollars  ($260,000,000),  or 
any  portion  of  said  loan  authorized  to  be  issued  by  the  acts  of  Congress 
aforesaid,  by  giving  notice  thereof  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  or 
before  the  30th  day  of  June,  1877;  but  the  party  of  the  first  part  reserves 
the  right  to  terminate  this  contract  at  any  time  after  March  4,  1877,  by  giv 
ing  ten  days'  notice  thereof  to  the  parties  of  the  second  part. 

"Third.  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall,  when  subscriptions 
are  made  by  the  said  parties  of  the  second  part,  issue  calls  with  even  date 
with  said  subscriptions  for  the  redemption  of  an  equivalent  amount  of  six  per 
cent.  5-20  bonds  of  the  United  States,  as  provided  by  said  act  of  July 
14,  1870. 

Fourth.  The  parties  of  the  second  part  agree  to  pay  for  said  four  and  a 
half  per  cent,  .bonds  par  and  interest  accrued  to  the  date  of  application  for  de 
livery  of  said  bonds,  in  gold  coin,  matured  United  States  gold  coin  coupons, 
or  any  of  the  six  per  cent.  5-20  bonds  called  for  redemption,  or  in  United 
States  gold  certificates  of  deposit  issued  under  the  act  of  March  3,  1863,  with 
the  understanding  that  payment  to  the  extent  of  the  amount  of  any  call  shall 
be  made  within  the  time  during  which  such  call  shall  mature :  Provided, 
That,  if  the  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  elect  so  to  do,  they  may  have 
the  privilege  of  making  any  of  said  subscriptions  payable  specifically 
in  uncalled  six  per  cent.  5-20  bonds  of  the  United  States,  in  which  case 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may,  to  the  extent  of  such  payments,  omit 
the  calls  mentioned  in  condition  No.  3. 

"Fifth.  The  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  receive  in  coin  a  com 
mission  of  one-half  of  one  per  cent,  on  all  bonds  taken  by  them,  as  allowed 
by  the  act  of  July  14,  1870,  and  shall  assume  and  defray  all  expenses  which 
may  be  incurred  in  sending  bonds  to  London  upon  their  request,  or  by 

S.-40 


568  RECOLLECTIONS 

transmitting  bonds,  coupons,  or  coin  from  there  to  the  treasury  depart 
ment  at  Washington,  including  all  cost  of  making  exchange  of  bonds,  and 
shall  also  be  charged  with  the  preparation  and  issuing  of  the  bonds. 

"  Sixth.  No  bonds  shall  be  delivered  to  the  parties  of  the  second  part, 
or  either  of  them,  until  payment  shall  have  been  made  in  full  therefor  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  this  contract. 

"  Seventh.  During  the  continuance  of  this  contract  any  sales  of  bonds 
ordered  by  tne  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  authority  of  law,  except  those 
that  it  may  become  necessary  to  sell  to  pay  judgments  of  the  Court  of  Com 
missioners  of  Alabama  Claims,  shall  be  made  through  the  parties  of  the  sec 
ond  part,  who  shall  be  allowed  thereon  a  commission  of  one  per  cent,  in 
gold  coin.  And  it  is  provided  that  the  amount  of  bonds  so  ordered  shall 
not  exceed  in  the  aggregate  $25,000,000,  unless  by  mutual  agreement  of 
the  parties. 

LOT  M.  MORRILL, 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
AUG.  BELMONT  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  N.  M.  ROTHSCHILD  &  SONS,  London. 

J.  &  W.  SELIGMAN  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  SELIGMAN  BROTHERS. 

DREXEL,  MORGAN  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  J.  S.  MORGAN  &  Co.,  of  London. 

MORTON,  BLISS  &  Co., 
For  themselves  and  associates,  as  named  above." 

By  its  terms  the  contract  provided  for  the  sale  of  $40,000,- 
000,  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  of  the  United  States  at 
par  in  gold  coin.  The  contractors  had  the  exclusive  right  to 
subscribe  for  all  or  any  portion  of  the  remainder  of  the  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  amounting  to  $260,000,000.  The 
right  to  terminate  this  contract  at  any  time  after  March  4, 
1877,  after  ten  days'  notice,  was  reserved  by  the  United  States. 
The  proceeds  of  the  bonds  sold  were  to  be  applied  solely  to  the 
payment  of  the  six  per  cent.  5-20  bonds  of  the  United  States. 
No  provision  was  made  in  this  contract  for  the  accumulation 
of  coin  for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes.  The  process 
of  refunding  under  it  progressed  slowly. 

I  felt  it  to  be  important  that  I  should  have  some  personal 
representative  in  London,  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  in  the  execution  of  this  contract,  and,  therefore,  on  the 
31st  of  March,  1877,  I  appointed  Charles  F.  Conant,  as  the 
funding  agent  of  the  treasury  department,  and  directed  him 
to  assume  the  general  management  and  supervision  of  all 
business  in  London,  arising  from  the  funding  of  bonds.  A 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  569 

letter  of  instructions  prescribing  his  duties  was  given  him. 
He  was  directed  to  pursue  the  same  general  plan  under  which 
former  negotiations  had  been  conducted,  except  as  modified 
by  these  instructions,  which  were  based  upon  the  contract 
before  mentioned.  All  bonds,  money,  or  coupons  received 
by  him  were  to  be  securely  kept  in  safes,  furnished  by  the 
department  for  that  purpose,  to  be  deposited  in  the  vaults 
of  the  Messrs.  Rothschild.  Combination  locks  were  provided 
for  each  safe,  and  no  safe  could  be  unlocked  except  by 
three  persons  on  distinct  combinations,  each  person  using 
a  combination  unknown  to  the  others.  He  was  to  keep  me 
fully  advised  of  the  course  of  the  market,  of  the  price  not 
only  of  American  securities,  but  of  foreign  securities,  and  was 
to  receive  the  new  bonds  and  deliver  them  to  the  Rothschilds 
in  exchange  for  the  bonds  redeemed.  He  proved  to  be  a  very 
competent  and  faithful  agent,  and  furnished  me  important 
financial  information,  which  aided  me  greatly  in  refunding 
operations.  His  compensation  and  allowances,  as  well  as 
those  of  all  persons  sent  to  London  in  connection  with  the  re 
funding  of  the  public  debt,  were  paid  by  the  syndicate,  so 
that  no  expense  whatever  was  incurred  by  the  treasury  on 
this  account. 

I  gave  the  following  notice  to  the  parties  to  this  contract 
that  I  would,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  terminate  it. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  6,  1877.  J 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  received  your  friendly  cable  message  of  the  10th 
ultimo,  and  return  my  thanks  and  hearty  good  wishes. 

I  am  very  solicitous  to  promote  the  funding  of  our  six  per  cent,  bonds  as 
rapidly  as  practicable,  and  feel  indebted  to  you  for  the  aid  you  have  given 
in  placing  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds. 

I  propose  no  change  at  present ;  but  it  is  my  desire,  if  practicable,  to 
withdraw  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  from  the  market  and  substitute 
in  their  place  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  authorized  by  the  funding  act. 

These  bonds,  as  you  know,  are  a  very  desirable  investment,  running 
thirty  years  from  the  date  of  issue,  with  every  guard  and  security  that  has 
been  given  to  any  bond  of  the  United  States,  and  we  think  as  safe  and 
desirable  as  the  securities  of  any  other  nation.  It  is  probably  the  bond  into 
which  all  the  debt  of  the  United  States  will  in  time  be  converted.  I  hope 
you  and  your  associates  will  be  able  to  engage  with  me  to  place  this  bond  on 


570 


RECOLLECTIONS 


the  market  when  $200,000,000  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  have 
been  sold. 

The  public  policy  of  the  United  States  to  resume  specie  payments  on  or 
before  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  is  fully  established  by  the  law  and  by  pub 
lic  opinion.  It  may  be  that  the  surplus  revenue  will  be  sufficient  to  enable 
me  to  carry  out  this  policy  without  the  sale  of  bonds.  I  am  authorized  by 
the  resumption  act  to  sell  five,  four  and  a  half,  or  four  per  cent,  bonds  to 
prepare  for  resumption,  and  it  may  be  desirable  to  sell  through  the  syndicate, 
under  that  act,  a  limited  amount  of  bonds,  not  exceeding,  I  hope,  $30,000,- 
000  a  year.  I  do  not  wish  in  the  execution  of  this  duty  to  disturb  the  ex 
changes  between  Europe  and  this  country.  For  this  purpose  I  desire  to 
sell  only  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  and  must  sell  at  par  in  coin,  but  could 
receive  in  payment  coin  coupons  maturing  within  a  limited  time.  I  invite 
from  you  and  your  associates  such  suggestions  and  offers  as  you  may  think 
proper  to  make  for  the  purchase  of  such  bonds. 

The  operations  of  the  syndicate  have  become  so  important  that  I  have 
deemed  it  proper  to  ask  Mr.  Charles  F.  Conant,  late  Assistant  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  to  take  charge  of  the  business  in  London  in  connection  with  the 
gentlemen  already  there.  He  is  well  informed  as  to  our  laws,  and  I  trust 
his  services  may  be  of  advantage  to  the  government  and  agreeable  to  you. 

I  will  give  my  personal  attention  to  this  business,  and  will  receive  with 
pleasure  any  suggestions  from  you  that  will  promote  our  common  object. 

Very  truly,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

MESSES.  N.  M.  ROTHSCHILD  &  SONS,  London,  England. 

I  received  the  following  letter: 

NEW  YORK,  April  12,  1877. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  had  an  interview  with  Messrs.  Drexel,  Morgan  & 
Co.,  and  conveyed  to  them  your  wishes  respecting  limiting  the  sale  of  the 
four  and  a  half  and  taking  the  four  per  cent,  bond  in  hand  with  the  co 
operation  of  the  Messrs.  Rothschild. 

I  told  Mr.  Drexel  that  you  would  be  happy  to  see  him  and  Mr.  L.  P. 
Morton  in  Washington,  whenever  convenient  for  them  to  go,  and  that  on  re 
ceipt  by  you  of  favorable  advices  from  Mr.  Conant  after  his  arrival  in  Lon 
don,  you  desired  that  Drexel,  Morton  and  I  should  repair  to  Washington,  in 
company  with  other  leading  members  of  the  syndicate,  with  a  view  of  enter 
ing  into  a  contract  with  the  government,  in  conformity  with  your  views  as  ex 
pressed  to  me,  or  perhaps  with  some  slight  modifications,  which,  if  suggested 
by  the  London  people,  through  Mr.  Conant,  you  may  deem  proper  to  adopt. 

I  shall  see  Mr.  Morton  in  the  course  of  this  day,  and  have  no  doubt  but 
that  he,  as  well  as  Drexel  and  myself,  will  be  happy  to  aid  you  in  raising 
the  credit  of  our  common  country,  and  assist  the  President  and  you  in  this 
patriotic  work.  I  remain,  dear  Mr.  secretary,  yours,  very  faithfully. 

Jos.  SELIGMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  571 

A  month  later  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Conant  as  follows: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  14,  1877.  \ 

DEAB.  MR.  CONANT  :  — .  .  .  On  Friday  last  I  concluded  a  modifica 
tion  of  the  present  syndicate  contract,  which  provides  for  the  sale  of  five 
million  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  at  par  in  coin  for  resumption  pur 
poses.  A  further  negotiation  is  pending  as  to  the  renewal  and  modification 
of  the  contract,  of  which  I  will  give  you  due  notice  when  completed.  In 
the  meantime  I  wish  to  keep  steadily  in  view  the  sale  of  the  balance  of  two 
hundred  million  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds,  and,  if  possible,  I  wish 
to  make  the  necessary  calls  during  this  month  and  next. 

You  can  assure  Messrs.  Rothschild  of  every  disposition  on  the  part  of 
the  government  to  meet  their  views,  and  to  extend  the  contract  with  the 
necessary  modifications.  Their  efforts  in  maintaining  the  credit  of  the  bonds 
and  securing  this  result  will  be  highly  appreciated. 

I  would  like  to  have  you  write  me  at  least  twice  a  week  as  fully  as 
practicable.  Very  truly,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MR.  C.  F.  CONANT,  London. 

As  the  process  of  redeeming  called  bonds  required  a  notice 
of  ninety  days,  I  postponed  the  termination  of  the  existing  con 
tract  until  after  that  period.  My  purpose  in  terminating  the 
contract  was  to  substitute  for  sale  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  of  the 
United  States  instead  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds.  I 
believed  that  the  advancing  credit  of  the  United  States  would 
justify  this  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest.  Another  reason 
for  this  step  was  that,  in  addition  to  refunding  at  a  lower  rate 
of  interest,  I  wished  to  commence  preparation  for  the  resump 
tion  of  specie  payments  on  January  1,  1879,  according  to  law. 
This  could  only  be  done  by  the  sale  of  bonds  for  gold  coin. 
I  reserved  the  remainder  of  the  four  and  a  half  bonds,  amount 
ing  to  $100,000,000,  authorized  by  the  refunding  act,  for  re 
sumption  purposes  in  case  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  could  not 
be  sold  at  par  in  coin. 

Another  reason  for  a  change  in  the  existing  contract  was 
that  it  gave  to  the  syndicate  a  monopoly  in  the  sale  of  bonds 
while  I  wished  to  sell  the  bonds  directly  to  the  people.  The 
new  contract  was  as  follows : 

"  This  agreement,  entered  into  this  9th  day  of  June,  1877,  between  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  of  the  first  part,  and  Messrs. 
August  Belmont  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  N.  M.  Rothschild 
&  Sons,  of  London,  England,  and  associates  and  themselves  ;  Messrs.  Drexel, 


572  RECOLLECTIONS 

Morgan  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  J.  S.  Morgan  &  Co.,  of 
London,  and  themselves  ;  Messrs.  J.  &  W.  Seligman  &  Co.,  of  New  York, 
on  behalf  of  Messrs.  Seligman  Brothers,  of  London,  and  themselves ;  Messrs. 
Morton,  Bliss  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  Morton,  Rose  &  Co., 
of  London,  and  themselves ;  and  the  First  National  Bank  of  the  city  of 
New  York— - 

"  Witnesseth  :  That  the  said  Messrs.  August  Belmont  &  Co.,  on  behalf  of 
Messrs.  N.  M.  Rothschild  &  Sons,  and  associates  and  themselves,  hereby 
agree  to  purchase  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  $10,312,500  of  the 
bonds  known  as  the  four  per  cent,  consols  of  the  United  States,  issued  under 
the  acts  of  July  14,  1870,  January  20,  1871,  and  January  14,  1875,  and  that 
Messrs.  Drexel,  Morgan  &  Co.,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  J.  S.  Morgan  &  Co., 
and  themselves,  agree  to  purchase  $4,062,500  of  said  bonds,  and  that  Messrs. 
J.  &  W.  Seligman  &  Co.,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  Seligman  Brothers,  and  them 
selves,  agree  to  purchase  $4,062,500  of  said  bonds,  and  that  Morton,  Bliss 
&  Co.,  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  Morton,  Rose  &  Co.,  and  themselves,  agree  to 
purchase  $4,062,500  of  said  bonds,  and  that  the  First  National  Bank  of  the 
city  of  New  York  agree  to  purchase  $2,500,000  of  said  bonds,  making  a 
total  aggregate  of  $25,000,000  of  said  bonds,  on  the  terms  and  conditions 
following  : 

First.  Of  the  said  aggregate  amount  not  more  than  $5,000,000  shall  be 
sold  for  resumption  purposes,  the  remaining  $20,000,000  to  be  sold  for 
funding  purposes,  and  subscribed  for  by  the  parties  of  the  second  part  dur 
ing  the  months  of  July  and  August,  1877. 

Second.  The  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  have  the  exclusive  right  to 
subscribe  in  the  same  proportion  to  each  of  the  subscribers,  for  the  re 
mainder  of  the  four  per  cent,  consols  of  the  United  States,  or  any  portion  of 
said  consols  authorized  to  be  issued  by  the  acts  of  Congress  aforesaid,  by 

fiving  notice  thereof  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  or  before  the  30th 
ay  of  June,  1878  ;  but  the  party  of  the  first  part  reserves  the  right  to  ter 
minate  this  contract  at  any  time  after  the  31st  day  of  December,  1877,  by 
giving  ten  days'  notice  thereof  to  the  parties  of  the  second  part. 

Third.  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  not  sell  for  resumption 
purposes  exceeding  five  millions  per  month  during  the  continuance  of  this 
contract,  except  by  mutual  agreement  of  the  parties  hereto.  When  subscrip 
tions  are  made  for  other  than  resumption  purposes  by  the  parties  of  the  sec 
ond  part,  the  party  of  the  first  part  shall  issue  calls  of  even  date  with  said 
subscriptions  for  the  redemption  of  an  equal  amount  of  six  per  cent.  5-20 
bonds  of  the  United  States,  as  provided  for  in  said  act  of  July  13,  1870. 

Fourth.  The  parties  of  the  second  part  agree  to  pay  for  said  four  per 
cent,  bonds  par  and  interest  accrued  to  the  date  of  application  for  delivery 
of  said  bonds  in  gold  coin,  matured  United  States  gold  coin  coupons,  or  any 
of  the  six  per  cent.  5-20  bonds  called  for  redemption,  or  in  United  States 
gold  certificates  of  deposit  issued  under  the  act  of  March  3,  1863,  with  the 
understanding  that  payment  to  the  extent  of  the  amount  of  any  call  shall  be 
made  within  the  time  during  which  such  call  shall  mature  :  Provided,  That  if 
the  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  elect  so  to  do,  they  may  have  the  privilege 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  573 

of  making  any  of  said  subscriptions  payable  specifically  in  uncalled  six  per 
cent.  5-20  bonds  of  the  United  States,  in  which  case  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  may,  to  the  extent  of  such  payments,  omit  the  calls  mentioned  in 
condition  No.  3. 

Fifth.  The  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  receive  in  coin  a  commission 
of  one-half  of  one  per  cent,  on  all  bonds  taken  by  them,  as  allowed  by  the 
act  of  July  14,  1870,  and  shall  assume  and  defray  all  expenses  which  may 
be  incurred  in  sending  bonds  to  London  or  elsewhere  upon  their  request,  or 
by  transmitting  bonds,  coupons,  or  coin  to  the  treasury  department  at 
Washington,  including  all  cost  of  making  the  exchange  of  bonds,  and  shall 
also  be  charged  with  the  cost  of  the  preparation  and  issuing  of  the  bonds. 

Sixth.  No  bonds  shall  be  delivered  to  the  parties  of  the  second  part,  or 
either  of  them,  until  payment  shall  have  been  made  in  full  therefor  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  this  contract. 

Seventh.  During  the  continuance  of  this  contract  any  sales  of  bonds  or 
dered  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  authority  of  law,  shall  be  made 
through  the  parties  of  the  second  part,  who  shall  be  allowed  thereon  a  com 
mission  similar  in  amount  and  subject  to  the  same  deductions  as  prescribed 
in  the  fifth  clause  of  this  contract. 

Eighth.  It  is  also  agreed  that  the  parties  of  the  second  part  shall  offer  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  at  par  and  accrued  interest  in  coin,  the  four  per 
cent,  registered  consols  and  four  per  cent,  coupon  consols  of  the  denomina 
tions  of  fifty  dollars  and  one  hundred  dollars,  embraced  in  this  contract,  for  a 
period  of  thirty  days  from  the  public  notice  of  such  subscriptions,  and  in  such 
cities  and  upon  such  notice  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  prescribe 
prior  to  the  opening  of  the  lists,  and  further,  to  offer  to  the  subscribers  the 
option  of  paying  in  installments  extending  through  three  months. 

JOHN  SHERMAN, 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
AUGUST  BELMONT  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  N.  M.  ROTHSCHILD  &  SONS,  of  London, 

And  associates  and  themselves. 
DREXEL,  MORGAN  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  J.  S.  MORGAN  &  Co.,  of  London, 

And  themselves. 
J.  &  W.  SELIGMAN  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  SELIGMAN  BROTHERS  and  themselves. 

MORTON,  BLISS  &  Co., 
On  behalf  of  MORTON,  ROSE,  &  Co.,  of  London, 

And  themselves. 
THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK 

OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK. 

BY  H.  C.  FAHNESTOCK. 
Witnesses  as  to  all : 

R.    C.    McCORMICK. 

E.  J.  BABCOCK. 

By  this  contract  the  syndicate  was  to  take  $25,000,000  of  the 
four  per  cent,  bonds  at  par,  or  in  exchange  of  six  per  cent.  5-20 


574  RECOLLECTIONS 

bonds.  Of  this  sum  $5,000,000  in  gold  coin  was  to  be  paid  to  the 
treasury  for  resumption  purposes.  The  eighth  section  was  a 
new  provision,  and  required  the  syndicate  to  offer  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  at  par  and  accrued  interest  in  coin,  the  four 
per  cent,  bonds,  for  a  period  of  thirty  days,  in  such  cities  and 
upon  such  notice  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  might  pre 
scribe. 

The  result  of  this  contract  was  not  only  to  save  one-half  of 
one  per  cent,  on  the  annual  interest  of  the  bonds  redeemed,  but 
to  so  popularize  the  loan  that  within  a  brief  period  I  was  able 
to  terminate  the  contract  according  to  its  terms,  and  to  sell 
the  four  per  cent,  bonds  directly  to  the  people  at  par,  without  a 
commission,  or  the  aid  of  a  syndicate. 

I  wrote  Mr.  Conant  as  follows: 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  31,  1877.  j 

DEAR  MR.  CONANT  : — Your  letter  of  the  19th  is  received.  Since  its 
date  matters  here  have  changed  greatly  for  the  better,  and  I  have  made  two 
calls  for  ten  millions  each. 

There  is  a  strong,  steady  demand  for  our  bonds,  and  I  have  now  no  fear 
but  the  two  hundred  millions  four  and  a  halfs  will  be  exhausted  before  the 
1st  of  July,  when  they  will  be  withdrawn.  The  prospect  of  placing  the  four 
per  cent,  bonds,  commencing  July  1,  is  very  good.  I  have  submitted  to  the 
syndicate  a  proposition  in  substance  requiring  them  to  take  twenty-five  mil 
lions  four  per  cents,  during  July  and  August,  of  which  five  millions  will  be 
for  resumption  purposes,  with  a  stipulation  that  if  they  take  fifty  millions 
additional  in  September  and  October  the  contract  will  be  extended  to  Jan 
uary  1,  1878,  five  millions  a  month  to  be  applied  for  resumption  purposes. 
I  do  not  propose  to  vary  essentially  from  the  proposition.  I  have  another 
offer  almost  as  good  from  other  parties,  but  I  hope  to  combine  these  two 
offers  into  a  modified  syndicate,  and,  if  possible,  reserve  the  right  to  sell 
bonds  at  par,  in  coin  or  5-20  bonds,  to  persons  who  apply  directly  to 
me  for  exchange,  giving,  however,  the  syndicate  the  half  per  cent,  com 
mission.  We  will  considerably  reduce  the  cost  of  the  bonds,  I  think,  to 
one-tenth  of  one  per  cent.,  so  that  the  contracting  parties  will  have  a  reason 
ably  fair  commission.  I  am  already  assured  of  many  sales  of  the  bonds  when 
ever  offered,  without  the  aid  of  the  syndicate,  so  that  I  consider  myself 
strong  enough  to  undertake  the  placing  the  bonds  even  without  their  aid,  if 
they  will  not  agree  to  reasonable  terms.  If  I  can  secure  the  active,  hearty 
cooperation  of  all  the  parties  who  wish  to  engage  in  selling  the  bonds,  and 
they  will  be  content  with  a  reasonable  profit,  the  operation  of  funding  can 
go  on  so  rapidly  that  they  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  the  profit  they  will  make, 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  575 

I  have  not  overlooked  the  possibility  that  some  movement  of  coin  will 
be  made  to  meet  called  bonds  in  Europe  in  excess  of  bonds  sold  there,  but 
hope  to  perfect  arrangements  by  which  I  will  secure  American  bullion  to 
meet  this  demand,  without  stopping  accumulations  of  coin  in  the  treasury. 

The  prospects  here  are  favorable  for  a  good  crop  in  all  the  states  of  the 
Mississippi  valley,  but  there  will  probably  be  a  bad  crop  in  California. 

What  we  must  do  is  push  the  loan  so  that  it  will  be  an  established  suc 
cess  before  the  meeting  of  Congress.  If  you  can  succeed  in  inspiring  the 
Rothschilds  to  aid  this  purpose  I  am  sure  of  success.  My  proposition  has 
been  sent  to  them,  and  I  was  advised  would  be  answered  by  telegram  about 
this  time  ;  but  by  the  15th  I  hope  to  have  the  arrangements  completed. 

If  upon  receipt  of  this  letter  there  is  anything  of  striking  interest  affect 
ing  the  loan  you  may  cable  me. 

All  well  in  the  department.  Matters  are  going  along  quietly  and 
steadily.  Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HON.  CHAS.  F.  CONANT,  London. 

This  letter  he  received  about  the  time  the  new  contract  was 
executed.  I  subsequently  sent  him  the  following  cable  telegram: 

WASHINGTON,  June  9,  1877. 
CONANT,  London  : 

Contract  of  August  24,  1876,  closed  new  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds 
at  $200,000,000.  New  contract  twenty-five  millions  four  per  cent,  bonds 
taken  firm.  Particulars  by  mail.  SHERMAN. 

Two  days  later  I  received  a  reply,  as  follows: 

LONDON,  June  11,  1877. 
SHERMAN,  Washington  : 

Congratulations.  Rothschilds  request  me  to  say  that  it  is  important  for 
this  market  that  the  public  subscriptions  in  America  for  four  per  cents,  should 
be  a  success,  and  this  will  make  the  market  for  London.  N.  M.  Rothschild  & 
Sons  hope  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  advise  that  banks  subscribe  immedi 
ately.  J.  S.  Morgan  &  Co.,  N.  M.  Rothschild  &  Sons,  think  subscription  should 
be  opened  soon,  in  view  of  preparing  London  market.  CONANT. 

This  new  agreement  gave  at  once  a  great  impetus  to  the 
new  loan  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  in  London. 
The  following  letters  received  indicate  this: 

MERCHANTS'  NATIONAL  BANK,          ) 
CLEVELAND,  O.,  June  11,  1877.  j 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  Treasury  United  States. 

DEAR  SIR  : — We  learn  that  you  propose  to  offer  to  the  public  a  certain 
portion  of  the  new  four  per  cent,  loan  for  a  limited  time,  the  amount  sub 
scribed  to  be  paid  in  gold  at  the  par  value  of  the  bonds. 

This  bank,  being  a  public  depositary  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  glad  to  further  your  plans,  and  act  as  agent  for  the  sale  of 


576  RECOLLECTIONS 

such  portion  of  the  loan  as  you  may  suggest,  and  endeavor  to  give  it  such 
publicity  as  would  secure  the  sale  of  a  portion  of  these  bonds  in  this  part 
of  Ohio. 

Wishing  you  success  in  the  effort,  I  remain,  very  respectfully  and  truly, 

T.  P.  HANDY,  President. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  June  12,  1877. 
JOHN  P.  HUNT,  ESQ.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

SIR  : — Your  note  is  received.  The  department  will  be  happy  to  receive 
your  subscription  in  a  short  time.  The  bonds  are  not  prepared,  and  the 
treasury  regulations  for  the  popular  subscription  cannot  be  issued  for  a  few 
days,  when  a  copy  will  be  sent  you. 

It  is  the  purpose  to  give  you,  and  all  other  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
an  opportunity  to  subscribe  at  some  convenient  place  in  the  city  of  your  res 
idence,  to  be  designated  in  due  time,  requiring  only  a  small  deposit  at  the 
time  of  subscription,  and  allowing  the  privilege  of  paying  at  any  time  within 
ninety  days  thereafter. 

The  bonds  will  bear  date  the  1st  of  July,  and  will  be  sold  at  par  in  coin 
and  accruing  interest  to  date  of  payment. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

Contemporaneous  with  this  contract  for  selling  the  four  per 
cent,  bonds  for  gold  coin,  there  appeared  in  the  New  York 
"  Times "  a  suggestion  that  these  bonds  could  be  paid  in  silver. 
Henry  F.  French,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  a  pub 
lished  letter  of  the  date  of  June  11,  asserted  his  opinion  that  the 
bonds  issued  under  the  act  of  July  14,  1870,  for  refunding,  were 
redeemable  in  coin  of  the  standard  value  at  that  date,  and  that 
"as  it  cannot  be  known  what  bonds  have  been  transferred 
since  the  act  of  1873,  all  bonds  under  the  act  of  1870  must  be 
paid  in  gold  coin  of  the  standard  value  named  in  the  act  of 
1873." 

I  received  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Seligman  &  Co.,  inclosing 
an  extract  from  the  New  York  "  Times,"  as  follows  : 

NEW  YORK,  June  12,  1877. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington. 

DEAR  MR.  SECRETARY  : — We  beg  to  inclose  a  short  editorial  article 
which  appeared  in  to-day's  New  York  '  Times,'  which,  coming  from  a  Repub 
lican  paper,  may  frighten  investors  in  our  country  and  abroad.  Intelligent 
people  know  that  you,  sir,  as  well  as  President  Hayes,  are  sound  on  the  sil 
ver  question,  and  yet  it  may  appear  to  you  proper,  and  highly  advantageous 
to  the  prompt  marketing  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  to  disabuse  those  who 
have  been  led  to  believe  that  the  President  and  you  favor  the  remonetizing 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  577 

of  silver,  with  a  view  of  paying  our  national  debt  in  a  metal  so  fluctuating 
as  silver  has  become  since  the  principal  nations  of  Europe  have  demonetized 
it.  We  remain,  dear  Mr.  secretary,  your  obedient  servants, 

J.  &.  W.  SELIGMAN  &  Co. 

The  article  in  the  New  York  " Times,"  of  June  12, 1877,  said: 

"  In  a  dispatch  received  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  yesterday  from 
Mr.  Conant,  the  syndicate  agent  in  London,  it  was  stated  that  the  contract 
touching  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  is  well  received  in  London,  and  the  new 
bond  bids  fair  to  be  the  most  popular  of  American  securities.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  bond  has  many  advantages  both  for  home  and  foreign  invest 
ors.  It  has  only  one  point  of  weakness,  and  that  is,  that  if  the  silver  ring 
should  succeed  in  getting  an  unlimited  issue  of  legal  tender  silver  dollars, 
this  bond  would  be  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  that  coin.  Shrewd 
men,  who  know  what  silver  has  done  and  is  liable  to  do  in  the  way  of  ups 
and  downs,  will  take  this  fact  into  consideration,  and  the  government  will 
ultimately  be  compelled  to  do  the  same.  At  present  the  strength  of  the 
silver  movement  is  estimated  to  be  small,  but  if  this  estimate  should  prove 
to  be  mistaken,  the  new  four  per  cents,  would  suffer." 

Mr.  August  Belmont  wrote  me  a  letter  upon  this  subject  of 
the  date  of  June  14th,  in  which  he  said : 

"  Permit  me  to  add  a  few  words  to  the  letter  of  my  house  of  this  day,  in 
order  to  urge  upon  you  the  vital  importance  of  an  official  expression  of 
yours  over  your  own  signature,  in  the  sense  of  the  letter  of  Assistant  Secre 
tary  French,  published  in  this  morning's  papers. 

*****«**.* 

"You  are  placed  at  this  moment,  by  a  large  portion  of  your  political 
friends,  in  a  somewhat  similar  position  as  the  late  Mr.  Chase  was  by  the 
attempt  of  Thad.  Stevens  to  have  Congress  pass  a  law  to  declare  the  princi 
pal  of  the  5-20  bonds  payable  in  currency. 

"  Mr.  Chase  took  the  bull  by  the  horns  by  declaring,  over  his  own  signa 
ture,  that  the  principal  as  well  as  the  interest  of  the  5-20  bonds  were  paya 
ble  in  gold,  the  faith  of  the  United  States  being  pledged  to  this  by  the  tacit 
understanding  of  the  government  and  its  creditors. 

"Nothing  has  reflected  more  credit  and  renown  upon  that  great  states 
man —  then  as  prominent  and  favored  a  son  of  the  noble  State  of  Ohio  as 
you  are  to-day  —  and  nothing  more  effectually  paved  the  way  to  the  great 
work  of  reducing  the  burden  of  our  people  by  lowering  our  interest  one- 
third  than  that  expression,  sanctioned  and  confirmed  by  subsequent  enact 
ment  of  Congress  in  1869. 

•x-*.*****-** 

"You  will,  in  my  opinion,  insure  the  success  of  your  financial  measures, 
and  add  greatly  to  your  high  and  prominent  political  position,  if  you  will 
unequivocally  declare  that  the  funded  debt  of  the  government  can  only  be 


578  RECOLLECTIONS 

redeemed,  principal  and  interest,  in  gold  coin,  and  that  until  otherwise 
agreed  upon  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  great  commercial  nations  of  the 
United  States,  England,  France,  and  Germany,  the  silver  dollar  can  only  be 
accepted  as  an  auxiliary  standard  for  the  payment  of  fractional  indebtedness." 

To  this  I  replied  as  follows : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,      ) 
WASHINGTON,  June  16,  1877.  \ 

DEAR  SIR  : — Your  private  note,  the  letter  of  your  firm,  and  one  from 
Messrs.  Seligman  &  Co.,  asking  me  to  make  a  public  statement  over  my 
own  signature,  similar  to  that  of  Mr.  French,  are  received.  I  have  given  to 
this  important  suggestion  the  most  serious  consideration,  and  have  come  to 
the  firm  conclusion  that  such  an  act  on  my  part  would  be  inexpedient,  and 
defeat  the  very  object  you  have  in  view.  As  a  purely  executive  officer,  I 
have  no  power  to  pass  upon  the  question  mooted.  My  attempt  to  do  so 
would  at  once  unite  all  those  who  are  seized  with  this  mania,  and  those  who 
oppose  executive  encroachment  upon  legislative  power.  It  would  create 
excitement,  personal  and  political  animosities  would  mingle  with  it,  and  it 
would  tend  more  than  anything  else  to  defeat  the  success  of  the  loan.  I  am 
quite  sure  this  would  be  the  result. 

As  to  whether  Congress  or  the  people  would  ever  undertake  to  pay 
either  principal  or  interest  of  the  bonded  debt,  and  especially  the  bonds  sold 
since  1873,  in  silver,  I  have  a  firm  conviction  that  the  question  will  never 
seriously  be  raised.  These  bonds  will  be  paid,  principal  and  interest,  in 
gold  coin.  The  people  of  the  United  States  have  always  been  extremely 
sensitive  as  to  the  public  credit.  They  never  have,  for  the  sake  of  an  appar 
ent  profit,  yielded  any  question  involving  the  public  honor. 

The  great  satisfaction  that  will  arise  from  the  funding  of  the  loan  at  a 
low  rate  of  interest,  together  with  their  strong  sense  of  public  honor  and 
public  faith,  will  always  secure  the  payment  of  these  bonds,  principal  and 
interest,  in  coin. 

Parties  or  factions  may,  for  a  time,  raise  and  contest  questions,  but  they 
are  but  bubbles,  and  will  pass  away,  and,  like  all  other  questions  involving 
the  public  credit,  will  be  rightfully  settled,  in  due  time,  by  Congress  and 
the  people. 

Nothing  would  so  tend  to  disturb  this  result  as  unauthorized  '  theses,' 
or  dogmas,  by  an  executive  officer,  upon  a  question  purely  legislative  or 
judicial.  Indeed,  it  may  be  that  too  much  has  already  been  said  about  this 
matter  by  both  the  President  and  myself,  and  I  assure  you  that  you  will  have 
no  occasion  to  be  disturbed  by  anything  truthfully  reported  of  either  of  us 
hereafter.  The  better  way  is  to  move  right  along,  making  your  own  state 
ments,  and  if,  at  any  time,  I  see  a  proper  occasion  for  a  strong  expression  of 
my  opinion,  I  will  give  it. 

Please  show  this  to  Mr.  Seligman,  and  such  of  your  associates  as  you 
deem  proper,  as  an  answer  to  all.     Very  truly  yours,      JOHN  SHERMAN. 
HON.  AUGUST  BELMONT,  New  York. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  579 

The  new  loan  was  promptly  placed  on  the  market  on  the 
14th  of  June  by  the  following  circular  letter  signed  by  the 
members  of  the  syndicate  : 

Under  the  authority  of  a  contract  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
the  undersigned  hereby  give  notice  that  from  this  date  until  July  16,  at  3 
p.  m.,  they  will  receive  subscriptions  for  the  four  per  cent,  funded  loan  of 
the  United  States  in  denominations  as  stated  below,  at  par  and  accrued 
interest  in  gold  coin. 

The  bonds  are  redeemable  after  thirty  years  from  July  1,  1877,  and 
carry  interest  from  that  date,  payable  quarterly,  and  are  exempt  from  the 
payment  of  taxes  or  duties  to  the  United  States,  as  well  as  from  taxation  in 
any  form,  by  or  under  state,  municipal,  or  local  authority. 

The  interest  on  the  registered  stock  will  be  paid  by  check,  issued  by  the 
treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  the  order  of  the  holder,  and  mailed  to  his 
address.  The  check  is  payable  on  presentation,  properly  indorsed,  at  the 
offices  of  the  treasurer  and  assistant  treasurers  of  the  United  States. 

The  subscriptions  will  be  for  coupon  bonds  of  $50  and  $100,  and  regis 
tered  stock  in  denominations  of  $50,  $100,  $500,  $1,000,  $5,000,  and  $10,000. 

The  bonds,  both  coupon  and  registered,  will  be  ready  for  delivery  July 
2,  1877. 

Forms  of  application  will  be  furnished  by  the  treasurer  at  Washington, 
the  assistant  treasurers  at  Baltimore,  Boston,  Chicago,  Cincinnati,  New  Or 
leans,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  St.  Louis,  and  San  Francisco,  and  by  the 
national  banks  and  bankers  generally.  The  applications  must  specify  the 
amount  and  denominations  required,  and  for  registered  stock  the  full  name 
and  post  office  address  of  the  person  to  whom  the  bonds  shall  be  made 
payable. 

Two  per  cent,  of  the  purchase  money  must  accompany  the  subscription. 
The  remainder  may  be  paid,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  purchaser,  either  at  the 
time  of  the  subscription  or  at  any  time  prior  to  October  16,  1877,  with  inter 
est  added  at  four  per  cent,  to  date  of  payment. 

The  payments  may  be  made  in  gold  coin  to  the  treasurer  of  the  United 
States  at  Washington,  or  assistant  treasurers  at  Baltimore,  Boston,  Chicago, 
Cincinnati,  New  Orleans,  and  St.  Louis,  and  to  the  assistant  treasurer  at  San 
Francisco,  with  exchange  on  New  York,  or  to  either  of  the  undersigned. 

To  promote  the  convenience  of  subscribers,  the  undersigned  will  also 
receive,  in  lieu  of  coin,  United  States  notes  or  drafts  on  New  York,  at  their 
coin  value  on  the  day  of  receipt  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

AUGUST  BELMONT  &-Co.,  New  York. 
DREXEL,  MORGAN  &  Co.,  New  York. 
**'  &  W.  SELIGMAN  &  Co.,  New  York. 


T        1 

MORTON,  BLISS  &  Co.,  New  York. 

FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK,  New  York. 
DREXEL  &  Co.,  Philadelphia. 


580  RECOLLECTIONS 

A  few  days  later  I  wrote  the  following  letter : 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  June  19,  1877.  j 

gIR:  —  Your  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  in  which  you  inquire  whether 
the  four  per  cent,  bonds  now  being  sold  by  the  government  are  payable, 
principal  and  interest,  in  gold  coin,  is  received.  The  subject,  from  its  great 
importance,  has  demanded  and  received  careful  consideration. 

Under  laws  now  in  force,  there  is  no  coin  issued  or  issuable  in  which 
the  principal  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  is  redeemable,  or  the  interest  paya 
ble,  except  the  gold  coins  of  the  United  States  of  the  standard  value  fixed 
by  laws  in  force  on  the  14th  of  July,  1870,  when  the  bonds  were  authorized. 

The  government  exacts,  in  exchange  for  these  bonds,  payment  at  par 
in  such  gold  coin,  and  it  is  not  to  be  anticipated  that  any  future  legis 
lation  of  Congress,  or  any  action  of  any  department  of  the  government, 
would  sanction  or  tolerate  the  redemption  of  the  principal  of  these  bonds,  or 
the  payment  of  the  interest  thereon,  in  coin,  of  less  value  than  the  coin 
authorized  by  law  at  the  time  of  the  issue  of  the  bonds,  being  the  coin 
exacted  by  the  government  in  exchange  for  the  same. 

The  essential  element  of  good  faith,  in  preserving  the  equality  in  value 
between  the  coinage  in  which  the  government  receives  and  that  in  which  it 
pays  these  bonds,  will  be  sacredly  observed  by  the  government  and  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States,  whatever  may  be  the  system  of  coinage  which  the 
general  policy  of  the  nation  may  at  any  time  adopt. 

This  principle  is  impressed  upon  the  text  of  the  law  of  July  14,  1870, 
under  which  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  are  issued,  and  requires,  in  the  opin 
ion  of  the  executive  department  of  the  government,  the  redemption  of  these 
bonds  and  the  payment  of  their  interest  in  coin  of  equal  value  with  that 
which  the  government  receives  from  its  issue. 

Very  respectfully,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 

FKANCIS  O.  FRENCH,  Esq.,  94  Broadway,  New  York. 

The  subscriptions  were  taken  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  within  thirty  days  $67,600,000  were  taken  in  this 
country  and  $10,200,000  in  Europe,  making  $77,800,000  sold. 
This  sum,  when  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  made  an  annual  saving  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  of  $1,556,000.  Since  the  1st  of  March,  1877,  there  had 
been  sold  under  the  refunding  act  $135,000,000  four  and  a  half 
per  cent,  bonds  and  that  amount  of  six  per  cent,  bonds  was 
paid  off  and  canceled,  thus  saving  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  $2,025,000  in  coin  each  year.  The  aggregate  reduction 
of  interest  by  both  classes  of  bonds,  from  the  1st  of  March  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  581 

the  close  of  the  popular  loan,  was  $3,581,000  a  year  in  coin. 
This  was  regarded  as  a  great  success. 

Early  in  July  I  set  out  on  the  revenue  cutter  "U.  S.  Grant" 
on  a  visit  of  inspection  along  the  north  Atlantic  coast,  accom 
panied  by  the  chief  of  the  coast  survey,  the  secretary  of  the 
lighthouse  board,  the  superintendent  of  the  life-saving  service, 
and  the  chief  of  the  revenue  marine  service,  and  also  by  Webb 
Hayes,  the  son  of  the  President.  We  visited  the  life-saving 
stations  along  the  New  Jersey  coast.  I  was  deeply  interested 
in  this  service,  which  I  regard  as  the  most  deserving  humani 
tarian  branch  of  the  public  service.  We  also  visited  some  of  the 
leading  lighthouses  along  the  coast  and  the  principal  custom 
houses  between  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Eastport,  Maine.  We 
were  everywhere  received  with  great  kindness  and  many  social 
courtesies  were  extended  to  us,  especially  in  New  York,  Boston 
and  Portland.  This  outing  was  a  great  relief  from  the  close 
confinement  I  had  undergone  since  the  4th  of  March.  The  in 
formation  I  gathered  as  to  these  branches  of  the  service,  with 
which  I  had  not  previously  had  much  acquaintance,  was  of  great 
value  to  me.  Such  trips  are  sometimes  treated  by  the  press  as 
"  junketing  "  at  the  public  expense.  This  is  a  great  error.  Each 
of  us  paid  his  share  of  the  expenses  and  the  vessel  only  pursued 
its  usual  course  of  duty.  I  was  brought  into  close  associa 
tion  with  these  subordinate  officers  of  the  department  and  be 
came  informed  of  their  duties,  and  their  fitness  for  them,  and 
was  enabled  to  act  with  intelligence  on  their  recommenda 
tions. 

The  only  unpleasant  incident  that  occurred  on  the  trip  was 
the  running  of  the  cutter  upon  a  rock  upon  the  coast  of  Maine. 
This  happened  in  the  afternoon  of  a  beautiful  day.  All  the 
gentlemen  with  me  and  the  officers  of  the  vessel  were  on  deck. 
The  various  buoys  were  being  pointed  out  and  a  map  of  the 
channel  was  lying  before  us.  Some  mention  was  made  of  a 
buoy  that  ought  to  be  near  the  place  where  we  were  to  mark 
the  location  of  a  rock,  but  none  was  found,  and  suddenly  we 
heard  the  scraping  of  the  vessel  upon  the  rock.  The  cutter 
trembled  and  careened  over.  The  captain  was  somewhat 
alarmed  and  turned  the  vessel  toward  the  beach,  where  it  was 


I 


582  RECOLLECTIONS 

speedily  examined  and  found  to  be  somewhat  injured.  We 
ascertained  afterwards  that  the  buoy  had  been  displaced  by  a 
storm  and  that  a  vessel  was  then  on  its  way  to  replace  it.  The 
sinking  of  the  revenue  cutter  "U.  S.  Grant"  was  reported  in 
the  morning  dispatches  and  created  some  excitement ;  but  the 
vessel  did  not  sustain  any  substantial  injury.  We  thought  it 
best  to  leave  it  for  a  time  to  be  thoroughly  examined  and  re 
paired,  and  took  another  vessel  to  complete  our  journey  to 
Eastport,  the  northeastern  port  of  the  United  States.  From 
thence  Webb  Hayes  and  myself  returned  to  Portland  and 
crossed  over  to  Burlington,  Vermont,  on  Lake  Champlain,  and 
from  thence  went  to  Saratoga,  where  we  remained  a  few  days, 
and  then  returned  to  Washington  on  the  22nd  of  July.  We 
passed  through  Baltimore  on  the  day  the  riots  occurred  in  that 
city,  and  soon  after  heard  of  the  much  more  dangerous  out 
break  in  Pittsburg. 

On  the  6th  of  August  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Conant  as  follows : 

"  Your  letter  of  the  26th  ultimo  is  received.  You  can  safely  say  to  the 
Messrs.  Rothschild  that  the  strikes  have  been  totally  disconnected  with  the 
government,  but  grow  purely  out  of  a  contract  between  the  managers  of 
leading  lines  of  railway  and  their  employes  as  to  rates  of  pay. 

"  The  railroad  companies  have,  for  several  years,  competed  with  each 
other  in  a  very  improvident  and  reckless  way,  and  are  now,  and  have  been 
for  some  time,  carrying  freight  for  less  than  cost.  This  has  caused  a  large 
reduction  of  the  net  income  of  roads,  has  led  to  the  loss  of  dividends,  and 
now  to  the  reduction  of  wages  of  employes  to  rates  scarcely  sufficient  to 
support  life.  Hence  the  strikes. 

"  The  government  has  been  appealed  to  by  both  railroads  and  strikers,  by 
states  and  by  cities,  for  relief,  and  has  promptly  extended  it  in  every  proper 
case,  and,  without  shedding  blood,  has,  in  every  case,  suppressed  the  riot, 
and  maintained  the  peace,  so  that  the  government  is  really  stronger  by 
reason  of  these  unfortunate  events  than  before.  I  do  not  observe  that  any 
change  has  been  made  by  them,  either  in  the  price  of  bonds  or  in  the  price 
of  gold,  nor  in  the  payment  of  subscriptions  to  four  per  cent,  bonds. 

"  No  effort  is  made  to  sell  the  bonds  now,  nor  do  I  care  to  press  the  home 
market,  until  enough  bonds  are  sold  abroad  to  provide  for  called  bonds 
abroad. 

"  The  month  of  August  must  necessarily  be  a  languid  one,  and  I  do  not 
advise  any  unusual  efforts  to  force  sales. 

"  Your  supplemental  cipher  was  received  after  your  telegram,  but  was 
soon  found  and  dispatch  made  out." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  583 

• 

I  no  doubt  was  mistaken  in  the  effect  of  the  strikes  upon 
our  public  credit.  From  that  time  forward  for  many  months 
there  was  scarcely  any  sale  of  government  bonds  at  any  price. 
The  contracting  parties  informed  me  that  no  bonds  were  then 
selling  in  the  market  and  that  in  New  York  they  were  a  trifle 
below  par.  Practically,  for  the  remainder  of  the  year,  govern 
ment  securities  were  greatly  affected  in  price  and  value. 

S.— 41 


CHAPTER  XXX. 
POLICY  OF  THE  HAYES  ADMINISTRATION. 

Reception  at  My  Home  in  Mansfield— Given  by  Friends  Irrespective  of  Party  — 
Introduced  by  My  Old  Friend  and  Partner  Henry  C.  Hedges— I  Reply  by  Giving 
a  R£sum£  of  the  Contests  in  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana  to  Decide  Who 
Was  Governor  —  Positions  Taken  by  Presidents  Grant  and  Hayes  in  These 
Contests  —My  Plans  to  Secure  the  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments- 
Effects  of  a  Depreciated  Currency  — Duties  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  — Two  Modes  of  Resuming— My  Mansfield  Speech 
Printed  Throughout  the  Country  and  in  England  —  Let 
ters  to  Stanley  Matthews  and  General  Robinson— Our 
Defeat  in  Ohio  — An  Extra  Session  of  Congress  — 
Bills  Introduced  to  Repeal  the  Act  Providing 
for  the  Resumption  of  Specie  Payments  — 
They  All   Fail  of   Passage  —  Popular 
Subscription  of  Bonds  All  Paid  for. 

ABOUT  the  10th  of  August  I  made  my  usual  visit  to  my 
home  at   Mansfield.      Soon  after    my    arrival  I    re 
ceived  the   following    invitation,  signed  by  a  great 
number  of  my  neighbors  and  friends,  without  respect 
to  party,  expressing  a  desire  to  tender  me  a  reception  : 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  The  undersigned,  your  townsmen,  and  fellow-citizens 
of  Richland  county,'  desire  to  give  you  some  manifestation  of  the  very 
idgh  regard  in  which  we  hold  your  public  services.  We  are  glad  to  know 
that  you  are  permitted  to  again  be  at  your  own  home,  and  for  a  week 
or  two  mingle  with  us  in  all  the  unrestrained  freedom  of  friends  and  towns 
men. 

Financial  and  other  public  questions  are,  however,  of  importance  to  us 
always,  and  especially  now.  We  recognize  your  great  ability  and  long  ex 
perience,  and  cannot  but  think  that  an  expression  of  your  views  on  these 
questions  will  be  very  highly  prized  by  the  people  of  Ohio,  irrespective  of 
party.  We  therefore  desire,  with  your  sanction,  on  some  day  during  the 
next  week,  to  give  you  a  hearty  welcome  to  your  old  home,  and  shall  be 
glad  to  have  you,  on  the  occasion,  give  your  views  on  the  public  questions, 
now  of  such  vast  importance  to  all.  With  our  kindest  regards,  we  are, 

Your  friends,  etc.,  etc. 
(584) 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  585 

I  replied  as  follows: 

MANSFIELD,  O.,  August  13,  1877. 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  received  with  much  pleasure  your  kindly  letter  of  the 
10th  inst.,  signed  by  so  many  of  my  old  friends  and  neighbors  in" Mansfield, 
and  assure  you  of  my  high  appreciation  of  your  generous  words  of  courtesy 
and  regard. 

I  always  return  with  satisfaction  to  my  home  on  the  western  slopes  of 
our  little  city,  and  always  enjoy  the  fresh  air  and  picturesque  country  around 
us,  but,  more  than  all,  the  cordial  greetings  of  old  friends,  with  whom  I 
have  been  acquainted  since  boyhood.  It  will  give  me  much  pleasure,  at 
any  time  or  place,  to  meet  you,  and  to  speak  to  you  on  current  public  ques 
tions,  and  I  venture  to  name  next  Friday  evening. 

Very  truly  yours,  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  gathering  was  one  of  the  largest  that  had  come  together 
in  Mansfield  for  years.  The  evening  was  delightful,  cool  and 
balmy,  a  bright  moonlight  adding  attraction  to  the  scene.  A 
stand  decorated  with  flags  had  been  erected  near  the  center 
of  the  park,  with  seats  in  front,  and  lights  gleamed  on  either 
hand.  I  was  introduced  to  the  audience  by  my  old  friend 
and  partner,  Henry  C.  Hedges,  whose  remarks  were  too  flatter 
ing  for  me  to  insert.  In  closing  he  said : 

"  Regarding  you  as  our  friend,  our  neighbor,  our  townsman,  we  are  glad 
and  rejoice.  We  welcome  you  home,  though  your  stay  may  be  only  a  few 
days,  and  we  sincerely  trust  that,  rested  by  your  stay,  you  may  go  back  to 
your  work  reinvigorated,  and  that  frequently  we  may  have  the  pleasure  of 
your  temporary  visits,  and  in  the  future,  when  your  labors  are  finished, 
among  us  you  may  spend  your  old  age,  honored  and  happy." 

As  my  speech  expressed  my  views  upon  important  ques 
tions  of  that  time,  I  think  it  well  to  embody  extracts  from 
it  as  part  of  the  history  of  the  then  recent  events,  and  my 
anticipations  for  the  future  : 

"  The  kindly  words  of  welcome  uttered  by  my  friend  and  associate  of 
many  years  move  me  beyond  expression.  They  recall  to  me  the  scene  of 
the  early  time  when  I  came  to  Mansfield,  then  a  scattered  hamlet  of  about 
1,100  inhabitants,  without  pavements  and  without  any  of  the  modern  conven 
iences  of  cities  and  towns.  As  Mr.  Hedges  has  told  you,  very  many  of  those 
T  then  met  here  are  dead  and  gone.  I  was  a  boy  then.  A  generation  has 
passed  away,  and  the  sons  of  those  I  met  then  as  citizens  of  Richland  county 
now  fill  places  of  trust  and  responsibility.  I  have  every  reason  in  the  world 
for  being  strongly  attached  to  this  town  of  Mansfield.  You  have  always 
been  kind  to  me.  Here  I  studied  law,  here  I  practiced  my  profession  for 


586  RECOLLECTIONS 

several  years,  here  I  married  my  wife,  a  native  of  your  town,  here  I  have 
lived  ever  since,  and  when  this  mortal  coil  shall  be  shuffled  off,  here,  prob 
ably,  will  my  body  rest  with  your  fathers.  But  pardon  me,  fellow-citizens, 
if,  under  the  kind  words  of  welcome  of  your  spokesman,  my  old  and  honored 
friend,  Mr.  Hedges,  I  had  forgotten  that  we  are  not  here  merely  to  exchange 
courtesies,  but  to  discuss  grave  matters  of  far  more  importance  than  the  life 
or  memories  of  an  individual. 

"  In  doing  so  I  wish  it  distinctly  understood  that  I  speak  for  myself  alone, 
as  a  citizen  of  Ohio,  to  you  my  fellow-citizens  and  my  neighbors,  to  whom  I 
am  under  the  highest  obligations  of  gratitude  and  duty. 

"  The  President  authorized  me  to  say  one  thing,  and  one  thing  only,  for 
him,  and  in  his  name,  and  that  is  that  all  reports  that  impute  to  him  any 
participation  whatever  in  the  nomination  of  candidates  on  your  state  ticket, 
or  any  desire  or  purpose  to  influence  in  any  way  the  senatorial  contest  in 
Ohio,  are  utterly  groundless. 

"  These  are  your  matters,  and  I  can  assure  you  for  him,  that  he  does  not 
and  will  not,  interpose  in  any  such  contest  between  political  friends. 

"  You  all  know  that  I  am  now,  and  have  been,  warmly  attached  to  the 
Republican  party.  I  believe  in  its  principles  and  honor  its  work.  With 
my  strong  convictions  I  could  not  conceal  my  partisan  bias,  or  my  earnest 
hope  for  the  success  of  the  Republican  party,  but  the  subjects  of  which  I 
intend  to  speak  to  you  to-night  will  not  lead  me  to  say  much  of  former 
political  struggles,  or  to  fight  our  old  battles  over  again,  but  chiefly  to 
discuss  the  actual  administrative  questions  of  the  day  as  they  have  arisen 
since  the  4th  of  March  last,  and  in  all  of  which  you  are  alike  interested, 
whether  you  may  call  yourselves  Republicans  or  Democrats.  As  to  these 
questions  I  wish  fairly  to  appeal  to  the  candor  and  good  judgment  of 
honest  men  of  both  parties,  only  asking  for  the  administration  of  President 
Hayes  that  considerate  charity  of  judgment  which  must  be  extended  to  all 
human  agents. 

"When  Mr.  Hayes  was  inaugurated  as  President  he  found  thirty-six 
states  in  the  full  and  uncontested  exercise  of  all  the  powers  of  states  in  the 
Union.  In  two  states  only  there  were  contests  as  to  who  was  governor. 
Both  contests  had  existed  from  January  to  March,  1877,  while  General 
Grant  was  President. 

"  In  South  Carolina  Governor  Chamberlain  claimed  to  have  been  elected 
on  the  Republican  ticket,  and  General  Hampton  on  the  Democratic  ticket. 
The  President  is  not  made  the  judge  of  who  is  elected  governor  of  a  state, 
and  an  attempt  to  exercise  such  a  power  would  be  a  plain  act  of  usurpation. 
The  constitution  of  South  Carolina  is  much  like  that  of  Ohio.  The  count  of 
the  vote  was  to  be  made  by  the  general  assembly  of  the  state.  Unfortu 
nately  for  Chamberlain  a  controlling  question  in  the  contest  had  been 
decided  against  him  by  a  Republican  court,  and  he  was  only  kept  in  posses 
sion  of  the  state  house  by  the  actual  presence  of  United  States  troops  in  the 
building.  He  had  appealed  again  and  again  to  President  Grant  to 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  587 

recognize  him  as  governor  and  to  give  him  the  aid  of  Federal  troops  in  the 
enforcement  of  his  claim,  which  General  Grant  had  refused,  seeking  only  to 
preserve  the  public  peace. 

"  When  President  Hayes  was  inaugurated  both  contestants  were  called 
to  Washington  and  both  were  patiently  heard  and  the  questions  presented 
were  patiently  and  carefully  examined.  The  President  held  that  a  case  was 
not  presented  in  which,  under  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  he  was  justified 
in  using  the  army  of  the  United  States  in  deciding  a  purely  local  election 
contest.  The  soldiers  and  bayonets  of  the  United  States  were  then  with 
drawn  from  the  state  house — not  from  the  state,  nor  the  capital  of  the  state 
— but  from  the  building  in  which  the  legislature,  that  alone  could  lawfully 
decide  this  contest,  must  meet.  This  was  all  that  was  done  by  the  Presi 
dent,  and  Governor  Chamberlain,  without  further  contesting  his  claim, 
abandoned  it  and  left  the  state. 

"I  say  to  you  now  that,  strongly  as  I  desired  the  success  of  Governor 
Chamberlain  and  the  Republican  party  in  South  Carolina,  the  President  had 
not  a  shadow  of  right  to  interpose  the  power  of  the  army  in  this  contest,  and 
his  attempt  to  do  so  would  have  been  rash  and  abortive  as  well  as  without 
legal  right. 

"The  case  of  Louisiana  was  far  more  difficult.  The  local  returning 
officers  of  that  state  had,  after  a  full  examination,  certified  to  the  election  of 
the  legislature,  showing  a  Republican  majority  in  both  houses.  This  had 
been  done  by  excluding  from  their  return  the  votes  of  certain  parishes  and 
counties  wherein  intimidation,  violence  and  fraud  had  prevailed  to  an  ex 
tent  sufficient  to  change  the  result  of  the  election.  I  was  present,  at  the 
request  of  General  Grant,  to  witness  the  count,  and  I  assure  you,  as  I  have 
said  officially,  that  the  proof  of  this  intimidation,  violence  and  fraud,  extend 
ing  to  murder,  cruelty,  and  outrage  in  every  form,  was  absolutely  conclusive, 
showing  a  degree  of  violence  in  some  of  those  parishes  that  was  more  revolt 
ing  and  barbarous  than  anything  I  could  conceive  of.  It  was  plain  that 
the  returning  officers  had  the  legal  right  to  pass  upon  and  certify,  in  the  first 
instance,  who  were  elected  members  of  the  legislature,  and  that  they  were 
justified  by  the  evidence  in  excluding  bulldozed  parishes,  but  it  was  equally 
clear  that  their  return  was  not  conclusive  upon  the  members  elected,  and 
that  each  house  had  the  constitutional  right  to  pass  upon  the  returns  and 
elections  of  its  members,  and  to  set  aside  the  action  of  the  returning  board. 
The  two  houses,  when  organized,  had  also  the  power  to  pass  upon  the  re 
turns  of  the  election  of  governor,  and  they  alone  and  no  one  else.  Neither 
the  President  of  the  United  States  nor  the  returning  board  has  any  power  or 
right  to  pass  upon  the  election  of  governor.  And  here  the  difficulty  in  the 
Louisiana  case  commences. 

"  Governor  Packard  contends  that  a  majority  of  the  two  houses,  as  duly 
returned,  did  pass  upon  the  election  of  the  governor,  and  did  return  that  he 
was  duly  elected,  but  this  was  stoutly  denied  by  Governor  Nichols.  This 
vital  point  was  strongly  asserted  and  denied  by  the  adverse  parties,  and  the 


588  RECOLLECTIONS 

legislature  of  Louisiana  divided  into  two  hostile  bodies,  holding  separate 
sessions,  each  asserting  its  legal  power,  and  denouncing  the  other  as  rebels 
and  traitors.  Governor  Packard  and  his  legislature  called  upon  President 
Grant  for  the  aid  of  the  army  to  put  down  insurrection  and  domestic  vio 
lence  ;  and  here  I  confess  that  if  I  had  been  President,  instead  of  General 
Grant,  I  would  have  recognized  Packard  and  sustained  him  with  the  full  power 
of  the  general*  government.  My  intense  feeling,  caused  by  the  atrocities  in 
Louisiana,  may  have  unduly  influenced  me.  But  General  Grant  did  not 
think  this  was  his  duty.  I  do  not  criticise  his  action,  but  only  state  the 
facts.  He  would  only  maintain  the  peace.  He  would  not  recognize  Pack 
ard  as  governor,  but  I  know,  what  is  now  an  open  secret,  the  strong  bent  of 
his  mind,  and  at  one  time  his  decision  was  to  withdraw  the  troops,  to  recog 
nize  Nichols  and  thus  end  this  dangerous  contest.  He  did  not  do  this,  but 
kept  the  peace. 

"  But  during  these  two  months  the  whole  condition  of  affairs  had  slowly 
changed  in  Louisiana.  The  government  of  Packard  had  dwindled  away 
until  it  had  scarcely  a  shadow  of  strength  or  authority,  except  at  the  state 
house,  where  it  was  upheld  by  federal  bayonets.  The  government  of 
Nichols  had  extended  its  authority  over  the  state  and  was  in  full  existence 
as  the  de  facto  government  of  Louisiana,  supported  by  the  great  body  of 
the  white  men  and  nearly  all  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of  the  state,  and  by 
the  tired  acquiescence  of  a  large  portion  of  the  colored  people,  some  of 
whom  deserted  Packard's  legislature  and  entered  that  of  Governor  Nichols. 
The  delay  and  hesitation  of  General  Grant  had  been  fatal  to  Packard,  and 
when  Hayes  became  President  the  practical  question  was  greatly  changed. 
One  thing  was  clear,  that  a  legislature  had  been  duly  elected  in  November 
previous,  and  was  then  in  existence,  though  separated  into  two  parts.  If  the 
members  lawfully  elected  could  be  convened,  they  alone  could  decide  the 
question  of  who  was  governor,  without  the  intervention  of  troops,  and  their 
decision  could  be  supported,  if  necessary,  by  the  general  government. 

"The  most  anxious  consideration  was  given  to  this  question.  Days  and 
weeks  of  anxious  deliberation  were  given  to  it  by  the  President  and  his 
cabinet.  But  one  way  seemed  open  for  a  peaceful  solution,  and  that  was  to 
gather,  if  possible,  a  single  legislature  that  could  be  recognized  as  the  de 
positary  of  the  representative  will  of  the  people  of  Louisiana.  If  this  could 
be  done  it  had  the  unquestioned  right  to  decide  who  had  been  elected 
governor,  and  all  other  questions  would  settle  themselves.  To  aid  in  this 
object,  a  commission  of  the  most  eminent  men,  high  in  position,  from  differ 
ent  states,  and  distinguished  for  judicial  impartiality,  was  selected  and  the 
result  is  known  to  all.  They  went  to  Louisiana,  and,  with  great  difficulty, 
brought  together  these  hostile  legislatures  which  met,  organized,  promptly 
settled  the  questions  in  dispute  in  favor  of  the  government  of  Nichols,  and 
thus  ended  this  most  dangerous  controversy.  No  other  change  was  made, 
no  other  act  done  except,  when  the  solution  was  almost  accomplished,  the 
few  troops  which  had  occupied  the  state  house  were  withdrawn  a  few  squares 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  589 

away,  to  their  barracks.  Thus,  in  this  peaceful  appeal  to  the  legislature  of 
Louisiana,  this  controversy,  which  not  only  endangered  the  peace  and  safety 
of  this  state,  but  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  whole  people  of  the  United 
States,  was  settled.  This  is  the  sum  and  substance  of  all  that  was  done 
in  the  southern  policy,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  President. 

"  Perhaps  I  ought  to  state  that  his  policy  has  a  broader  motive  than  a 
mere  settlement  of  a  local  election  contest.  It  seeks  to  bring  the  north  and 
south  again  into  conditions  of  harmony  and  fraternity,  and,  by  a  frank 
appeal  to  the  generous  impulses  and  patriotic  feeling  of  all  classes  of  people 
in  the  south,  to  secure,  not  only  peace  among  themselves,  but  the  equal  pro 
tection  of  the  laws  to  all,  and  security  in  the  enjoyment  of  political  and  civil 
rights. 

"  No  doubt  the  result  in  Louisiana  caused  some  disappointment  to  many 
Republicans  throughout  the  United  States,  who  deeply  sympathized  with 
their  Republican  brethren  in  that  state.  In  that  feeling  I  did,  and  do,  share, 
and  yet  I  feel  and  know  that  every  step  taken  by  President  Hayes  was  right, 
in  strict  accordance  with  his  constitutional  duty,  and  from  the  highest  mo 
tives  of  patriotism.  Some  are  foolish  enough  to  talk  of  his  abandoning  the 
colored  people  and  their  constitutional  rights.  President  Hayes,  from  his 
early  manhood,  has  been  an  anti-slavery  man  ;  his  life  was  imperiled  on 
many  battlefields  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty,  he  sympathizes  more  and  will 
do  more  for  the  equal  rights  of  the  colored  people  than  those  who  falsely 
accuse  him,  and  I  believe  this  day,  that  the  policy  he  has  adopted  will  do 
more  to  secure  the  full  practical  enforcement  of  those  rights  than  the  employ 
ment  of  an  army  tenfold  greater  than  the  army  of  the  United  States." 

In  this  speech  I  stated  the  action  I  proposed  to  take  to 
secure  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  The  plan  was  exe 
cuted  in  all  its  parts  by  me,  and  my  remarks  may,  in  one  sense, 
be  said  to  be  a  history  of  resumption.  Continuing  I  said : 

"  And  now,  fellow-citizens,  this  brings  me  to  the  question  upon  which 
there  is  so  much  diversity  of  opinion,  so  many  strange  delusions,  and  that  is 
the  question  of  specie  payments.  What  do  we  mean  by  this  phrase  ?  Is  it, 
that  we  are  to  have  no  paper  money  in  circulation  ?  If  so,  I  am  as  much 
opposed  to  it  as  any  of  you.  Is  it  that  we  are  to  retire  our  greenback  circu 
lation  ?  If  so,  I  am  opposed  to  it  and  have  often  so  said.  What  I  mean 
by  specie  payments  is  simply  that  paper  money  ought  to  be  made  equal  to 
coin,  so  that  when  you  receive  it,  it  will  buy  as  much  beef,  corn  or  clothing 
as  coin. 

"  Now  the  importance  of  this  cannot  be  overestimated.  A  depreciated 
paper  money  cheats  and  robs  every  man  who  receives  it,  of  a  portion  of  the 
reward  of  his  labor  or  production,  and,  in  all  times,  it  has  been  treated  by 
statesmen  as  one  of  the  greatest  evils  that  can  befall  a  people.  There  are  times 
when  such  money  is  unavoidable,  as  during  war  or  great  public  calamity, 


590  RECOLLECTIONS 

but  it  has  always  been  the  anxious  care  of  statesmen  to  return  again  to  the 
solid  standard  of  coin.  Therefore  it  is  that  specie  payments,  or  a  specie 
standard,  is  pressed  by  the  great  body  of  intelligent  men  who  study  these 
questions,  as  an  indispensable  prerequisite  for  steady  business  and  good 
times. 

"  Now,  most  of  you  will  agree  to  all  this,  and  will  only  differ  as  to  the 
mode,  or  time,  and  manner ;  but  there  is  a  large  class  of  people  who  believe 
that  paper  can  be,  and  ought  to  be,  made  into  money  without  any  promise 
or  hope  of  redemption ;  that  a  note  should  be  printed  :  *  This  is  a  dollar,' 
and  be  made  a  legal  tender. 

"I  regard  this  as  a  mild  form  of  lunacy,  and  have  no  disposition  to 
debate  with  men  who  indulge  in  such  delusions,  which  have  prevailed  to 
some  extent,  at  different  times,  in  all  countries,  but  whose  life  has  been  brief, 
and  which  have  ever  shared  the  fate  of  other  popular  delusions.  Congress 
will  never  entertain  such  a  proposition,  and,  if  it  should,  we  know  that  the 
scheme  would  not  stand  a  moment  before  the  Supreme  Court.  That  court 
only  maintained  the  constitutionality  of  the  legal  tender  promise  to  pay  a 
dollar  by  a  divided  court,  and  on  the  ground  that  it  was  issued  during  the 
war,  as  in  the  nature  of  a  forced  loan,  to  be  redeemed  upon  the  payment  of 
a  real  dollar ;  that  is,  so  many  grains  of  silver  or  gold. 

"  I  therefore  dismiss  such  wild  theories,  and  speak  only  to  those  who  are 
willing  to  assume,  as  an  axiom,  that  gold  and  silver,  or  coined  money,  have 
been  proven  by  all  human  experience  to  be  the  best  possible  standards  of 
value,  and  that  paper  money  is  simply  a  promise  to  pay  such  coined  money, 
and  should  be  made  and  kept  equal  to  coined  money,  by  being  convertible 
on  demand. 

"Now,  the  question  is  as  to  the  time  and  mode  by  which  this  may  be 
brought  about,  and  on  this  subject  no  man  should  be  dogmatic,  or  stand, 
without  yielding,  upon  a  plan  of  his  own,  but  should  be  willing  to  give  and 
take,  securing  the  best  expedient  that  public  opinion  will  allow  to  be  adopted. 
The  purpose  and  obligation  to  bring  our  paper  money  to  the  standard  of 
coin  have  been  over  and  over  again  announced  by  acts  of  Congress,  and  by 
the  platforms  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the  country.  If  resolutions  and 
promises  would  bring  about  specie  payments,  we  would  have  been  there  long 
ago ;  but  the  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  mode  now — twelve  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war — still  leaves  our  paper  money  at  a  discount  of  five  per 
cent.  Until  this  is  removed,  there  will  be  no  new  enterprises  involving 
great  sums,  no  active  industries,  but  money  will  lie  idle,  and  watch  and  wait 
the  changes  that  may  be  made  before  we  reach  the  specie  standard. 

"  In  1869,  Congress  pledged  the  public  faith  that  the  United  States  would 
pay  coin  for  United  States  notes.  Again,  in  January,  1875,  after  more  than 
a  year's  debate,  Congress  declared  that  on  and  after  the  1st  of  January,  1879, 
the  United  States  would  pay  its  notes  in  coin. 

"  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  expressly  required  to  prepare  for,  and 
maintain,  the  redemption  cf  all  United  States  notes  presented  at  the  treasury 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  591 

on  and  after  that  date,  and  for  that  purpose  he  is  authorized  to  use  all 
the  surplus  revenue,  and  to  sell  bonds  of  the  United  States  bearing  four, 
four  and  a  half,  and  five  per  cent,  interest,  at  par  in  coin.  It  is  this  law, 
called  the  resumption  act,  now  so  much  discussed  in  the  papers,  that  imposes 
upon  the  office  I  hold  most  difficult  and  important  duties,  and  without  reply 
ing  to  any  attacks  made  upon  me,  I  am  anxious  to  convey  to  you  personally, 
what  I  have  done,  and  what  I  must  do,  in  obedience  to  the  provisions  of  this 
act.  It  is  said  that  the  law  is  defective,  but,  if  the  great  object  and  policy 
of  the  law  is  right,  the  machinery  of  the  law  could  easily  be  changed  by 
Congress.  That  resumption  can  be  secured,  and  ought  to  be  secured,  under 
this  law,  it  will  be  my  purpose  to  show  you,  and  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  point 
out  such  defects  in  the  law  as  have  occurred  to  me  in  its  execution. 

"  There  are  two  modes  of  resumption  ;  one  is  to  diminish  the  amount  of 
notes  to  be  redeemed,  which  mode  is  commonly  called  a  contraction  of  the 
currency ;  the  other  is  to  accumulate  coin  in  the  treasury,  to  enable  the  sec 
retary  to  maintain  the  notes  at  par." 

Objection  had  been  made  that  under  the  first  mode  resump 
tion  would  be  a  process  of  converting  a  non-interest  bearing 
note  into  an  interest  bearing  note,  and  that  was  true,  but  what 
right  had  we,  as  a  nation,  or  had  any  bank,  or  individual,  to 
force  into  circulation,  as  money,  its  note  upon  which  it  paid  no 
interest?  Why  ought  not  anyone  who  issued  a  promise  to  pay 
on  demand  be  made  to  pay  it  when  demanded,  or  pay  interest 
thereafter?  What  right  had  he,  in  law  or  justice,  to  insist 
upon  maintaining  in  circulation  his  note,  which  he  refused  to 
pay  according  to  his  promise,  and  which  he  refused  to  receive 
in  payment  of  a  note  bearing  interest?  A  certain  amount  of 
United  States  notes  could  be,  and  ought  to  be,  maintained  at 
par  in  coin,  with  the  aid  of  a  moderate  coin  reserve  held  in 
the  treasury,  and  to  the  extent  that  this  could  be  done  they 
formed  the  best  possible  paper  money,  a  debt  of  the  people 
without  interest,  of  equal  value  with  coin,  and  more  convenient 
to  carry  and  handle.  Beyond  this  the  issue  of  paper  money, 
either  by  the  government  or  by  banks,  was  a  dangerous  ex 
ercise  of  power,  injurious  to  all  citizens,  and  should  not  con 
tinue  a  single  day  beyond  the  necessities  that  gave  it  birth.  I 
added : 

"The  one  practical  defect  in  the  law  is,  that  the  secretary  is  not  at 
liberty  to  sell  bonds  of  the  United  States  for  United  States  notes,  but  must 


592  RECOLLECTIONS 

sell  them  for  coin.  As  coin  is  not  in  circulation  among  the  people,  he  is 
practically  prohibited  from  selling  bonds  to  the  people,  except  by  an  evasion 
of  the  law,  or  through  private  parties.  Bonds  are  in  demand  and  can  readily 
be  sold  at  par  in  coin,  and  still  easier  at  par,  or  at  a  premium,  in  United 
States  notes.  The  process  of  selling  for  United  States  notes  need  not  go 
far  before  the  mere  fact  that  they  are  receivable  for  bonds  would  bring  them 
up  to  par  in  coin,  and  that  is  specie  payments. 

"  But  the  reason  of  the  refusal  of  Congress  to  grant  this  authority,  often 
asked  of  it,  was  that  it  would  contract  the  currency,  and  this  fear  of  con 
traction  has  thus  far  prevented  Congress  from  granting  the  easiest,  plainest, 
and  surest  mode  of  resumption.  To  avoid  contraction,  it  provided  that 
national  bank  notes  may  be  issued  without  limit  as  to  amount,  and  that, 
when  issued,  United  States  notes  might  be  retired  to  the  extent  of  four- 
fifths  of  the  bank  notes  issued.  This  was  the  only  provision  for  redeeming 
United  States  notes  that  Congress  made  or  would  make,  and  this,  it  was 
supposed,  would  reduce  the  United  States  notes  to  $300,000,000  before  Jan 
uary  1,  1879.  The  actual  experiment  only  proves  the  folly  of  the  cry  we 
had  for  more  money,  more  money." 

The  second  mode  of  resuming  was  by  accumulating  coin 
gradually,  so  that  when  the  time  fixed  for  resumption  should 
arrive,  the  treasury  might  be  able  to  redeem  such  notes  as 
should  be  presented.  In  this  respect  the  resumption  act  was 
as  full  and  liberal  a,s  human  language  could  frame  it.  The 
secretary  was  authorized  to  prepare  for  resumption,  and  for 
that  purpose  to  use  the  surplus  revenue  and  sell  either  of  the 
three  classes  of  bonds,  all  of  which  in  1877  were  at  or  above 
par  in  coin.  I  said  :  "  The  power  can  be,  ought  to  be,  and  will 
be,  executed  if  not  repealed." 

This  speech  was  printed  in  the  leading  papers  in  the 
United  States  and  in  England,  and  was  regarded  by  the  pub 
lic  at  large  as  a  declaration  of  the  policy  of  the  administra 
tion,  to  enforce  the  resumption  law,  whatever  might  be  the 
current  of  opinion  developed  at  the  approaching  elections, 
which,  as  they  occurred,  were  generally  against  the  Republican 
party.  The  Democratic  party  had  taken  position  against  the 
resumption  act,  in  favor  of  the  enlarged  issue  of  United  States 
notes  and  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  The  strikes  led  to  the 
organization  of  labor  unions,  which,  though  independent  of 
political  parties,  chiefly  affected  the  Republican  party  then  in 
power. 


L 


. 

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OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  593 

Among  many  letters  received  by  me,  after  this  speech,  I  in 
sert  one  from  Mr.  Evarts : 

WINDSOR,  Vt.,  Aug.  30,  1877. 
THE  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

DEAR  MR.  SHERMAN  :  —  I  congratulate  you  upon  the  excellence  and  suc 
cess  of  your  speech  in  Ohio.  The  difficulty  of  the  undertaking  justly  en 
hances  the  credit  of  its  prosperous  treatment. 

I  inclose  a  remonstrance  from  an  '  Injustice '  on  the  subject  of  a  new 
arrangement  in  the  weighing  at  the  customhouse.  It  was  sent  to  me  at 
Washington  and  forwarded  from  there  here.  I  know  nothing  of  its  source 
and  have  no  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  supposed  project. 

The  President's  visit  has  pleased  the  people  in  New  England  amazingly. 
I  hope  to  see  you  all  in  Washington  early  next  week. 

I  am  very  truly  yours,  WM.  M.  EVARTS. 

On  the  14th  of  September,  1877,  I  sent  to  Hon.  Stanley 
Matthews  the  following  letter,  giving  my  view  of  the  position 
taken  by  General  Ewing  and  Mr.  Pendleton  : 

"  At  the  request  of  General  Robinson  I  have  directed  to  you,  in  the  care 
of  Bickham,  a  number  of  documents  for  reference  in  your  debate  with 
Ewing,  and  as  Robinson  says  you  wish  me  to  make  suggestions,  I  venture 
to  do  so,  but  without  any  confidence  that  they  can  be  of  assistance,  though 
they  can  do  no  harm. 

"  The  most  beneficial  financial  act  of  the  administration  is  the  reduction 
of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt.  The  amount  already  accomplished  is 
stated  in  my  printed  speech.  The  rapidity  of  this  process  depends  entirely 
upon  the  credit  of  the  government.  Swing's  policy  would  destroy  our 
credit  and  stop  the  process.  The  very  doubts  created  by  him  and  Pendle 
ton  have  already  damaged  the  government  very  largely.  Confidence  is  so 
sensitive  that  when  prominent  men  like  Ewing  and  Pendleton  talk  as  they 
do,  the  injury  is  immediate. 

"The  whole  difference  between  the  amount  of  silver  and  gold  at  this 
moment  is  eight  per  cent.,  so  that  the  payment  of  the  debt  in  silver  would 
lessen  the  burden  of  the  debt  eight  per  cent.,  but  under  the  funding  opera 
tions,  which  would  be  entirely  destroyed  by  anything  that  alarmed  the 
market,  we  are  enabled  to  save  thirty-three  per  cent.  Whatever  may  be  our 
right  to  pay  our  bonds,  either  in  greenbacks  or  in  silver,  this  question  of 
expediency,  as  you  very  properly  said  in  one  of  your  speeches,  is  to  be 
considered  apart  from  the  question  of  legal  power. 

"  Refunding  would  go  on  with  greatly  accelerated  speed  if  we  could  sell 
bonds  for  greenbacks.  We  make  discrimination  against  the  greenbacks  by 
refusing  to  take  them  in  payment  of  bonds.  If  I  had  the  power  to  sell 
bonds  for  greenbacks  I  could  make  greenbacks  equal  to  coin  with  scarcely 
a  perceptible  change.  That  is  the  advice  of  the  most  sagacious  men  in  the 


594  RECOLLECTIONS 

country.  I  know  it.  There  is  talk  about  the  bondholder  being  a  privi 
leged  person.  He  ought  to  be  so  no  longer,  and  the  moment  that  a  bond 
could  be  bought  with  currency  at  par  in  gold,  all  discrimination  in  favor  of 
the  bondholder  would  disappear. 

"  The  differences  among  Republicans  about  silver  will  be  settled  by  the 
use  of  the  silver  dollar  to  the  extent  that  it  can  be  kept  in  circulation  at  par 
with  greenbacks,  and  is  a  pure  question  of  detail.  The  difference  in  the 
Democratic  party  about  interconvertible  currency  is  vital,  and  Ewing's 
doctrine  overthrows  the  whole  Democratic  theory  of  finance  before  the  war. 

"  The  existence  of  the  national  banks  is  a  question  simply  of  policy  not  a 
question  of  principle.  The  right  conferred  upon  banks  to  issue  circulation 
is  not  conferred  for  their  profit,  but  for  the  public  convenience,  and  all 
Republicans  can  agree  that  that  right  should  never  be  permitted  to  exist 
except  when  it  is  for  the  public  convenience.  The  office  of  bank  notes  is 
simply  to  supply  the  ebb  and  flow  of  currency  made  necessary  by  the  wants 
of  business.  The  United  States  cannot  lend  United  States  notes,  and 
therefore  cannot  meet  this  want.  Ewing  proposes  to  destroy  the  whole 
national  bank  system,  interwoven  with  all  the  business  of  the  country.  I 
send  you  the  last  statement  of  the  national  banks.  You  can  very  easily 
show  the  effect  upon  the  reviving  industry  of  the  country  of  the  withdrawal 
of  these  loans  and  disturbing  all  this  business.  As  at  present  organized 
the  circulation  is  the  vital  thing,  and  if  the  bonds  held  by  the  banks  to 
secure  circulation  were  thrown  upon  the  market,  it  would  stop  funding  and 
compel  also  the  withdrawal  of  loans,  and  create  distress  compared  with 
which  our  present  troubles  are  mere  moonshine. 

"  I  am  afraid  you  will  think  I  am  going  on  to  make  a  speech  for  you,  so  I 
will  stop  abruptly,  with  the  promise  that  if  I  can  furnish  you  any  documents 
or  information  that  may  be  of  service  to  you  I  will  do  so  with  pleasure. 


"I  inclose  the  last  statement  of  the  national  banks  containing  many 
points  that  may  be  of  use. 

"Upon  the  question  of  resumption  I  believe  we  are  all  agreed  that  it 
must  come,  and  that  the  only  standard  value  is  gold  or  silver  coin.  The 
time  and  manner  are  the  points  of  disagreement.  Ewing  is  opposed  to  all 
resumption,  but  believes  in  printing  a  dollar  and  saying  it  is  a  dollar,  while 
all  the  world  would  know  that  the  declaration  is  a  lie.  The  fact  that  we 
luive  advanced  the  greenbacks  six  per  cent,  in  one  year,  by  the  movements 
made  under  the  resumption  act,  shows  that  it  is  working  pretty  well.  I  send 
you  a  statement  showing  the  changed  condition  in  a  year  of  our  finances. 

"  While  the  people  differ  about  the  resumption  act  there  is  time  to  change 
it  if  it  needs  change,  but  Ewing  would  go  back  and  commence  the  process 
over  again.  I  am  disposed  to  be  tolerant  about  differences  on  the  resump 
tion  act,  for  I  think  it  will  demonstrate  its  success  or  failure  before  Congress 
is  likely  to  tamper  with  it." 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  595 

On  the  21st  of  September  I  wrote  to  General  J.  S.  Kobinson 
the  following  letter,  evincing  my  anxiety  as  to  the  result  of 
the  canvass  in  Ohio,  as  it  was  then  conducted : 

"  I  am  so  deeply  impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  campaign  in  Ohio 
that  it  makes  me  uneasy  and  restless  that  I  cannot  participate  in  it. 

"  What  a  magnificent  chance  the  Republican  party  in  Ohio  now  has,  not 
only  to  place  itself  in  the  vanguard  in  the  United  States,  but  to  do  this 
country  a  service  as  great  as  any  victory  won  by  the  Union  army  during  the 
war.  Here  it  is  demonstrated  by  the  cordial  reception  of  the  President  in 
the  south,  by  his  hearty  indorsement  in  Massachusetts,  and  by  a  public  sen 
timent  now  growing  and  spreading  with  amazing  rapidity,  that  in  his  south 
ern  policy  he  has  opened  the  means  of  order,  safety,  peace  and  security  in 
all  the  southern  states. 

"  Now,  when  it  is  demonstrated  that  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  re 
sumption  were  myths  conjured  up  by  the  fantasies  of  demagogues, 
when  our  notes  are  worth  within  three  per  cent,  of  gold,  when  Provi 
dence  has  favored  us  with  boundless  crops,  and  prosperity  is  again  com 
ing  upon  us  after  a  dreary  time  of  distress  and  trial  caused  by  inflated 
paper  money,  why  is  it  that  we  cannot  see  all  these  things  and  avail 
ourselves  of  the  advantage  they  give  us  in  our  political  contest?  It 
seems  to  me  that  we  ought  to  carry  the  state  by  an  overwhelming  ma 
jority,  and  if  we  do  so  we  will  establish  the  beneficial  principles  of  our 
party  beyond  danger  of  overthrow  by  reaction,  and  we  will  secure  the 
peaceful  and  orderly  development  of  industry  without  a  parallel  in  our 
previous  history. 

"  I  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  impress  every  Republican  in  Ohio  with 
my  earnest  conviction  about  this  matter,  but  here,  constantly  occupied  by 
official  duties,  I  can  only  remain  watching  and  waiting  in  anxious  suspense 
lest  the  great  advantages  we  possess  shall  be  frittered  away  or  lost  by  inac 
tion  or  mistakes. 

"  I  know  you  will  do  your  utmost  for  success,  and  only  write  you  this  to 
show  you  how  earnestly  I  sympathize  with  you  in  your  efforts." 

The  election  in  Ohio,  in  October,  resulted  in  the  defeat  of 
William  H.  West,  Eepublican,  for  governor,  mainly  on  account 
of  his  position  as  to  labor  unions,  but  no  doubt  also  because 
of  a  feeling  of  opposition  against  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments.  Richard  M.  Bishop,  Democrat,  was  elected  gov 
ernor,  with  a  Democratic  legislature  in  both  branches,  which 
subsequently  elected  George  H.  Pendleton  as  United  States 
Senator. 


596  RECOLLECTIONS 

The  following  letter  expresses  my  view  of  the  election,  and 
the  causes  which  led  to  our  defeat : 

WASHINGTON,  October  17,  1877. 

DEAR  SIR: — Your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.  is  received* 

Your  statement  of  the  causes  of  our  defeat  in  Ohio  seems  to  me  reason 
able,  though  probably  I  would  not  agree  with  you  in  many  points  stated. 

It  is  not  worth  while  now  to  bother  ourselves  about  what  we  cannot 
help.  All  we  can  do  is  to  inquire  how  far  we  have  been  right,  and  to  that 
extent  pursue  the  right,  whether  victory  or  defeat  is  the  result.  No  party 
can  administer  a  government,  that  will  not  take  the  risk  of  temporary  de 
feat  when  it  is  pursuing  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  great  masses  of  it,  is  a 
beneficial  policy  for  the  country. 

So  far  as  the  southern  question  is  concerned,  I  feel  that  the  President 
did  right.  The  wisdom  of  his  executive  order  as  to  office  holders  depends 
upon  the  construction  given  to  it,  and  he  is  not  responsible  for  a  perverted 
construction  not  authorized  by  its  words  or  terms.  As  to  the  resumption 
policy,  the  law  is  plain  and  mandatory,  and,  more  than  all,  the  law  is  right, 
and  the  Republican  party  might  as  well  understand  first  as  last,  that  the 
question  of  resumption  is  one  higher  than  any  party  obligations  and  will  be 
pursued  by  our  adversaries  if  we  do  not.  We  can  gain  the  credit  of  success, 
but  we  can  gain  no  credit  by  retreating  on  this  vital  question.  While  the 
law  stands  nothing  is  left  but  to  execute  it,  and  for  one  I  never  would  aid 
to  alter  the  law,  except  to  make  it  more  effective,  and  would  be  very  willing 
to  retire  on  this  question  rather  than  to  surrender. 

The  only  way  is  for  us  to  go  steadily  forward,  with  a  certainty  that  public 
opinion  in  the  end  will  sustain  us  if  we  do  what  is  substantially  right.    The  Re 
publican  party  has  been  in  this  position  many  times  and  has  never  won  success 
by  retreat  and  cannot  do  so  now.     Very  truly  yours,     JOHN  SHERMAN. 
A.  P.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  Toledo,  Ohio. 

It  became  necessary  for  the  President  to  call  an  extra  ses 
sion  of  Congress,  on  account  of  the  failure  of  the  passage  of  the 
army  bill  at  the  previous  session.  Though  the  proclamation 
was  issued  on  the  5th  of  May,  1877,  Congress  was  not  con 
vened  until  the  15th  of  October  following.  Both  Houses 
met  on  the  day  appointed.  The  Senate  was  organized  by  the 
election  of  Thomas  W.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  as  president  pro 
tempore,  and  Samuel  J.  Randall,  a  Democratic  Member  from 
Pennsylvania,  was  elected  speaker  of  the  House  by  a  majority 
of  seventeen  over  James  A.  Garfield,  the  Republican  candidate. 

The  message  of  the  President  was  confined  mainly  to  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  failure  of  the  previous  Con 
gress  to  provide  for  the  support  of  the  army,  and  to  certain 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  597 

deficiencies  in  appropriations  required  for  the  government,  the 
President  stating  that  as  certain  acts  of  Congress,  providing 
for  reports  of  the  government  officials,  required  their  submis 
sion  at  the  regular  annual  session,  he  deferred  until  that  time 
any  further  reference  to  subjects  of  public  interest. 

Congress,  however,  not  being  confined  in  its  powers,  and 
having  full  jurisdiction  of  all  legislative  questions,  proceeded 
at  once  to  discuss  financial  questions  and  especially  the  meas 
ures  taken  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  No  less 
than  four  bills  were  introduced  in  the  Senate  and  fourteen 
in  the  House,  providing  for  the  repeal,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of 
the  act  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  One  of  these 
bills  was  reported  from  the  committee  on  banking  and  cur 
rency,  by  Mr.  Ewing,  on  the  31st  of  October.  It  was  the  subject 
of  debate  during  the  remaining  period  of  the  session,  and 
finally  passed  the  House  on  the  23rd  of  November,  by  the  vote 
of  133  yeas  and  120  nays.  It  repealed  all  that  part  of  the 
resumption  act  which  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  to  dispose  of  United  States  bonds,  and  to  redeem  and  can 
cel  the  greenback  currency,  or  practically  all  the  resumption 
act  except  the  clauses  for  the  substitution  of  silver  coin  for 
fractional  currency.  It  was  sent  to  the  Senate  on  the  26th  of 
November,  and  referred  to  the  committee  on  finance.  No  ac 
tion  was  taken  upon  it  during  that  session,  which  adjourned 
on  the  3rd  of  December.  The  regular  session  convened  on 
the  same  day,  with  this  bill  still  pending  in  the  committee  on 
finance.  On  the  17th  of  April,  1878,  Mr.  Ferry,  from  that  com 
mittee,  reported  back  the  bill  with  an  amendment  to  strike 
out  all  after  the  enacting  clause,  and  insert  new  matter.  After 
a  long  debate  ending  on  the  13th  of  June,  the  following 
amendment  was  adopted  as  a  substitute  for  Mr.  Ferry's  amend 
ment,  by  a  vote  of  yeas  30,  nays  29  : 

"  That  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act  United  States  notes  shall 
be  receivable  the  same  as  coin  in  payment  for  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  now 
authorized  by  law  to  be  issued ;  and  on  and  after  October  1,  1878,  said 
notes  shall  be  receivable  for  duties  on  imports." 

The  bill,  as  amended,  passed  the  Senate  by  a  large  major 
ity.  In  this  form  it  had  no  proper  relevancy  to  the  bill  as  it 

S.-42 


598  RECOLLECTIONS 

passed  the  House,  and  the  action  of  the  Senate  was  regarded 
as  a  practical  defeat  of  the  bill.  It  was  taken  up  in  the  House 
on  the  14th  of  June,  and  the  question  being  taken  on  concur 
ring  in  the  amendment  of  the  Senate,  the  vote  was  yeas  112, 
nays  122,  so  the  motion  was  disagreed  to.  On  the  17th  of 
June,  a  motion  was  made  to  suspend  the  rules  and-  proceed 
to  the  consideration  of  the  bill,  but  as  two-thirds  did  not  vote 
in  favor  of  the  motion  it  was  not  adopted,  and  the  bill  was  not 
called  up  for  action  until  the  next  session  of  Congress,  when 
Mr.  Ewing,  on  February  22,  1879,  reported  it  from  the  com 
mittee  on  banking  and  currency,  and  moved  to  concur  in  the 
Senate  amendments,  with  amendments  changing  the  date  on 
which  the  act  should  take  effect,  and  also  adding,  "  that  the 
money  hereafter  received  from  any  sale  of  bonds  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  applied  only  to  the  redemption  of  other  bonds 
bearing  a  higher  rate  of  interest,  and  subject  to  call." 

This  motion  came  too  late,  as  the  whole  subject-matter 
had  been  disposed  of  by  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  on 
the  1st  of  January  previous.  It  led,  however,  to  a  considerable 
debate  in  which  Mr.  Garfield  participated.  He  made  a  humor 
ous  allusion  to  the  revival  of  controversies  that  were  past  and 
gone  since  the  1st  of  January,  and  moved  to  lay  the  bill  and 
the  amendments  upon  the  table.  That  was  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  yeas  141,  nays  118. 

I  have  given  the  official  history  of  the  efforts  to  repeal  the 
resumption  act,  but  it  would  be  beyond  the  limits  of  this  book 
to  quote,  or  even  state,  the  copious  speeches  for  and  against 
resumption.  I  felt  secure,  for  if  such  a  bill  should  pass,  the 
executive  veto  would  prevent  any  action  by  Congress  that 
would  interfere  with  the  execution  of  the  law.  My  principal 
effort  was  to  convince  Congress  that  it  ought  not  to  interfere 
with  what  the  House  called  a  destructive  experiment,  but  what 
I  regarded  as  an  easy  and  beneficial  execution  of  existing  law. 
A  large  part  of  the  opposition  was  purely  political.  The  re 
sumption  act  was  a  Republican  measure,  voted  for  only  by  Re 
publicans.  The  Democratic  party  had,  by  the  elections  just 
previous  to  its  taking  effect,  secured  a  majority  in  the  House, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  a  few  Republican  Senators,  with  strong 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  599 

"  greenback  "  proclivities,  had  the  control  of  the  Senate  on  the 
financial  question. 

This  political  condition  in  the  fall  of  1877  tended  to  prevent 
the  sale  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  after  the  close  of  the  popular 
loan.  My  official  correspondence  with  members  of  the  syndi 
cate,  and  with  Mr.  Conant,  published  by  order  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  the  volume  "  Specie  Resumption  and 
Refunding  of  the  National  Debt,"  shows  fully  the  earnest  effort 
made  by  me  to  sell  the  four  per  cent,  bonds.  This  was  success 
ful  to  a  slight  degree  in  August  and  September,  but  sales  were 
substantially  suspended  after  that  date,  until  it  became  mani 
fest  that  the  two  Houses  could  not  agree  upon  the  repeal  of  the 
resumption  act,  or  the  remonetization  of  silver.  The  threat 
ened  measure  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and  the  fear  that 
the  bonds  would  be  paid  in  silver  coin  less  valuable  than  the 
gold  coin  paid  for  them,  tended,  more  than  the  efforts  to  repeal 
the  resumption  act,  to  prevent  the  sale  of  bonds. 

While  at  Mansfield,  in  August,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Conant,  in 
London,  as  follows : 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  August  18,  1877. 

DEAR  MR.  CONANT  : — Your  letter  of  the  4th  was  forwarded  to  me  here. 
1  notice  what  you  say  about  the  calls,  but  you  must  remember  that  out  of 
the  sales  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  we  must  provide  five  millions  gold  for  each 
of  the  months  of  September  and  October,  so  that  for  ten  millions  of  bonds 
there  must  be  no  calls.  I  should  have  informed  you  of  this  sooner,  but  neg 
lected  to  do  so  before  leaving.  The  parties  in  New  York,  and  no  doubt  the 
Rothschilds,  have  been  advised  of  it  and  agree  to  it.  Until  the  popular  sub 
scription  is  paid  for  it  will  be  difficult  to  press  the  sale  of  the  four  per  cents., 
but  I  hope  in  September  the  sales  will  commence  and  be  pushed  rapidly. 
The  movement  of  the  crop  has  already  commenced.  The  strike  seems  to  be 
ended,  with  a  better  feeling  among  laborers,  and  some  advance  in  freight. 
The  necessity  of  the  trunk  lines  combining  on  freight  is  so  clear  that  it  is 
likely  to  result  in  some  agreement  that  will  stand. 

I  made  a  speech  here  yesterday,  which  no  doubt  will  be  received  by  you 
in  the  New  York  papers  in  due  time,  and  which  contains  some  matters  affect 
ing  your  operations.  It  is  substantially  in  conformity  with  the  general  wish 
of  the  administration  as  to  financial  affairs,  and  it  might  be  well  for  you  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  Rothschilds  to  that  part  of  it  relating  to  our  loans 
and  the  basis  of  our  credit. 

I  return  next  week  to  Washington,  where  I  will  again  be  happy  to  hear 
from  you.  Very  truly,  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Secretary. 


500  RECOLLECTIONS 

Mr.  Conant  answered  as  follows : 

NEW  COURT,  ST.  SWITHIN'S  LANE,          ) 
LONDON,  E.  C.,  ENGLAND,  August  23,  1877.  J 

DEAR  MR.  SECRETARY  : — I  was  very  glad  indeed  to  receive  your  letter 
of  the  6th  instant.  I  at  once  informed  the  contracting  parties  of  what  you 
had  written  in  reference  to  the  strikes  and  riots  at  home.  The  sale  of  our 
bonds  has  not  been  directly  interfered  with  on  account  of  the  riots.  In  fact, 
the  occurrence  of  the  riots  has  almost  been  forgotten.  The  London  '  Times,' 
of  this  morning,  has,  however,  revived  the  subject  by  printing  a  letter  from 
its  Philadelphia  correspondent,  in  which  he  says  that  the  strikers,  it  is  evi 
dent,  are  to  get  into  politics  through  the  organization  of  a  party,  to  be  called 
the  '  Workingmen's  party  ; '  and  he  predicts  that  mischief  will  come  out  of 
it  through  the  control  of  the  state  governments  which  the  mob  element  may 
gain;  and -the  consequent  enactment  of  bad  laws,  etc.,  especially  against 
capital.  Another  letter  is  also  printed  (written  by  a  Mr.  Connolly),  by 
which  it  is  made  to  appear  that  America  is  in  a  terrible  financial  condition. 
These  two  letters  are  made  the  subject  of  an  editorial  which,  on  the  whole, 
is  not  very  complimentary  to  us,  nor  calculated  to  improve  our  credit.  The 
1  Times '  of  last  Monday's  date  had  an  editorial  on  the  speech  which  you 
made  in  Ohio  on  Friday  last.  I  send  you  a  copy,  and  think,  if  you  can  find 
time,  you  will  rather  enjoy  reading  the  article.  Nearly  all  of  the  English 
people,  as  you  are  aware,  believe  in  the  principle  of  '  free  trade,'  and  it  is 
but  natural  that  they  should,  for  the  reason  that  England  depends  upon  her 
great  commerce  and  her  markets  in  every  part  of  the  globe  for  the  employ 
ment  and  maintenance  of  her  people.  People  here  think  that  our  protec 
tionist  tariffs  are  not  only  detrimental  to  the  commercial  interest  of  our 
country,  but  that  they  are  of  a  suicidal  character  so  far  as  our  fiscal  policy  is 
concerned.  They  think,  in  other  words,  that  it  would  be  vastly  better  for 
the  real  interest  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  if  they  would  trade  more 
extensively  with  the  people  of  England.  What  the  '  Times '  editor  has  to 
say  about  the  balance  of  trade  will  amuse  you,  and  yet  people  talk  about 
the  advantages  of  a  balance  of  trade  as  being  an  exploded  idea.  English 
interests  are  laboring  to  effect  a  new  treaty  with  France,  under  which  large 
reductions  in  duties  are  proposed. 

I  note  what  you  are  pleased  to  say  in  regard  to  sales  of  bonds  during 
the  present  month.  With  the  price  of  bonds  at  the  present  moment  they 
cannot  of  course  be  sold.  The  parties  will  find  it  necessary  to  use  great 
caution  as  well  as  care  in  managing  the  market,  so  as  to  get  control  of  it. 
Any  attempt  to  force  the  sale  of  the  bonds  during  this,  and,  I  think, 
next,  month  will  only  operate  to  keep  the  price  so  low  that  they  cannot  be 
sold  at  all.  I  am  firm  in  the  belief  that  the  premium  on  gold  will  go  grad 
ually  lower,  and  that  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor  will  keep  forcing  it 
I  remain  your  obedient  servant, 

CHAS.  F.  CONANT. 

HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 


OF  JOHN  SHERMAN.  601 


He  again  wrote  on  the  30th  of  August : 


"  On  Tuesday  last  a  further  amount  of  gold  (£130,000)  was  withdrawn 
from  the  Bank  of  England  for  shipment  to  the  United  States,  and  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  its  stock  of  bullion  the  bank  immediately  advanced 
its  rate  to  three  per  cent.,  and  also  increased  the  price  of  American  eagles. 

"  Great  Britain  must  obtain  from  us  this  season  a  large  supply  of  bread- 
stuffs  and  grain,  larger  than  has  been  required  in  any  one  year  during 
several  years  past,  and  at  higher  prices  than  those  heretofore  paid,  and,  in 
the  present  condition  of  trade  between  the  two  countries,  gold,  to  quite  an 
extent,  will  have  to  be  sent  over  in  payment  for  these  articles.  Therefore, 
advancing  the  rate  of  interest  may  check  for  a  time,  but  will  not  stop  alto 
gether,  the  shipment  of  bullion,  but  it  may  attract  here  some  of  the  gold 
held  by  the  Bank  of  France.  The  bank  rate  does  not  govern  the  street 
rate,  and  a  further  advance  by  the  bank,  which  it  is  very  likely  may  be  made, 
is  not  to  be  considered  as  indicating  that  we  are  to  have  a  dearer  money 
market.  I  inquired  to-day  of  Mr.  Morgan  and  the  Messrs.  Rothschild  what 
they  thought  of  the  prospects  of  making  any  sales  during  next  month,  and 
their  answer  was :  '  Wait  patiently  for  the  market  to  recuperate.'  I  am 
satisfied  that  good  investment  securities  are  scarce  here  ;  that  they  have  been 
cleared  from  the  market,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  question  of  cheap  or  dear 
money  is  settled,  sales  of  the  four  per  cent,  consols  will  be  resumed.  The 
amount  of  the  sales  will  of  course  depend  upon  which  way  the  question  is 
settled.  There  were  times  during  the  placing  of  the  five  per  cent,  and  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  bonds  when,  as  you  are  aware,  operations  were  sus 
pended  for  quite  a  time,  the  condition  of  the  market  being  such  as  to  pre 
vent  anything  being  done.  From  semi-official  accounts  it  appears  that  the 
famine  in  India  is  a  very  serious  affair,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  large 
sums  of  money  will  be  required  from  here  with  which  to  purchase  supplies." 

My  experience  thus  far  convinced  me  that  it  was  bad  public 
policy  to  continue  the  sale  of  bonds  for  refunding  purposes 
through  a  syndicate  of  bankers,  the  chief  of  whom  resided  in 
London.  I  could  see  no  reason  why  this  function  could  riot 
be  performed  by  national  banks,  better  than  by  bankers  at 
home  or  abroad.  A  question  arose  whether  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  had  the  power  to  designate  national  banks  as 
public  depositaries  of  the  proceeds  of  bonds  sold  under  the  re 
sumption  and  refunding  acts.  The  object  to  be  gained  by  this 
designation  was  to  prevent  the  withdrawal  of  coin  from  circu 
lation,  and  the  undue  accumulation  of  coin  in  the  treasury 
of  the  United  States.  If  the  exchange  of  one  bond  by  an 
other  could  be  directly  effected  through  the  banks  without  the 


602  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

payment  of  coin,  it  would  facilitate  the  process  of  refunding.  I 
submitted  this  inquiry  to  Attorney  General  Devens,  and  on  the 
30th  of  August  he  stated  his  opinion  and  closed  as  follows : 

"  In  answer  to  your  inquiry,  I  have,  therefore,  the  honor  to  say  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  *  Treasury,  if  he  deems  it  expedient  as  a  matter  of  adminis 
trative  policy,  may  sell  bonds  under  the  act  known  as  the  'refunding'  and 
*  resumption'  acts,  depositing  the  amounts  received  therefrom  with  such 
public  depositaries  as  he  may  select  under  the  national  bank  act,  taking  such 
security  as  is  required  by  the  statutes." 

The  last  of  the  popular  subscriptions  for  the  four  per  cent, 
bonds  became  due  on  the  16th  of  October,  and  all  were  paid 
for  but  three  subscriptions  aggregating  $1,600,  and  these  were 
assumed  by  the  syndicate.  The  bonds  had  been  paid  for  by 
the  syndicate  either  by  called  six  per  cent,  bonds,  which  were 
canceled,  or  in  gold  coin  deposited  in  the  treasury,  without  the 
loss  of  a  dollar.  The  called  session  of  Congress,  which  met  on 
the  15th  of  October,  and  the  agitation  of  the  repeal  of  the  re 
sumption  act  and  the  remonetization  of  silver,  prevented  for 
the  time  any  further  sales  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  by  the 
government. 


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